Skip to main content

Full text of "History of Dharmasastra (Ancient and mediaeval Religious and Civil Law), v.5.2, 1st edition, 1962"

See other formats





Prepared under the Supervision of the 
Publication Depa.vtw.ent of the 
Bhandarkar Oriental 
Research Institute 

Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute 


fccimtraftil (VksU.iI ^-Hr- i'tos*. fi, So. u 




BhUdarkar Oriental Research Institute. POONA 4 

Copies can be had direct fiom the Bhandarkar Oriental 
Research Institute, Poona 4 ( India ) 

Price Rs ©O per ©opy exclusive of Postage 

***«* P ricr Rs . 8o _ Qo 

Vol. V, Part 2 

Payes 71D-17U of Ihc Text and pp. I lo XXII of the Epilogue 

printed by Shri K G. Sharangpani, at the Aryabhushan Press, 

915/1 Slmajwngar, Poona 4 


the Prefatory matter and the Index printed by the 

IJInndarfcar Oriental Research Institute Press, Poona 4 


) nblishcd by Dr It. N. Dnndckar, M. a, t'li n, Hon. Secretary, 

Uh indarV.ur Oriental Research Institute, Poona 4. 

ii Htdory of Dharmaf&sttfa 

It transcends the distinction of subject and object, the 
duality which is essential for knowledge 

The absolute of experience is not the absolute of 
language or of logic. The Real to which we belong is 
beyond description in its majesty, power and glory. 
Spiritual humility requires us to look upon the varied 
expressions and interpretations as suggestions of the 
Supreme. By encouraging dogmatism and the use of 
force to spread belief, religions have become discredited. 

The seers affirm that they are one with the Sup- 
reme : ahaih brahmasmi. Hallaj exclaims . " I am the 
truth " and was executed for his heterodoxy. 

A well-known Sufi tradition attributes to the pro- 
phet a saying : " He who knows the self knows the 
Lord ". Of Abu Yazid it is recorded that he said : " I 
sloughed off my self as a snake sloughs off its skin ; 
then I looked into my self, and lo, I was He " - 1 Reli- 
gion, it is said, springs from the great ' I am ' in each 
' me '. The fountains are within. 

On the pathway to the goal we feel that the 
attainment of the goal is conditioned by the effort of 
the seeker and the grace of God — tapah-prabhava and 

The seekers look upon the Supreme as a Person 
separate from us, whose commands we obey, whose will 
we accept with reverence. The One beyond sense-per- 
ception, speech and logic is also the Controller, the 
Lord of all, the Creator and Ordainer of all. " There is 
nothing marvellous in my love for you, O God, you- are 
a mighty being but your love for me a poor slave is 
really marvellous. It is impossible_to know thee and 
not to love thee. " The personal is not a falsification of 

1 Cf Brhaduranyala Upammd IV 4 7. 

iv History of Dharmasdstra 

Vyavasaydtmikd buddhw eke 'ha kurunandana. The 
trained understanding is single-minded. Integrity 
refers to the quality of oneness. It does not mean 
alienation from the world. Religion does not mean 
other-worldiness, separating oneself from all created 
things. It is denial of egoism. Turning one's back on 
the world is a part of ascetic discipline which is not an 
end in itself. Liberation from the tyranny of time is 
not liberation from time. When we become spiritual 
in outlook we do not cease to be human. 

The secret of true greatness is love of fellowmen. 
Love of neighbour is not only a moral duty but a wise 
policy. The right course today is co-operation and not 
conflict. " What merit is there in the goodness of a 
man who returns good for good ? A good man verily 
is one who returns good for evil. nl Rdmardjya or the 
Kingdom of God is the ideal for the human community. 
The one hope for the peoples of the world to get to- 
gether is a change in the human heart. 

Ethical standards are the only criteria for the 
distinction between high and low ,among men. Purity 
of conduct elevates a man even as impurity degrades 
him All other distinctions are irrelevant The Chdn- 
dogya Upamsad refers to patitas. The Candalas are 
those given to stealing, drinking, adultery and murder. 
These four are fallen ete patanti catvarah* A patita, 
a fallen man, is a wicked man, a small-minded selfish 
man, not an untouchable. 

The caste distinctions may have had their value in 
another context of society but we have out-grown it. 

1 upalansu yah sadhuli sSdhnlvo tasya l.o gunah \ 
apal.iinm yah sadhuh sa sadhiih sadbhir negate l| 

2. V 10. 9 

Foreword v 

The Bhagavadgita speaks of the four-fold classification 
as based on guna ( character ) and karma ( work ). 

We are all unregenerate at birth and become re- 
generate by our effort. 

janmana jayate sudrah 
samsMrad dvija ucyate \ 

Some are advanced ; others not. We should give 
equal facilities to all. The Mahdbhdraia says that there 
•was only one varna at the beginning and the four castes 
arose out of later developments. / 

ekavarnam idam purvam visvam dsld yudhisfliira i 
karma-kr iyd-mbhedena caturvarnyarii pralis}hitam \\ 

But we have come to base caste on birth though some 
of our leading writers have held that it is not birth or 
learning but conduct alone that constitutes its basis ; 
for dvijatva, 

vpttam eva tu kdranam i 
vedcvpafhena vvpras tu brahmajndndt tu brahmanah \\ 
It is not the colour of the skin but the conduct of the 
person that counts. The only way to progress is by 
means of good conduct. The Sarhvarta-Smrti says : 
sadaodrena devaPoam rsitvarh vai taihaiva ca i 
prdpnwmnti kuyonitvam mcmusyds ladviparyaye \\ 
Great achievement is possible for each one of us. 

Professor Kane brings out with great learning and 
lucidity the frequent changes our society has passed 
through. When Manu ( I. 85 ) tells us that different 

ST" !T* ailed in different ages he su sg ests that tta 

!!!^^^^ Social 

vi History of Bhai'masdstra 

customs and institutions are subject to change Yajna- 
valkya tells us that " one should not practise that 
which, though ordained by the Smrto, is condemned by 
the people." 1 What appeals to one's conscience, 
atmanas tustih, the conscience of the disciplined, not of 
the superficial, the forms which the elect praise, 2 should 
be our standard. 

Vital changes may be introduced in the habits of 
the people by parisads or assemblies of the learned. 
When such assemblies cannot be constituted even the 
decision of one learned in dharma will be authoritative. 
The Apastamba Dharmasutra says dharmajna-samayah 
pramanam. 3 People who are learned and compassionate, 
who are practical-minded can decide the issues of right 
and wrong. They are the conscience of the commu- 
nity. What we are doing by legislative enactments is 
consistent with our tradition. 

S. Radhakrishnan 

1 I 136 

2 yam aryilh Jrtyamilnam lu iamsanli. 

3 1112 


The fourth volume of the History of Dharma^dstra 
was published in October 1953, i.e. more than eight 
years ago. This last volume was in the Press for more 
than five years. The delay is due to several causes 
This volume in two parts contains over 1700 pages. It 
is thus far more bulky than any of the previous volumes. 
Nonavailability of sufficient quantity of good printing 
paper was another cause. The third cause was my age 
( I am now 82 years old ) and frequent bad health. 
It is gratifying to my friends and myself that at last 
this undertaking spread over thirty-seven years is 

This volume is divided into ten sections. The first 

section deals with Vratas and Utsavas ( religious vows 

and festivals •) ; the second with Kala ( time ), Muhurta 

(auspicious times ), and calendar ; the third with 

Santis ( propitiatory rites for averting the wrath of a 

deity, a calamity or unlucky event ) ; the fourth and 

fifth with Puranas and Dharmasastra and the causes of 

the disappearance of Buddhism from India ; the sixth 

with Tantrik doctrines and Dharmas'astra ; the seventh 

with Mimamsa and Dharmas'astra ; the eighth with 

Sankhya, Yoga, Tarka and Dharmasastra ; the ninth 

with cosmology, Karma and Punarjanma ; the tenth 

with the fundamental conceptions and characteristics of 

Hindu ( Bharatiya ) culture and civilization, and future 


In the Preface to the 2nd volume I have indicated 
the reasons for numerous and lengthy Sanskrit quota- 
tions In the Preface to the 4th volume I have mentio- 
ned the aim I had in view in bringing together the facts 

viii History of Dharmaiastra 

in each branch of Dharmaiastra with detachment and 
integrity and -without bias. The same aim and mental 
attitude have been kept in view in this volume also. 
But it may be argued that when an author selects 
some of the numerous facts he passes a judgement 
about the importance of facts and his judgement may 
be biased all the same. I do not dispute this argu- 
ment, but will only argue that, facts being numerous 
and there being limitations imposed by the space 
available, the author has a right to pronounce a judge- 
ment as to the importance of the facts he selects. 

As regards volumes two, three and four, I could 
rely on a tower of strength in the person of Parama- 
hamsa Svami Kevalananda Sarasvati of Wai. But, 
unfortunately the Svami passed away in March 1955 
before I began to write this last volume, and I 
could not get the benefit of his wise counsel in this fifth 

In this last volume I received help from many 
people, either personally or by correspondence. I have 
to thank Mr. M. B. Arte, Dr. R. N. Dandekar, and 
Prof. EL. D. Velankar for help in translating impor- 
tant passages from several French and German works. 
Prof. Gode, Curator of the Bhandarkar Oriental Resea- 
rch Institute, Poona, was always ready to render help 
as to manuscripts and books. He had been a close 
friend for nearly forty years and his sudden death has 
meant for me the loss of a learned, sympathetic, and 
ever-obliging friend. Dr. A. D. Pusalker very carefully 
read the chapters on Puranas and indicated several mis- 
prints and some inaccurate statements. Dr. Raghavan 
very kindly brought to my notice the calendars in use 
in Southern India and certain works on Vratas ; Pandit 
Srijiva Nyayatlrtha sent me in Sanskrit the Naiyayika 
view on Kala ; Miss BLunda Sathe ( now Mrs. Savkar ) 



kindly sent me from Paris information from French 
scholars on Babylonian, Assyrian and Greek astronomy. 
I am highly obliged to Dr. B. S. Joshi for sending me 
microfilms of certain papers (not available m India) 
from Cambridge and Chicago. Prof Durgamohan Bha- 
ttacharya kindly sent me a copy of the Ralarsiddkantar I am under deep obligations to Svami Kuva- 
layananda of Lonavla for reading my chapter on Yoga 
and suggesting valuable changes and amendments. Prof. 
Zala g°ave me details about the Vratas observed in 
Saurastra. Prof. G. H. Bhatt ( Baroda ) and Mr. S. D. 
Katre ( Curator, Scindia Institute, "Ujjain ) very kindly 
showed me the manuscript- w ealth of their Institutes 
and helped me with the contents of several relevant 
mss. on Vratas and Kala. Shri Padesastrl of Baroda 
discussed with me, personally and by correspondence, 
several points about Ancient Hindu Astronomy. 
MM. Dr. Umesh Mishra brought to my notice his edi- 
tion of the Vxjnanadipika of Padruapada and Dr. H. G. 
Narahari wrote to me about the Prarabdha-dhvantctr 
vidhvamsana of Acyutar&ya and sent me off-prints of 
his papers thereon. Mr. Shankarrao Joshi of the 
Bharata Itibasa Sari^odhaka Mandala of Poona helped 
me by bringing to my notice hand-written calendars 
more than two hundred years old. To all these I offer 
my best thanks. I am highly obliged to Mr. S. N. Savadi 
b. a. ( hohs. ) of the Bhandarkar Oriental Research 
Institute for help in the correction of the proofs of 
this volume. I have to thank Mr. P. M. Purandare, 
Advocate (O. S.), Bombay High Court, Tarkatirtha 
Baghunathasastri Kokje of Lonavla, and Dr. Bhaba- 
tosh Bhattacharya for reading the printed sheets and 
making suggestions and pointing out misprints. 
Mr, N. G. Chapekar, in spite of his being now 
over 91 years of age, read some chapters when they 

were only typewritten, and discussed them personally 

x History of Dhavmaiastra 

with me for some hours. To him I owe a deep debt 
of gratitude for having taken so much trouble at such 
a very advanced age. I am highly obliged to Dr. A. 
Ghosh, Director-General of the Archaeological Survey 
of India, and to the Librarian Mr. L. G. Parab and the 
staff of the Archaeological Library for rendering all 
help to me while I had been collecting material for 
this volume 

I cannot find words adequate enough to express 
my sense of deep gratitude to Dr. Radhakrishnan, now 
President of India, who has favoured me with many 
kindnesses during the last fourteen years. As for this 
volume of the Histwy of Dhovrmaidstra,, in the midst 
of numerous engagements and heavy work, he found 
time to look into its last two chapteis, made vital sug- 
gestions for their improvement, and finally contributed 
a learned Foreword. 

I am aware that, in spite of so much help rendered 
by so many friends and well-wishers, this large volume 
might contain many mistakes, for which I alone am 
responsible. In the process of printing, some diacritical 
marks have either been elided or placed in wrong places, 
for which I seek the indulgence of all scholars and 

Lastly, I thank the Manager of the Aryabhushan 
Press of Poona for carrying out with energy and zeal 
the work of printing this very large volume bristling 
with thousands of quotations, in the face of great diffi- 
culties caused by shortage of paper, the Poona floods, 
and other unforeseen happenings 

Bombay, July 1962 P. V. Kank. 

of some important works and authors . 
referred to in vol. V. 

K B. Some dates, particularly of ancient works, are 
more or less conjectural. 

4000 B. C -1000 B. C— The period of the Vedic Sam* 
hitas, Brahmanas and Upanisads ; some hymns of 
the Rgveda, of the Atharvaveda and verses in the 
Taittiriya Samhita and Brahmanas may possibly go 
back to a period earlier than 4000 B. C. and some* 
of the Upanisads ( even from among those that are* 
regarded by most scholars as the earliest ones J 
may be later than 1000 B. C. . Some scholars have 
criticized me for assigning the Vedic Sariibitas t& 
such an early date as 4000 B. G. Bloomfield, in 
• Religion of the Veda' (New York, 1908 ) was will- 
ing ( on p. 20 ) to regard 2000 B. C. for the begin- 
nings of Vedic literary productions and to assign a 
much earlier date for institutions and religious 
concepts which the Veda derived and he denies 
that there is any better proof for any later date 
such as 1C00, 1200 or 1000 BC rather than for 
one of the earlier viz. 2000 B. C. Winternitz ( in 
' Some problems of Indian Literature ' which are 
his Calcutta Readership Lectures, p. 20 ) remarks 
' it is more probable that this un'known time of the 
Vedic Literature was nearer 2500 B. C. or 2000 
B. C. than to 1500 or 1200 B. C " Both Bloomfield 
and Winternitz frankly confess that they know" 
nothing at all about the date of the early Vedic 
Literature. Some Western scholars are rather 
too cocksure or dogmatic than the facts warrant. 

xii History of Dharmatiastra 

They mostly rely on comparisons with other extant 
Indo-Aryan literatures and conjectures, which is 
not proof. 

800 B. C.-500 B. C— The Nirukta of Yaska. 

800 B. C.-400 B. O. — The principal Srauta sutras (such 
as those of AsValayana, Apastamba, Baudhayana, 
Katyayana and Satyasadka ) and some of the 
Grhyasutras ( such as those of Asvalayana and 
Apastamba ) and Vedanga Jyotisa. 

500 B. G -300 B. C. — The Dharmasutras of Gautama, 
Apastamba, Baudhayana and Vasi§tha and the 
Grhyasutras of Paraskara and a few others. 

500 B. C.-300 B. C— Panini. 

500 B. C.-200 B. G.— The Bhagavad-glta. 

400 B. G.-200 B. G. — The Purvmlmamsa-sutra of Jai- 

300 B. G.-200 B G— The Vartikas of Vararuci Katya- 
yana on Panini's Grammar. 

300 B. O -100 A. D.— The Artha&stra of Kautilya 
( rather nearer the former date than the latter ). 

200 B. C -100 A. D.— The Manusmrti. 

150 B. C.-100 A. D.— The Mahabhasya of PataQjali 
( rather nearer the former date than the latter ). 

100 B. O.-100 A. D. — Upavarsa, author of a commen. 
tary on Purvamlmamsa and Vedantasutra. 

100 B. G.-300 A. D — Patafijali, author of Yogasutra. 

100 A. D.-300 A D.— Yajnavalkya-smiti and the Visnu. 

100 A. D.-400 A. D. — Naradasmrti. 

200 A. D.-400 A. D.— Sahara, author of bhasya on P. 

M. S. ( nearer the former date than the latter ). 
250 A. D.-325 A. D.— Sankhyakarika of Isvarakrsna. 
300 A. D.-500 A D. — Brhaspatismrti on Vyavahara 

Chronological Tabic 


and other topics (not yet found); extracts on 
Vvavahara are translated in S. B. B. Vol. 33 and 
extracts from Brkaspatismrti on many topics were 
collected by Prof. Bangaswami Aiyangar and pub- 
lished in a volume in G. O. S. 
300 A D -600 A. D.-some of the extant Puranas such 
as Vayu, Brahmanda, Visnu, Matsya, Markandeya. 
400 A. D.-500 A. D.— Matharavrtti on Sankhyakarika. 
400 A. D.-500 A. D.— The Yogasutrabhasya of Vyasa. 
476 A. D.-Aryabbata, author of Aryabhatlyam, was 

500 A. D.-575 A. D.— Varahamihira, author of Brhat- 
samhita, Brhajjataka, Pancasiddhantika and other 
550 A. D.-700 A. D — Yuktidipika, com. on Sankhya- 
600 A.D.-650 A. D.— Bana, author of the Kadambarl 

and Harsacarita. 
650 A. D.-660 A. D.— Kasika of Vamana and Jaya- 

ditya, com. on Panim's grammar ( was composed ) 
650 A. D.-700 A. D.— Kumarilabhatta, author of Sloka- 

vartika, Tantravartika, Tuptaka. 

600 A. D.-900 A. D.— Most of the metrical smrtis such 

as those of Paras"ara, Sankha and Devala and some 

of the Puranas like Visnudharmottara, Agni, 


680 A. D.-725 A. D.— Mandana ( vide p. 1198 of vol. 

700 A. D.-750 A. D.—Gaudapada, author of a commen- 
tary on Sankhyakarika and pa/ramaguru ( guru's 
guru ) of Sankaracarya. 
700 A. D.-750 A. D -Umbeka ; vide vol. V p. 1198 
710 A. D.-770 A. D.-Salikanatha (vide vol. V p. 1198 ) 

xiv History of Dharmasastra 

J"88 A. D.-820 A. D. — JDankaracary a, author of Bhasyas 
on the Gita> principal Upamsads and V. S. 

780 A. D.-870 A. D. — Utpala, the encyclopedic comm- 
entator on Varahamihira's works. . 

79(3 A. D.-850 A. D — Visvarupa, the commentator of 
Yajfiavalkyasmrti, author of Vartika on the Bha- 
syas of Sankaiacarya on Bihadaranyakopanisad and 
the Taittirlyopamsad and of the Naiskarmyasiddhi ; 
the same as Sure£vara ( after he became a Sannya- 
sin ) . 

820 A. D.-900 A. D. — Vacaspati, author of bhasya on 
Yogasiitra, author of Nyayakanika, Tattvasamiksa, 
Bhamati ( m all 7 works ) . 

825 A. D-900 A D.— Medhatithi, author of bhasya on 

the Manusmiti. 
900 A D.-1100 A D. — Parthasarathimisra, author of 

Sastradipika, Tantraratna, jSyayaratnakara. 

1005 A. D.-1055 A. D. — Dharesvara Bhoja, author of 
numerous works such as the Rajamartanda ( on 
astrology ), Yuktikalpataru, Bajainartanda ( a com- 
mentaiy on Yogasiitra ) . 

1050 A. D.-1150 A. D. — Bhavanatha or Bhavadeva, 

author of Nayaviveka. 
1080 A. D -1100 A D — Vyuanesvaia, author of Mita- 

ksaia, commentary on Yaj. 
il00 A. D.-1130 A. D. — Laksmidhara, author of a very 

extensive digest on Dharmasa3tra called Kalpataru 

or Kityakalpataru. 
1100 A.D.-1130 A.D— Apararka, a Silakara king, 

author of an extensive commentary on Yaj 
1100 A. D.-1150 A. D.— Jlmutavahana, author of Daya- 

bhaga, Kalaviveka and Vyavaharaniatrka. 
1127 A. D-11S8 A D.— Manasollasa or Abhilasitartha- 

ciutamam of Somesvaradeva. 

Chronological Tabic xv 

1114 A. D.-1183 A. D.— Bhaskaracfu-ya, author of Sid- 

dbantasiromani ( born in 1114 A. D. ). 
1150 A. D. - 1160 A. D.— Kajatarangini of Kalhana 

( composed between these dates ). 
1150 A. D.-1180 A. D.— Aniruddhabbatta, author of 
Haralata and Pitrdayita and guru of Ballalasena, 
king of Bengal. 
1158 A. D.-1183 A D — Ballalasena ( king of Bengal 
■who composed five works of which two are available 
and printed viz. Adbhutasagara ( begun in 1168 
A. D. ) and the Danasagara composed in 1169 A. D. 
1150 A. D -1300 A. D— Haradatta, __commentator of 
Dkarmasutras of Gautama and Apastamba and of 
some Grhyasutras. 
1150 A, D.-1300 A. D.—Kulluka, commentator of Ma- 

1200 A. D.-1225 A. D.— Smrticandrika of Devanna- 

1260 A. D.-1270 A. D. — Caturvargaeintamaniof Hema- 

dri ( composed between these dates ). 
1275 A. D.-1310 A. D.— Sridatta, author of Pitrbhakti, 

Samayapradxpa and other works. 
1300 A. D.-1370 A. T>.— Candesvara, author of Grhas- 
tharatnakara, Kityaratnakara, Vyavahararatnakara 
and other works. 
1300 A. D.-1386 A. D.— Madhavacarya, author of Jai- 
mmiyanyayamalavistara, Parasaramadhaviya and 
other works. 
1300 A. D.-1386 A. D.— Sayana, author of bhasyas of 

Vedic Samhitas and Brahmanas. 
1360 A. D.-1390 A. D.— Madanaparijata and Maharna- 
vaprakasa compiled under king Madanapala and nis 

1360 A.D.-1448 A.D.— These are the dates of the 

xvi History of Dliarms astro, 

birth and death of Vidyapati, author of Ganga- 
vakyavali and other works, patronized by several 
'kings of Mvbhila. 

1375 A. D -1450 A D. — Sulapani, author of Dlpakalika, 
Tithiviveka, Ekadaslviveka and several works on 
topics of Dharmasastra called Vivekas. 

1425 A. D.-1450 A. D.— King Madanasimha, completed 
a laige digest called Madanaratna. 

1375 A D.-1500 A. D — Digest composed by Prthvl- 
-candra, son .of Nagamalla, called Dharmatattvasu- 

1400 A. D.-1450 A. D. — Nyayasudha of SomesVara, a 

> commentary on Tantravartika. 

1425 A. D.-1460 A D. — Rudradhara, author of Varsa- 
krtya, Suddhiviveka and other works. 

1425 A. D.-1490 A. D.— Vacaspati, author of Kitya- 
cmtamani and numerous works called dntamani 
and some works called Nirnaya ( e. g Tithmirnaya ). 

1"440 A. D.-1500 A. D — Vardhamana, author of Danda- 
viveka, Gangakrtyaviveka and other works. 

1513 A. D.-1580 A. D.— Narayanabhatts, author of 

Tristhallsetu, Prayogaratna etc. 
1520 A. D.-1575 A. D. — Raghunandana, author of many 

works called Tattvas, such as Tithitattva, Ekadail- 

tattva etc 
1554 A. D.-1626 A. D. — Appayyadiksita, author of 

Vidhirasayana and numerous works on different 

s"astras and topics ( vide p. 1199 above ). 
1560 A. D.-1620 A. D. — Sankarabhatta, son of Nfira- 

yanabhatta and author of Dvaitanirnaya, Mltnam- 

sElbalaprakasa and other works. 
1590 A. D -1630 A D. — Nandapandita, author of Dvai- 

tamrnaya, Vaijayant! ( commentary on Visnudhar- 

masutra ) . 

Chronological Table xvii 

1600 A.D.-1665 A.D. — Khandadeva, author of Bhatta- 

kaustubha and Bhattadipika. 
1610 A. D.-1640 A. D.-— Time of literary activity of 

Kamalakarabhatta, author of Nirnayasindhu, Sudra- 

kamalakara and many other works. 
1610 A. D.-1640 A. D.— Mitramisra, author of a huge 

digest called Viramitrodaya on tlrtha, puja, samaya 

and many other topics of DharmasTistia. 
1615 A.D.-1645 A.D.—Tiroe of literary activity of 

Nilakantha, son of Sankarabhatta, and author of a 

digest on topics of Acara, Samskara, Vyavahara 


1620 A. D.-1690 A. D.— ViSvesVara, alias Gagabhatta, 
author of Bhattacintamani and other works. 

1645 A.D.-1675 A. D— Probable period of the lite- 
rary activity of Anantadeva, author of a large 
digest called Smrtikaustubha. 

1700 A. D.-1740 A. D.— Smrtimuktaphala of Vaidya- 

167.0 A. D.-1750 A. D.— Nagesa or Nagojibhatta, an 
encyclopaedic writer on Grammar, Poetics, Dharma- 
£astra, Yoga and other Sastras ( about 47 works ) . 

1790 A. D.— date of the composition of the Dharma- 
sindhu by Kaslnatha Upadhyaya. 

1730 A.D.-1820 A.D.— Balambhatta, author of a 
commentary called Balambhatti on the Mitaksara. 

used in vol. V for works in English and Sanskrit. 

On pp. 251-252 there is a list of abbreviations 
meant for the list of Vratas alone. Many of them will 
be included in this list also. 

A. B. O. R. I = Annals of the Bhandarkar Oriental Re- 
search Institute, Poona. 

AIHT = " Ancient Indian Historical Tradition" by 

Ait. Br. = Aitareya-brahmana. 

A. I. O. C. = All India Oriental Conference. 

A. K. = Ahalya-kamadbenu ( ms. ) 

Ap Dh. S. = Apastambadharmasutra. 

Ap. Sr. S = Apastamba Srautasutia. 

AsV. Gr. = Alvalayana Grhya-sQtra. 

A. S. W. I. = Archaeological Survey of Western India 


B. D. C. R. I. = Bulletin of the Deccan College Research 

Institute, Poona. 

B. E. = * Buddhist Esoterism ' by Dr. B. Bhattacharya. 
B.E. P. E.O. = Bulletin de L'Ecole Prancaise D' Ex- 

B. G. = Bombay Gazetteer Volumes. 
B. G. S. = Bombay Government Series. 
Bhav. U. = Bhavisyottara-purana. 
B. I. = Bibliotheca Indioa Series. 
B. O. R. 1. = Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute, 

Br. = Brahmana ( class of works ) . 

Abbreviations six 

Br. S. <= Brhat-samhita of Varaharuihiua. 

Br. Up. = Brbadaranyaka Upanisad. 

B. V. = Bharatiya Vidyii, Journal, Bombay. 

0. 1. 1. = Corpus Inscriptionum Indicarum ; Vol. I As"oka 

Inscriptions ; Vol. II Kharoslhi Inscriptions ; 

Vol. Ill Gupta Inscriptions ; Vol. IV Kalaciiri 


G. R. 0. = Calendar Reform Committee ( Report of ) . 

D. C. = Deccan College. 

E. I. = Epigraphia Indica ( Volumes ) . 

E. R. E. = Encyclopaedia of Religion and Ethics in 12 

E. S. A. = ' Exact Sciences in Antiquity ' by Prof. Neu- 
gebauer (1951 ). 

Gaut. or Gautama = Gautarna-dharmasutra. 

G. K. = Kalasara of Gadadhara. 

G. 0. S. = Gaikwad's Oriental Series ( Baroda ). 

H. = Prof. Hazra. 

H. of Dh, or H. Dh. = History of Dharmas'astra, Vols. 

H. 0. S = Harvard Oriental Series. 

H. P. or H. Y. P. = Hathayogapradipika. 

H. V. = Hemadri on Vratas. 

I. A = Indian Antiquary ( Journal ) or Law Reports, 

Indian Appeals (context will clearly show which is 

meant ) . 

I. H. Q. = Indian Historical Quarterly ( Journal ) . 
Jai. = Jaimini or Jaiinini's Purvamimarfasa-sutra. 
J. A. 0. S. = Journal of the American Oriental Society. 
J. A S. or J. A. S. B. = Journal of the Asiatic Society 
of Bengal. * 

J. B. A.. S. = Journal of the Asiatic Society, Bombay. 

ss History of Dharmasaaira 

J. B. B. R. A. S. = Journal of the Bombay Branch of the 

Royal Asiatic Society. 
J. B. H. U. = Journal of the Benaras Hindu University 
J. B. O. R. S. = Journal of the Bihar and Oiissa Resea- 
rch Society. 

J. B R. S. = Journal of the Bihar Research Society. 
J. G. J. R. I. = Journal of the Ganganath Jha Research 

Institute, Allahabad. 
J I.H = Journal of Indian History. 
Jiv. = Jivananda's edition in two volumes of Rasrhu- 

nandana's Tattvas. 
J. N. = Jayantinirnaya. 
J U. P. H. S. = Journal of United Provinces Historical 

J. O R. = Journal of Oiiental Research, Madras. 
J. R A. S = Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society of 

Great Britain. 
J. V. O. T. = Journal of Venkatesvara Oriental Institute 
K. N. = Kalanirnaya of Madhava. 
K. R = Kityaratnakara of Candesvara. 
K. S. S = Kashi Sanskrit Series. 
K. T. = Krtyatattva. 
K. T. V. = Kalatattvavivecana. 
K. V. = ELalaviveka. 
M. B. P. = Mimamsa-bala-prakas'a. 
M. G. = Muhurta-cmtamani. 
M. L. J. = Madras Law Journal. 
Mit. = Mitaksara, commentary on Yajfiavalkya-smrti. 
M. M. = Mahamahopadhyaya (title conferred on learned 

men ). 
M. M. = Muhiirtamartanda ( a work ) . 
Nir. or. Nirn. = Nirnayasagara Press edition. 

Abbreviations xxi 

N. I. A.. = New Indian Antiquary ( a journal ) . 

N. S. = Nirnayasindhu. 

Par. Gr. = Paraskara-grhya-sutra. 

P. C.^Purusartha-cintamani. 

Ph. Up. = Philosophy of the Upanishads by Paul Deu- 

ssen, translated by A. S. Geden. 
P. M. = Purvamlmamsa. 

P. M. S. =s PurvaniTinamsa-sastra or sufcra ( according to 
context ) . 

P. 0. = Poona Orientalist ( journal ) . 

P. R. H. R. = Studies in Puranik Records on Hindu 

rites and customs ( collection of 16 papers by Prof. 

Hazra ) . 


R. M. = Rajamartanda of Bhoja ( Ms. in B. O. R. I. ). 

R. N. P. = R&janltiprakasa of Candesvara. 

San. Sr. S. = Sankhayana-srauta sutra. 

Sat. Br. = Satapatha Brahmana ( ed. by Weber ) . 

S.B.E. = Sacred Books of the Bast Series ( ed. by 

MaxMuller ) . 
S. M. = Samayamayukha of Nilakantha. 
Sm. C. = Smrti-candrika ( ed. by Mr. Gharpure ). 
Sm. K. = Smrtikaustubha. 
Tai. A. or T. A. = Taittirlya Aranyaka. 
Tai. Br. = Taittirlya Brahmana. 
Tai. S. or T. S. = Taittirlya-Samhita. 
Tai. Up. = Taittirlya Upanisad. 
T. S. S. = Trivandrum Sanskrit Series. 
T. T. -Tithitattva of Raghunandana. 
U. = Upapurana. 
Up. = Upanisad. 
Vaj. S. = Vajasaneya Sarhhita. 

ssli History of Dlia/rmaiastra 

Var. = Varahapucana. 

VariLha = Varahamihira. 

V. Dh. or Visau Dh S. = Visnudharmasutra. 

Vi Dh. = Visnu-Dharmottara-purana. 

V. K. K. = Varsa-kriya-kaumudl. 

V. K. R,. = Varsakitya of Rudradhara. 

V. S. = Vedantasutra of Badarayana. 

Y. S. = Yogasutra. 

Yaj. = Yajnavalkya-smiti. 

„ _ ^ \ - 3T^rr«W% ( Ms. in Soindia Institute, TJjjain ) 

3TJ ^ 5> j = zfa&W ( STH^TSW ed. ) 

3T«lf . = siart^ ( ed. by Pandit Satavalekar ) 
srrof . = Com. of, on ^rr *5ft ( 3TR^I«TT ed. ) 
3T. m. = ar^^Err'R of gssra^r ( Calcutta, 1905 ) 
3TT7. *l~ = 3TN*l**l J i41*i?i 
3TPT. *T. *£, = ajH'fsWrtajT 

srir sir = snr^psrafci^jr 

3TRT «t- ") a 

*t SIT. =TlcA4sll$J u i 


?■ = g5Rreq?re of H^ft«nc ( separate volumes on *23gi, 
t)^«*ic4, jfi^r, Her etc. ) ed in G. O. S. 

*5T. Ft. =^p5^ , fi?r of jqTtMMI^ 
5T. ft- = «B|3S^B of ifl^iyMM 

Abbreviations xxiii 

§.<r.=W5ra^ of Tgxztf 

a=rr Y =fi5R?^m of "y&sm ( B. I. Series ) 
*wv ) 

4 ■) 

«it. <?. % • =ntcm<?i^r ( 3tr^t«W ed. with com. of ^pfi ) 

3T. •) 

sr. e.j =^'^^ 

^f.=1^kmi^ of %ftft ( srm^i^fr ed. ) 
St- <r.=i^Rra of ^r^ 

3- 3T. = ^Rl(U|sU4W ( sn^rsni ed. ) 

^ $.=lfrifri^gT ( ed. by Pandit Satavalekar ) 

§^o j =^IWlH«t of j&f<& 

5- T. <r. = 5^rft!?i#T I ft f ft^ ( ed# at Darbhanga, 1900 ) 

'■ ft - = "^ of f* 1 ®*™ ( ed. of 1926, with Marathi trans- 
lation ) Nir. ed. 

ft. ft-ftfeiftss ( with Marathi translation ) Mir. ed. 
^n^rastfUKashiS. Series 

^•-wRw&bt of tosS% (ed. by Thibaut and 
JJwivedi ) 

"R?S. y ^^S^ft ( btpp^stjt ed. ) 

W. ST. =<TOOTnfor ( Bombay S. Series ) 

«r. ft. - '{mv^A-'W-ih 

!JI»f. tt. - "irtfcW'Tvl <<f "-jnrr.T 

ipf. JT.«- , mf-«wry i J of '{n-rz 
iff. -w ( r "^i^"""-^ 

-nr*t -ir^Uv if v.irZifri (vtl.Uy Kern, only test; by 
TTO f.-'if'-T, Willi cnm. of -*;<n*. There is a difle- 
imhp nf riiic <'lt"i|) licLnfon the (wo editions ), 

-?-atPt. " T^aiRmKT-Tf (<'il. 1>3 vrpu n^rrc-T <>! Lorm\In ) 

-Tin -> 

BK? ^ t j =-^s?fCP7(-rR^I>?fiocI. ) 

JR. Tt. -=nTsi<?iftsift ( B. I. Sovies ) 
sig = srg'raft ( Nh n. cd ) 

TIT. = nrT^Tg^rT ( Venk. ed. nnd Cal ed. differ by two or 

throe clmpteis ) 
fftar. « PraiSRT ( itw on sn?. ?#?, Nirn. od. ) 
5ft. ?. = srimnrn^TRT of swii^ ( fiftn. ed. ) 
•ft ^. a. = ifwr-TrsRsstTTO of 5ir<T. ( Chowkhmnba Sanskrit 

3 t%.=5jfat%crm<3T 

ifal. = jNrfgfa's commentary on Hd^'iiil 
it. H =»^miftgi^n ( od. by Pandit Sfilavalckar ) 

J = «ng ! FF»rc2ief ( Rtf?raFn: ed. with Brtiw ) 

KT. if. = <M*H&s of 'tfsr 

g fe. ^1 =^ferRrg^ of ^ftR^H^r ( B. I. ed ) 

«pi. = q:rre ( of mpma ) 

I =»SRm stitt ( ed. by Weber ) 

Abbreviations ' xxv 

TO?. = TO|15l% or sra?5?m ace. to context 

W. t. = gR?i^ra%n ( ed. by Pandit Satavalekar ) 

*. {K. = *^l^T of feft^f 

^. ^r. = ^F^tjT of «(K<w«l with WWI^ ( ftM- ed. ) 

of. tl. = »*W4KM"^8l of *tep?j>5 

n. 5i. ft. = ay«Maft3* 

_ _ ' 1 = TOirara, part of ^kfim^r 

3RT. ST. 

3f%?t. = gMtg§ of ^w^m-^ ( B. I. ed. ) 

t. ^. =y<:*R^i^T of 3jq?^ ( Baroda ed. 1914 ) 

*t- s.*=gjrsprara ( part of 3ftftrafc3T ) 

*r. *t. = gtprR^ ( Gujarati Press ed. ) 

ft- ^.-RKKi^g-ft of *t|)Rt<fl ifera ( fofat, ed. ) 

W*. = H^ajw ( Venk. Press ed. ) 

^i^.=^#lte3?T of appg^r 

^^. = ^J^i%^ ( ed. by Mr. Gharpure ) 

i-lRiffc, author of ^aSfennflr ( B. I. ed. ) on m, ^y, 
**K, ^Pt etc. 


Section I. Vratas ( religious vows ) and Utsavas 

( religious, festivals ) 1-462 

Chapter I. Vrata in the Rgveda. 1-21 

Chapter II. Vrata in the Vedic Literature, 
Sutras, Smrtis, definition and importance 
of Vratas. 22-50 

Chapter III. Persons entitled to engage in 
Vratas, objects desired by means of Vra- 
tas, classifications of Vratas, Literature 
on Vratas, times for Vratas. 51-80 

Chapter IV. Individual vratas, Caitra Prati- 
pad, Kamanavami, Aksayya-trtlya, Parasu- 
ramajayantl, Dagahara, Savitrlvrata. 81-94 

Chapter V, EkadaSi. 95-121 

Chapter VI. Caturmasya. ' 122-123 

Chapter VII. Vratas called Nagapaficamii, 
Manasapuja, Raksabandhana, Krsna- 
jantnastami 124-143 

Chapter VIII. Vratas of Haritalika, G-anesa- 
caturthi, Rsipafieami, Anantacaturdas"!. 


Chapter IX. Navarattfa or Durgotsava. 154-187 

Chapter X. Vijayada&um and DivalL 188-210 

Chapter XL Makarasankranti and Mahas"iva- 
ratri. 211-236 

Briof Synopsis oftho Contents of Vol. V, xxvii 

Chapter XII. Holika and Grahana ( Eclipses ) 


Chapter XIII. List of other Vratas and 

UtsavaS. 251-462 

Section II. Kala, Mvhurta, the influence of Astro~ 

logy on Dharmasdstra and Calendar 463-718 
Chapter XIV. Conception of Kala ( Time ) 463-485 
Chapter XV. Units of Kala. 486-536 

Chapter XVI. Muhurta. 537-603 

Chapter XVII. Muhiirtas for religious rites 

Chapter XVIII. Calendar, eras, various reck- 
onings about years, months etc. 641-685 
Chapter XIX. Kalpa, Manvantara, Mahayuga, 

Yu g a - 686-718 

Section III. Santi (propitiatory rite for averting 
the deity's wrath, a calamity or an un- 
luchy event. 719-814 

Chapter XX. Vedic meaning and procedure 

of Santis. 719-747 

Chapter XXI. Individual Santis. 748-814 

Section IV. Puranas and Dharmasastra. 815-912 

Chapter XXII. Origin and development of 

Purana literature. 815-886 

Chapter XXIII. Brief notes on individual 

Puranas and Upapuranas. 887-912 

Section V. Puranas and disappearance oj Bu- 
ddhism. 913-1030 
Chapter XXIV. Influence of PurSnas on 

Dharmasastra. 913-1002 

xxvhi Sistory of DhavniaSastra 

Chapter XXV. Causes of the disappearance 

of Buddhism from India. 1003-1030 

Section VI. Tantrik doctrines and Dharmas'dstra, 
Nydsa, Mudrd, Yantra, Cakra, 
Mandala. 1031-1151 

Chapter XXVI. Tantrik doctrines and Dhar- 

masastra 1031-1119 

Chapter XXVII. Nyasas, Mudias, Yantra, 
Cakra, Mandala and Appendix on Works 
onTantra. 1120-1151 

Section VII. Purvamzmdmsd and Dharmas'dstra. 


Chapter XXVIII. Mimamsa and Dharma- 

s'astra. 1152-1201 

Chapter XXIX. Some fundamental doctrines 

of Purva-mimamsa. 1202-1282 

Chapter XXX. On Mimamsa principles and 
rules of interpretation in relation to 
Dharmaslstra; appendix on Nyayas. 1283-1351 

Section VIII. Relation of Sdnkhya, Yoga and 

Tarka to Dharmas'dstra. 1352-U82 

Chapter XXXI. DharmaSastra and Sankhya. 

Chapter XXXII. Yoga and Dharma&stra. 


Chapter XXXIII. Tarka and Dharma&stra. 

Section IX. Cosmology and the doctrine of Karma 

and Punarjanma. 1483-1612 

Chapter XXXIV. Cosmology. 1483-1529 

Brief Synopsis oftho Contents of Vol. V xxix 

Chapter XXXV. The doctrine of Karma and 

Punarjanma. 1530-1612 

Station X. The fundamental conceptions and chara- 
cteristics of Hindu ( Bharatiya ) Cul- 
ture and civilization from Vedic Times 
to about 1800 A.D., and future trends 

1613-17" 11 
Chapter XXXVI. Fundamental and leading 
characteristics and conceptions of Hinda 
culture and civilization. 1613-1657 

Chapter XXXVII. Future trends. 1658-1711 
Epilogue ; Acknowledgments and Thanks. i-xxii 

References to pages of important works consulted 

In former volumes lists of important works con- 
sulted were set out at length. It is not necessary to 
do this in this volume because in each section lists of 
important Sanskrit works and English works and papers 
have been provided. Therefore, all that need be done is 
to bring together the pages of this volume where such 
lists are mostly mentioned. 

Works in 

Works and papers 



in English. 





59, 251-52 




Astronomy and 



565-66, 570-71, 

Works oa 

556-559, 585, 

5S1-82, 585, 

Jataka and 

591-594, 611-12, 

594-600, 644-646 § 





749, 762-53, 763, 
779-781, 790, 

735n, 782 




843-845, 849, 852, 
864S, 883, 886, 
909, 941-42 (on 
Buddhism. ) 



952, 957-958 

969, 978, 1003 and 

pp. 913-1033 

{ on bhakti ), 

100S-9 (on Bud- 

998 ( on Avataras ) 

dhism and causes 
of its disappearance 
from India ) 

References to pages of important worhs consulted xxxi 

"Works m 

"Works and papers 



in English 



VI. Tantra 


1040, 1048n 



( J§fikta doctrines ) 

VII. Mfmamsa and 





VIII. Relation of 

Saftkhya, Yoga, 

Tarka to 


( 1352-1482 ) 



( 1352-1384 ) 




IX. Cosmology, 

Karma and 



( 1483-1529 ) 

1485n, 1502 

Karma and 



(pp. 1530-1612) 



X. Fundamental 

conceptions and 


of Hindu 

Culture, and 


1624, 1627-31, 

1618, 1648n, 1650n 

( 1613-16S7 ) 

1642, 1646, 1649 


Future trends 

1704-5, 1707-11 

1659-1661, 1666, 
1675-76, 1683, 
1695-96, 1711 


Mistakes that can be easily detected and mis-' 
prints due to the loss or displacement of such loose 
parts as anusvdras or mdtrae or diacritical dots ( as 
under t ) that can be easily detected have generally 
not been included in this list. 

Page Line or note 

384 20 read ' on Su 7th ; when' 

494 n. 719, 1. 7 read ' from ' for ' form * 

„ n. 722, 1. 2 from bottom read ' Gandharva '. 
530 n. 765, 1. 2 from bottom read ' p. 270 ' 
560 n. 832, 1. 3 read ' 101 ( in Kern's ed. ) ' 

for ' 160 ' 
598 the figures in the photo of 

' Dhanus ' and ' Mina or Ma- 

kara ' are wrong, in position. 

They should be turned upside 



n. 991, 1. 3 froi 

n bottom read .' 14 ' for ' 29 ' 


1. 11 

read ' aksara a ' 



read < Manu IX. 301 ' 


n. 1130, 1. 2 

read ' purposes ' 


n. 1130, 1. 3 

read ' deemed ' 


n. 1145, 1. 3 

read ^pfNr 


n. 1172a, 1. 2 

read 1690 for 1598. 


n. 1172b, 1. 8 

read ' Visnor-nu kam '. 



read * specified on preceding 

page ' foi.* ' specified below '. 


n. 1300, 1. 8 

omit ' %ii3>'dd '. 


n. 1323, 1. 3 

read ' ^+Kfci4)fir ' 

Corrections xxsiii 

817 n. 1328, 1. 1 read ' >s k i a<l4<Pct ' 

824 n. 1347, 1. 4 read *j^ 

833 n. 1356, 1. 3 read ^l^iwsKq . 

844 n. 1375, 1. 6 read « tonal '. 

870 1.5 read* It* for 'If 

888 n. 1414b, 1. 1 read ' Kalika 92. 2 ' 

899 1.2 read 'Amar Nath Ray' for 

' M. R. Majumdar '. 

911 I. 13 read ' Saura ' 

» 1. 16 read ' Skanda ' 

f » 1- 22 read ' Sutasamhita, ' 

970 1. 8 omit ' way ' 

>» !• 11 read ' way ' for ' away ' 

1019 1. 4 from bottom read 'it is found that it con- 
demned ' 

1038 n. 1673,1. 4 put a comma after « Purna '. 

1066 last note is « 1724 ' and not ' 1924 ' 

1108 !• 5 read ' neuter * for ' neither ' 

1104 n. 1. 2 read qi^ifts for sjpms. 

1105 n. 1794,1. 3 read's??*' 

1156 n. 1879,1. 7 read < TOrararon*, ' 

1169 n. 1901, last line read 2238 for 2186. 

1174 l - 8 read ' note 2052 ' for note 2010. 

1196 1. 13 from bottom put a comma after Rumania's 

1203 n. 1954, 1.2 read ' «iftOT ' ( = ST *8m ). 

1221 n. 1981, 1.5 read g»frttM»tc^ . 

1226 lines 25-26 read ' vidhi-lm '. 

1281 LW read 'Soma' 

1239 n.2015 read 3$. 

1242 „. 2016, 1.8 readTOmnrfft. 

1244 n. 2019, 1.1 rea d * g^^. 

1264 n . 2058,1, 4 read qftfi^ ." 

%$;%iv History of Dharmag&stm [ Vol. V 

1274 n. 2077,'l.f7, read ' paribhasas '. _ 

1293 n. 2116, 1. 3 read ' "^ '. 

1295 n. 2119, J. 3 ' read « fift33l<r ^ '. " 

1300 1. 29 - read ' 1238 ' for ' 1258 '. 

1315 n. 2164, IK 4-5 read ' g ^t^ T Eflirrcr cP^foR ' and 
- ' - omit ^r after V. 1. 14 ' 

1356'- Ld-5- ' : read 2238 for 2186 ■ * 

1373 1.-29 " ' - read ' sixty ' for ' sis ' 

1409 n. 2134, 11. 1-2 ' read st. w. I. 2-4 

1432 last line ( read ' pranad-apanatl ' 

1446 n. 2371 ' , read dhiforaT «JH ( separate 

, t words ) 
1448 | n. 2382, 1. 9" read q%QiB. 
1 : 449 " n". 2383, 1. 6 3*TRt, 1. 7 qtrgsrm, 1.' 9 amm- 

1453 n^2 ( }89, 1. 8 read .levitation and n. 2390 1, 8, 

put a semicolon after "s^sr 
1460 „ n..2402, last line read "^ 
„ " n."24l3, 1. 1 read 5f£§^° 

1483 n. 2429, 11. 1 and 6 read Westaway 
1488 n. 2489, 1. 1 read sKiflft^'a: _ I 

1494 n. 2445, 1< 2 read fe^cn ?$»*■ and in last line 

, . - s'Hft f|<ni ' \ 

1508" n, 2462, 1 5 read si. 37. VI. 1 1. 5 

155 f J n. 2528, last line read IV. 11 
1615 1. 2 from bottom, read ' Bagby's ' 

„ n. 2602, 1 3 from bottom, read ' unrelated 
1671 lines 4-5 read ' being sweeping ones at 

one stroke are likely '. r 

1684 1. 1 ^ read p. 9 

1708 n. 2659 T.2 lead ' L What Vedanta means 

•'" ■ - to me,' a symposium. 


&ANTI (Propitiatory riles for averting a deity's wrath, 
a calamity or unlucky event), 

Vedic meaning and procedure of Santis 

The word Santiis derived from the root 'sam', which has 
several meanings (such as 'to stop', 'to be appeased', 'to kill' 
rarely) and belongs to the 4th conjugation and also to the 9th. 
The word Santi itself does not occur in the Tjlgveda, but it occurs 
in the Atharvaveda and the Vajasaneya Sarhhita. The root 
*sam', its several forms and derivatives and the indeclinable 
particle ' sam' occur hundreds of times even in the Rgveda, 
The word ' sam' is often conjoined in the Rgveda to ' yoh' either 
as 'samyoh* ($g. 1.93.7, 1.106.5, HI 17.3, EL 18.4, IV. 13.5, 

V. 47.7, V. 53.14, V. 69 3, VI. 50.7, V3X 35.1, V3X 69.5, X 9.4, 
X 15.4, X 37.11, X. 182.1-3 ) or as ' sam ca yosca ' ( as in $g. 
1. 114.2, 189.2, H. 33.13, YEL. 39.4, VIII. 71.15 ). In these places 
the words are generally rendered as ' happiness and welfare ' or 
'health and wealth' (by Keith in translation of Tai. S. II. 6.10.3) 
and these meanings generally suit the context, e. g. in &g. 

VI. 50.7 ' dhata tokaya tanayaya sam yoh' ( confer on our sons 
and progeny happiness and welfare), in Rg. X. 182 the words 
' atha karad-yajamanaya sam yoh ' ( may Brhaspati confer happi- 
ness and welfare on the sacrificer) occur as the last quarter 
of all the three verses. 'Sam' by itself occurs about 160 times 
in the Bgveda and it is somewhat remarkable that in Rg. VII. 
35. 1-13 "32 the word sam occurs in each verse from 4 to 7 times 
(68 times in all). ftg.I H4.1"33 « we bring thege lauds to 

Rudrawho is powerful, who has braided hair, who rules over 
valiant men, so that there may result welfare to our two-footed 
and four-footed beings and every thing in this village may be 
prosperous and free from distress' will bring out the import of 

1132. Verses 1-10 of Rg. VII 35 are Ihe same as Atbarva 19.10 1-10. 

1133. Win^w^Rt^q^l^^^pr j, j^jt^ ^ ; , w ^^^^ 

^S 1 ^ fk<4 sa wit ari &^ r a*n tt <& I 114. l. 

730 History of Dharmaffisli a I Sao. Ill, Ch. XX 

'sam'. In some oases 'sam' and 'yoh' clearly appear to bo 
employed like nouns in the objective case For example, Jig. 
H. 33. 13 «m " I hanker after tho ' sam ' and ' yoh ' of Rudra ( i. o. 
under the power of Rudra), Rg. 1.114.2 "ORudra! may wo 
secure by your guidance that ' sam ' and ' yoh ' that father Manu 
procured through sacrifice". Yaska (Nirukta IV. 21) while 
dealing with Rg. X 15. 4 * atha, nah sam yor-arapo dadhata ' 
holds 'samyoh' to he ablative or genitive of samyu and explains 
as 'samanam ca roganam yavanam ca bhayunam' { allaying of 
diseases and warding off of dangers). This is an etymological 
explanation and is in some cases acceptod by Sayana and in 
others he paraphrases ' sam ' by ' sukha ' (happiness) and ' yoh ' as 
'duhkha-viyoga' (freedom from pain or distress) The word 
'yoh' presents the appearance of tho ablative or genitive 
singular of a noun from the root ' yu ' which means ' to bind ' or 
' separate ' or from ' y3 ' to go. 'Yoh ' by itself occurs only three 
times in the Rgveda ( i. e in I. 74. 7, X. 105 3, X 176. 3 ). The 
meaning of * yoh' in these three cases is doubtful In the Tai. 
Br. 1135 we have thd mantra 'we choose that happiness and wel- 
fare and success ( or progress ) to the sacrifice and the sacrificer , 
may divine fortune be ours; let there be good fortune for (our) 
men; may medioine (or remedy) go up, may there be happiness 
to our men and quadrupeds '. 

In Atharvaveda 19. 9 the word sSnti occurs about 17 times. 
In verses 3 to 5 speech ( vak ), the mind ( manah ) lS3S and the five 
senses are referred to and it is said that these seven usually 
produce what is glioia ( terrible or inauspicious ) and these same 
must exert themselves for producing santi ( i. e. appeasement of 
angered deities or averting calamities or misfortunes). Verses 
6-11 pray to several gods, planets ( grahah ), the earth, falling 
stars, cows, the naksatras, magical rites, Rahu, Dhumaketu 
(comets), the Rudras.Vasus and Sdityas, sages and Brhaspati 
to confer happiness Verse 12 prays to Indra, Brahma, and all 

1134 ?i*sr'ft*j*!3Wri$>Ti3? H- 33 - 13 ' tes ^ 'ft^ -«a*iW ffcit 

1135 d^<i Ki i " fl«5 ' lis v%™ ' *«a 1?TC5fc i %$ «1W vo «p i ^^ _ 

This is partly explained in 3 tf II 6 10. This is called srgTOi Vide m 
1.4. 29 on which the first srri&R is ■ ajgpiampr. 5RT ' and HcrafS C' teS 
' si^TOi. 5IH5R!: S^OTR ' as examples 

U36 swt*npS<J^rniSr w.«^ * ^ *smt sSran^ 1 3*r WS& 

&anti in the Atharva and other safiihilas 721 

the gods for refuge to the composer of the hymn and 13 declares 
that 'whatever things were appeased (by santis) in this world — 
these the seven sages know. May they all be happiness for me ; 
may happiness be mine and may freedom from fear be mine'. 
Verse 14 which is similar to Vaj. S. 36. 17 declares that ' the earth, 
mid-regions, heaven, waters, trees and plants, all gods-these have 
become appeased and auspicious by the santi rites performed by 
the composer and that by those santis, by all santis I ( we ) 
appease ( remove the evil effect of ) what is here terrible, what is 
cruel ( or inauspicious ), what is evil; may all that be appeased, 
be beneficial and happy for us , ." 37 Atharva 19. 10 (verses 1-10) 
contains the woTd 'sam' 51 times and prays for welfare to 
several gods and 19. 11 is also a santi containing the word 'sam' 
18 times. The Vajasaneya-samhita chapter 36 ( verses 8-12 ) 
similarly contain the word ' sam ' several times One of these 
via. ( Taj. S. 36. 12 ) occurs in many Vedio texts 1138 'May the 
divine waters confer on us happiness, help and protection; may 
they flow towards us for our our happiness and welfare*. 

IntheTai. S. the words 'samayati' and 'santi' are fre- 
quently used often in the same passage or context. For example, 
it is said " Rudra 1139 is the fierce ( or harsh ) one among gods... ; 
He (the priest) does as it were a harsh thing when he recites 
(that passage containing the word) Rudra; 'in the path of 
Mitra'hesaysfor the sake of appeasing". There is a similar 
passage in the Ait. Br. While _prescribing the recital of a rk 
verse ( Rg. II. 33. 1 ) in the Agnimaruta-sastra the Ait. Br. 
changes the original words of the latter half of the verse in the 
Bgveda and also suggests another verse altogether for recital 

3*3rei HfeH *a$pr ^jircg sj. n arol xg. 9. 14. 

*■ X 9 4, aw? 1. 6 . 1, ^ 33. fj. m . 1. 2. 1, 1. 

^Wltf^I TjSteqTI? 5^, £ ^_ VI u 7 _ f_ 8 . The original - k - s 

*™J*f <SW*T S 5TPmf| *fijpr *smT*: n ' If one employed srfJr Of, Rudra 
Rudrlf VeS n thepr ° genyandthew0rd ^^ (n-ntag a servant of 

SSSl use °i!^ harsh name Rndra ' **^ *^ """Paw 

W^n^i-^jp^CT ^snjgnj^ ^ - aww 1 3 m. 13. 10.- 

H. D. 91 

722 History of Dhm maiastra [ See. IB, Ch. XX 

( I 43. 6 ' 6am nah karatyarvate sugam mesaya mesye nrbhyo 
naribhyo gave ' ) because in the first place that verse begins with 
the auspicious word ' sam* and in the second place because tbat 
verse, though the deiata (deity) thereof is Eudra, does not 
expressly mention that word; the result, says the Ait Br , is that 
that verse being one of appeasement (santi) the priest secures 
long life and procures long life for the sacrificer 

Another example of ' samayati in the Tai S is as follows : 
When an agnihotrm is going on a journey with his household he 
should offer homa to Vastospati, but if he goes without offering 
a homa to Vastospati evil consequences follow , ' Eudra is indeed 
Vastospati; if he were to go out without offering boma to 
Vastospati, Agni would become Eudra, would leap after him and 
kill him ; ( but ) when he offers to Vastospati, he appeases him 
( Eudra-Agni ) with his own share and the sacrificer meets no 
injury ( or distress )'. 1140 

Another example of 'samayati' and 'santi' in the Tai S 
( VL 3 3 3-3 ) may be set out. 'O tree ' protect it, O axe 1 do 
not harm it; the axe indeed is a thunderbolt, (therefore he utters 
those words ) for allaying ( the fierce power of the axe ) ; these 
worlds are afraid of the tree ( of which the yupa is made ) when 
it moves; (therefore he recites 'with thy top do not graze the 
sky, with thy middle do not harm the atmospheric region'. ( By 
these words ) he appeases ( removes the terrible power for evil of) 
this tree'. 1141 

The foregoing passages are quite sufficient for showing the 
significance attached to the words 'sam', ' samayati' and 'santi' 
in the Vedio samhitas The word 'santama' occurs in the 
Egveda about two dozen times It is applied to the great gods 
like Agni, India, Soma (116 7, L 77 2, IX. 104 3), to the 
praises of gods ( I 76 1, VL 32. 1 ), to the worshipper or singer 
(VHX13. 22), to protection by gods (V 76. 3, X. 15. 4) and 
generally means "beneficent or conferring happiness*. Simi- 

1140 ^5 tSgt qi*dU<4ki3iigotl <4Kdl L MdRiWl<Jl<^?trn»jj=llsiiK'lc»lN 

4. 10 3 Compare <ft 3^ 14 19. 

1141 3TJTti>=IF1^5^f^?NTni*TlKt<a^'4JA)f vJI^JM ^Fc?' .g^tsi^T 

aga,n«idi #RrfS i5=mijui in d'WiittRSii w^t "i nhfiffcril"? <i^f tSA*-!- 
W miR i 1 H. VI 3 3. 2-3. compare qrsj «■ 5 4 Z-43 and j^prsj III 6 4 13 

for similar words. 

The riieaning of ' samayali ' 723 

larly, the word 'santati* (Bg. I. 113. 20, VIE. 18.7) means 

The causal ( samayati ) of the verb ' sam ' and the word 
'santi* do not occur in the Bgveda, but they are as said above 
frequently employed in the Taittirlya and other Samhitas and in 
the Brahmanas. Some further examples may be set out here. 
The Tai. S. relates the following legend " Agni was in the yonder 
worid (heaven), the sun was in this world; these worlds were 
(then) unappeased( disturbed). The gods said 'come, let us 
change ( transpose ) these two'. They placed Agni in this world 
with the words ' Agni, come here for the dainty meal' and 
(placed ) the Sun in the yonder world with the worlds ' the great 
and powerful one, O Agni ' ; then indeed these two worlds became 
free from disturbance. Since he repeated those words in this 
way, it served for the purpose of quieting these worlds (that were 
once disturbed ). These worlds became undisturbed ( auspicious) 
for him who knows thi3". li42 Here we have both the verbal form 
' asamyatama' (from ' sam' 4th conj.) and the the word ' santyai '. 

In some passages of the Rgveda the word ' sami ' occurs { as 
in I. 87. 5, 11.31. 6, III. 55. 3, Vm. 45. 27, X. 40. 1.). It is 
generally interpreted by SayaDa in these passages as the locative 
singular of ' sami', which is explained to mean ' karman ' ( action, 
sacrifice or the like). Two of these may be cited here M13 "my 
desires fly in many directions; I shall brighten ancient (lauds) 
towards 'sami* (for employing them in various sacrifices?); 
knowing the truth in Turvasa (king) and Tadu (king) he 
(Indra) enveloped Ahnavayya (their enemy) in warlike action." 
« is possible to take 'sami' as the locative singular of *sam' 
treated as a noun. The word ' sami* occurs in many passages 
of the Rgveda ( L 20. 2, I 83. 4, 1. 110. 4, H. 1. 9, HI 60. 3, IV. 
^ "• ". IV. 22. 8, IV. 33. 4, V. 77. 4, V. 42. 10, VI 3. 2, 
TttS ll, VM. 75. 14, EL 74 . 7, X 28. 12). In all these passages 

^^^tera^i^t^i^j^aiswt^^j^^^^n^. # . ii. 5 . 8.2 
«5n*3 here means 'the evil, aspects or mflnences in which had not been 
removed or conjured away. 

w a ^ 1 !S.*^- 5 ^" m ^ t * WTl 1?^^ :l tfif3?««8ri 3? Ill SS. 3; **$ 
a^f^rasfTO 3*5*1^1 *n^ 3§Br ^ n^ VIII. 45 27. In the last 

iiTedor e iTi^ a3ob3etcivesinE,iiaro£?nft <**«*«•* 1°° ^1« 

?24 fftstorv of Dharmaiasti a [ Sec. Ill, Ch. XX 

Sayana interprets it as 'karma' and not as the 'saml tree or 
branch'. But in one place at least ( if not in more places ) the 
word saml can easily be held to mean * the saml wood or fuel- 
stick'. 1141 'To that mortal who worships with sacrifices and 
appeases with' samls' (saml fuel-sticks) and gives offerings to 
Agni that abounds in wealth disappointment as to glory never 
comes nor does sin nor arrogance overtake him ' 

The whole of chapter 36 of the Vajasaneya-samhita is 
employed as santi at the beginning and end of the Pravargya 
rite, according to Eat. Si. S 26 41 * santikararjam-adyantayoh'; 
verses 9-12 of Vaj. S 36 employ the word ' sam ' 17 times and 
verse 9 is the same as Rgveda L SO. 9. 

An interesting text in connection with the root 'sam' is the 
adhngu praisa, to be recited by the Hotr priest before the 
pasu is killed in a sacrifice Vide H. of DL vol II p. 
1121 note 2501 for the formula which is rather long. The 
important 1145 words for the present purpose are at the beginning 
and at the end ' divine slayers and human slayers 1 begin ( the 
process of killing the pasu) ...0 Adhrigul you should slay 
( the paiu ) in such a way that it would be properly carried out'. 
Here the root (sam) certainly means to slay, this meaning is, 
however, apparently quite different from the one so far con- 
sidered (viz to appease, to remove evil effects). But it may be 
that there is a secondary meaning, viz appease the gods by 
offering parts of the animal killed in the sacrifice 

The Taittirlya-brahmana closely connects the saml tree or 
branch with the conjuring away or appeasing the terrible or 
angry aspects of deities in the following myth 1M6 "Prajapati 

1144 pt *i$f*r: w* spftfo fowmmSl ?3Rt t <sm **pt h i5rcnngf§*ff- 

^ hS 5I5IH *r sisfit: II Sff VI 3 2, compare =ff. VI 1 9 # smt^ 5Rl3 =5 

1145. |raiT- Sri^tTTC 3?R»T«jg3 JjgSJTT I " Wf&'ft Slrffe r gjTW SPfpfr SlrfN- 
nretilflar 3TOT • 3n«5 «ft HI 3 The passage occurs in i} »n III € 6 4, 
^ m. VI (arortT). 6-7 (isJog) The words gsrfn 5p5tef occur n§ jl 
1 5. 2, msf # I. IS The words sri&ifr &c. quoted here occur in_^i?Ri- 
g=t 69. 6, 

1146. ramQthii^tHn i ssfisf^ifor ur *rs*rah%i S 5jasnr»pnra;i 4-at& 
wi^^ i ■q-'tw'im •■ H+mfl *rait m*&n sw^iwit i ^ srt. i^ l. 3. 11^ <hh-i 

explains ' ^w^fUH^Q tgtH-^ l SPftl^ tm CTMWO siaw«H*IK" 9^ ww«iit«J 

Legends about sami tree 725 

created Agni; he(Prajapati) became afraid ' this Agni might 
burn me'. He (Prajapati) pacified (the terrible flame or glow of) 
Agni with sami (branch); that is the beneficent or happy aspect 
of sami in that the equipment required for Agni is full of sami 
in order to appease Agni and for freedom from being burnt 
thereafter.' The idea is that Agni, the moment it was created 
had a fierce and evil aspect, that was removed by the use of the 
sami and santi means an action or rite that appeases the evil 
aspects of a deity and makes the deity beneficent. Similarly, 
the AitaTeya-brShmana says : 1147 "He recites the verse 'they 
worship you with offerings whatever abodes you may have; . he 
says :0 Soma 1 move towards houses in such a way as not to 
kill the sons (of the sacrificer).' Houses are indeed called 
"durya' and the house of the sacrificer is afraid of the king 
Soma when he approaches the sacrificer's house; when he (the 
priest) repeats this (verse) he thereby appeases him (king Soma) 
by a santi ( propitiatory rite ) ; he ( Soma ) becoming beneficent 
( by the respetition of the mantra ) does not kill the progeny or 
the cattle ( of the sacrificer )." The idea is that king Soma might 
be angry with the sacrificer if there be any defect in the sacri- 
ficial rite and that when the hotr priest repeats the verse 
' avlraha o-' that verse is the cause of appeasement. 

In the Satapatha-brShmana there is a similar reference to 
the appeasing power of the sami branch. " He ( the priest ) 
places fuel sticks on this (Agni) ...He places (on Agni) a 
fuel stick of sami as the first This ( Agni ) was kindled 
when this oblation ( of sami branch ) was offered and flamed 
upwards. The gods became afraid of him (Agni) lest Agni. 
might harm them. They (gods) saw this sami branch and 
appeased him ( Agni ) with that; inasmuch as they appeased this 
I Agm ) by means of sami ( branch ) this is called sami. In the 
same way tins sacrificer appeases with sami this (Agni) for 
Procuring appeasement and not for food""* It would be noticed 


S5 * "* "^ ^* ' $ - n 3 - z - The verse ' ^~s^~^iT 

£26 History of Dharmaiaslra [ Sec. TR, Ch. XX 

that here the name ' saml ' is derived from the root ' sam * and it 
is the means of effecting santi ( appeasement ). 

In the Brahmanas the means of appeasement are Tariou3 
but simple Often times the recitation of a Vedic verse or hymn 
effects santi. Ibr example, the Taittirlya-brahmana lia 
prescribes the singing of sarnans at the time of consecrating tbe 
sacred =rauta fires ; the three samans are Rafhantara, Yamadevya 
and Brhat, each bsing connected with the three worlds respec- 
tively. ""When Agni is being taken out, he sings the 
Yamadevya saman; Yamadevya is the atmospheric region and 
thereby (i e, by singing Yamadevya) he makes Agni established 
in the atmospheric region; Yamadevya is santi (means of bring- 
ing about the appeasement of Agni ) ; ( on singing Yamadevya ) 
he takes out Agni that has become appeased ( beneficent ) and as 
bestower of cattle". The TaL S. says 1150 "he says 'weave ye 
with regular measure the work of the singers '. "Whatever super- 
fluity ( or flaw ) is committed in the sacrifice, this (recitation ) 
serves to eradicate it3 evil effects". The Ait Br. provides 
"(the priest) who is about to sprinkle holy water over 
him i5SI (the king) should (himself first recite the mantra and) 
make the king repeat it ( after him ) ' O Waters ' look on me with 
a beneficent eye, (and) touch my skin with (your) beneficent 
body. I invoke all the Agnis that dwell in waters for your sake; 
this should be done for the purpose that waters ( the evil aspects 
of which have been ) not appeased may not destroy the vigour of 
him who is being sprinkled over ". The Hotr performs a japa 
before and after reciting the samidhenl verses. About this the 
Sankhayana-brahmana says'' 152 that the samidhenls are a thun- 

5T3^>'3TOtiiTI^r\we" 1 's.l tlnn^' »<=i«is*" ' 3 ^T. I 1. S. 2 The 
tj^at g is sang ca tie -erss ' gnil wiiSiai 351 53^" 5T IV. 31. 1 Triiich occurs 
Ejso'ial ST IV. 2 II. 2,srsr.=* 27. 39 a=d 36 4, 3nm?20 124.1. The 
~j E I5ns^a5,r(Xn.l 29-31) provides - «ra TO*3? TIm^I *l*4"i I5«t«l3 ' 

1150. SJ s ~=i-'i 5=3 ■."l^l-.U fni€ I ^5%5 *7^T Sc^tsi T5PT5 H57*7T -»i^ ' 
I 5. HI. *-. 2. 6-7; ' 5 ,3^ -', WS* ^l^l^-j . • is the 3rd quarter of ^,. X. 53 6. 

1151. w5«--fc''tfiw 5iif% wi^na i Si^J ** ^S<rr triors: i~'=^i 

E*ilg 4g=H ^i-a £ I sriP siJl&aHrii g% ^r ^f»?gf 55sNt Rn^iS I ^o^ii^- 
igK^i-^iwi-gt K>gt 3T§ P|-.aid I $- ai. 37. 2 The jffsr 'fetnlSI' 
occurs J= e. sj V. 6. 1. 2 and 3753^5- I. 33. ^ ( only the first half) 

1152 ssr^r^wiSTiTn^'ifei ssura ^*u ^ sjri^S'vrarraa^SHwQ >±vr\l m 

^prRsF^ 1 5TTfI^ar 3.3. Generally there are 15 wiPlM verses, bnt 
there are optional nanbers which seed rot be specified here. 

Vedic means of ianti lilce japa and water 727 

derbolt and that if japa is performed thereby he appeases 
(samayali) Agni ( i. e. Agni becomes auspicious and beneficent ). 

Water also is declared as a means of effecting the removal 
or appeasement of evil effects. The Ait. Br. remarks 1153 " they say 
what is the atonement (prayascitti) if a person's sacrificial 
material ( milk or rice ) when put on a fire for cooking spurts out 
or overflows ? ( The reply is ) "he should make it go down with 
water for the sake of santi ; water indeed is ( a means of ) santi 
and then he should touch the material ( that has fallen out ) 
with his right hand and recite a mantra ( that is specified ) or he 
Bhould recite another rk verse * by whose power the worlds are 
made fixed', which is addressed to Visnu andVaruna; Yisnu 
indeed is the saviour against what is badly sacrificed ( i. e. the 
defects in it ), while Varuna protects ( i. e prevents obstacles to 
securing the fruit of ) what is well sacrificed ; ( this latter mantra 
is recited ) for santi in regard to both ( defects as well as good 
points ). This is the prayascitti in this case." It should be 
noticed that here santi (rite ) and prayascitti are identified. The 
Sankh&yana 11Si Br. also (HI. 6) says "waters are (means of) 
santi, (they are) an antidote and therefore after pronouncing 
the word 'vasat' the priest touches water." In the Tai. Ax. 
( IV. 42 ) there are 37 mantras of santi used in the Pravargya 
rite. Some of these occur in the Bgveda-samhita, e. g the 8th 
(Vataavatubhesajam) is Bg. X. 186. 1, mantras 15-17 are 
equal to Eg. IV. 31. 1-3 ; mantras ZZ-U are Bg. X 9. 1-3. The 
same Aianyaka (IV. 26-35) and Baud. Sr. S. IX. 18 contain 
several mantras for santis, some of which are interesting and 
are set out here to Bhow how the theory of santis was being 
expanded or enlarged. "If the lsss sacrificial vessel called 

^1153. jrwig Jj^iftiift^wffriSra ^fFzft m R<»K<jd sir 5ft <re urer M^RQ 
>i<tR^Hin«w«ww ^ifiwl snTO^dHauR tnfSrerffigajgr sprig ' i%4 gar*? %!**. 

yf3 » q jluggr ^jjSrax tgrefifS Jt i nmHiuIt^ sreffi Rtg^^R? gree 1 grit w^or: 
we crfiwS'te siPc! ' tn sra sn*rf£n% u % nx 32. 4. The n?=r ' ^Risren ' 

occurs in ^rr 4 8 60 and 3^ VII. 25. 1 (and «n several other texts). 
Compare ifer. ^ III. 9. 4 ' ^ t § -^m %Rewm,m8i V& ^<ig<J^Hl?I^r ffte- 

^1154. qq^Snn g^a^a \ ^f^ ^smTOJ ^ Hfiflfo l SfcrsRJcIlft ^ 

wi'ra 1 5ii. arr. 3 6. 

^^t^ rai^ra i ^. &j. ix, is, thatmsg, 1S 'aqwt^^^qcrra;! suS^rarcsffiff 

^■5 ' *wwgti SW^ I ShtH-teii H-^-d ' ■««HH-fcg» l*5ml I ' fi 311. IV. 26 3tg* 
reCers to the name of the thief as in « % %^ <ft wmftrit ' &c. 

728 History of Dharmaiasti a [8eo.m,Cih^X 

mahavba (inPravargyarite) of the hot milk for the Gharma 
offering were to be stolen by a thief, one should offer in the 
Garhapatya fire an oblation of ghee -with the sruva ladle to the 
accompaniment of the mantra ' May Day and Night disclose 
thee as thief ". 'Ha wild 1156 forest dog were to bark ( while the 
Pravargya rite is on ), the priest should repeat by way of a 
magic formula the text 'vigalndra vicaran spaSayasva' (O 
Indra, observe the cows while you move about'), should oast a 
kindled firebrand on both sides with the words ' O Agni, converse 
with Agni, and then he worships Agni with the words 'O Agni, 
salutation to thee once, twice, thrice &c ' If a vulture screeches 
he recites the formula 'you are undistmguishable (from other 
birds ) since you have blood m your beak", if an owl or she-owl 
hoots he recites the mantra ' In this way the owl approaches 
&c. '. Therefore it may be said that santi is used in the early 
Vedic texts in several senses viz. ( 1 ) the state of being freed 
from evil aspects or effects, (3) means of appeasing or removing 
evil aspects, such as water, a Vedic verse or hymn, (3) rite for 

Apart from the simple santis for appeasing deities in sacri- 
ficial matters, even the Rgveda contains indications that there 
were other occurrences which were thought to be unlucky and 
against the supposed evil effects of which some remedies were 
employed For example, $g X. 164 { 1-5 ) is a hymn declared 
by the AnukramanI and Rgvidhana IV. 30 1 as counteracting 
the indications of bad dreams' 1157 Verse 3 of it is 'May Agni 
place far away from us all evil and undesirable actions which 
we may have done while awake or asleep whether by our desires 
or imprecations or want of desire'. In$g. V 82 4-5 1M8 the 

1156, vH^t^i sts^h twd^qft ft ir i^f f*^jwW'M*3^wrc'n 
3THIH s x n ftHiigafo t?i*3$ 3nt*r#i<?^c>ifo5<ifasar *5^ «& "* $$ * m " 
f%^ rm gre i *ri% =gsfi m^a .maw** -m5 ■sre^gret ^BftMiimw gfH ' *&?&■ 
^f*^#3OT3n^ra?BJlfapi3nTOrit[&i * sfi « 18. The texts 
mentioned in this passage are | za IV 28,29, 33 Both the § sn and 
^ OT refer to other phenomena which are not set out here 

1157 ^reraffa^ii^swtaRi *mrat iww i &®fi-*nm J?m- 
^ 3 si^ril3RB??wg» ! !r x 164 3 ^n^arpt iv i «s sfigG *m& s^- 

1158 srai^rl^wta H3rp^wifh^»ni^«'raj'<wsnrw S»aiT*iS* 
«iHjrffinflHKr**nni*w«nw»*i v 82 4-5 . ^ a re a s^t^ w« 
^t^t^^i^^i ^^^^i?i^m^maaws^rjt5RBKii5t » 
28 io, fsft 5 <*&& i&avz% iR q*wfr*ut * asm. ssa^ «r ^nr n 5? 
VIII. 47. 15 

Remedies against bad dreams and cries of birds 729 

poet prays ' O God Savitr 1 today produce for us welfare endowed 
with progeny and frighten away the effects of bad dreams ; 
God Savitr I drive away all sins (or evils) and confer on us 
what is beneficent ' ( or auspioious ). In Rg. II. 28 10 the poet 
prays ' king Varuna I whoever, whether a helper or a friend, 
declares to me who ascertained a danger (from what I saw ) in a 
dream or whoever, a thief or a wolf, intends to harm me, from 
that guaTd us' In Rg. VIII. 47. 15 the sage exclaims ' we deliver 
all our bad dreams to Trita Uptya, your kindness cannot be 
obstructed by any one, the protection given by you is good '. 
Vide also $g. VHI 47 14, 16-18, X 36. 4, X. 37, 4 for bad 
dreams. Similarly, the Rgveda contains verses whioh show 
that cries of birds were deemed to indicate coming good or evil 
and the hooting of the owl was thought to be unlucky. 'It 1IS9 
(the bird ) frequently cries and proolaims what is to come and it 
propels his speech as an oarsman propels a boat; O bird! May 
you be auspicious to us; may no overpowering (or unfavourable) 
phenomenon reach you from any side'. The three verses of Rg. 
n. 43 refer to the cries of birds. ' The birds, chirping, utter cries 
towards the south ( of the house ) like composers of songs that 
speak for food at various seasons; Obird! when you chirp, 
speak what would be to out welfare, when you are silent think of 
good thoughts about us; when flying up ( from our house ) you 
utter (cries) like a lute; may we be endowed with valiant sons 
and speak much in assemblies'. &g. X. 165 contains several 
verses about a kapota bird and one about an owl Rg. X. 165. 1 
and4aia:Mo • a kapota bird, messenger of ill-luck, 'has come 
to this our house, with whatever ( evil ) intent , we worship you, 
we shall perform atonement , O God ! May it fare well with our 
m en and quadrupeds May what the ow l expresses (by its 

1159. «ft*$~<s4" ftq^H *; U.42 l.q.mnote 735 p 526. SfcrSJ 
fitaiw ^ ns this verse. sn^W holds that the bird referred to JS vft—, 
WHSIX Squotesa verse from a f%s^ addressed to «ft*. 'JTZ 

XS?^^^*' 3 ^^''^ SETS 

S ' US*?* '5P TO TO&« ««* wftm 1 w II 43. 1 and 3 The 
w^R 1. 31. 4 for a similar provision against sounds of fords 

»«• a aodSvi IT ft ^* T "^ , ™* wfoB W*« W. X. 
*«<* VI. 271,7^3 -J* * J™ H m ° St tbe Same as * X *«• 1-3. 
w£«. -SUhZL ° ^ VI.20. 1-2 are sim ,J ar to w . X 

pare br^ n. 17 and ^^^^ 46- 7 an(J ^{5^-, Iy< 2 „ % 
H. D. 92 

7 SO History of DharmaiSstra [Sec.III,Ch.XX 

hooting) turn out to be fruitless or (untrue). What the kapota 

bird ( expresses ) by placing its feet near our Agni( be untrue); 

here is salutation toYama, the god of Death, whose messenger is 

this (bird) sent (by the god ) '. The Sivalayana-grhya provides 

'if a kapota (pigeon) strikes against a house (enters it) or 

flies along its length, the house-holder should offer into fire 

oblations (of ghee) with each verse of the hymn ('devah 

kapota', Rg. X. 165) or he should recite it inaudibly'. The 

Kausltaki-grhya provides for the same ( in V 5. 1-2 ) and 

proceeds ,161 " if a man sees a bad dream or when the cawing of 

a crow is heard in the night and in the case of other adbhutai 

( untoward or unusual occurrences ) he should cook rice grains 

in the milk of a cow that has a calf of the same colour ( as 

itself) but in no case of a black cow and let him sacrifice with the 

hymn to Night (Rg. X. 127) verse by verse and having partaken of 

the remnants of the oblations with the maltavyatiTtts and having 

recited over his ears the verse ' bhadram katnebhih* ( Rg. X 89.8) 

and over himself the verso 'satam-in-nu' (Rg I. 89. 9) donate 

something to the brahmanas". The Sankhayana-grhya (V. 6, 

7, 10 and 11) provides : " if a disease befalls a person, he should 

offer boiled Gavedhuka grains with the hymn' these prayers to 

the powerful Eudra' &c verse by verse (Rg. L114). If the 

honey bees make honey in a man's house, he should fast 

and sacrifice a hundred and eight pieces of udumbara wood 

besmeared with curds, honey and ghee with two verses Rg. 1.114. 

8-9 and murmur the hymn (Rg. VII. 35) and if an ant-hill arises 

in his house the house should be abandoned and having fasted 

three nights ( and days ) he should perform the 'Mahasanti'. 1162 

1161 ^n<^13 f=JS[T*n i ^1^1=4*1^ ^ ' 3*^5 '^§P|S ^ ' <rral ^* 

a i ^Ji t? i§>f&?erraj ^Wt ^ V. 5, compare WWMiWJ II. 15 ^ 5 *W q^ 
^isidH l ^riK g^T Ki\ vi Mia^d I (formulas for fourquarters, lower regions, 
and upper regions are cited which occur in *ld<fiwRai 37. 10 ) 

1162 4H^|^nPd The com of siraTT explains that «g|$ii£cl means f5iis<n- 
Slt&t and <TOl55nf3tt It is doubtful whether these two were known to the 
author of the ^l l fiH-Hig, the <^Hras^ { 39.27. 43 5 and 44 6 ) p rescribes a 
^UllFd which is different. ^rfRi 43 5 is i«wl«ik<H<flPT * miwfiHHUJ I 
and <+Mi m S. 23 prescribes ' §|sr HWPlf 113, 1*ft WS 1 HcT ^Rt<ld<t|oil 
HKdl^dNlfl . ' These are 3to| 111° 12 1 ( ^ spiT.), VI, 73.1 (S51Ta>, 
VI 93 1 (*j3f ^5 ), XII. 1 (*R*rtSsO Thts lartWSBHi has 63 verses. 
Among later medieval works the ^ ii fcmy a (pp 106-10S) describes an 
elaborate J^RTTpa 


fen dreams and tantifor them 73 i 

TheAitareya-Aranyaka mentions tan dreams viz a person sees 
a dark man with black teeth and snoh a man kills him, or a boar 
Mils him, or an ape jumps on him, the wind carries him 
swiftly; having swallowed gold, he vomits it; he eats honey; he 
chews stalks of lotuses; he carries a single (red) lotus; he 
drives with a team of asses or boars; himself wearing a wreath 
of rcatafo flowers," 63 he drives towards the south a black cow 
having a black calf. If a man sees any one of these, he should 
fast, cook a dish of rice in milk in a vessel, offer into . fiw 
oblations thereof with each of the verses of the hymn to Night 
(Rg X 137. 1-8), feed brahmanas with other food { cooked in the 
house) and should himself eat boiled rice * .«" The same Aranyaka 
' mentions in the same context some unusual phenomena such as 
the sun appearing like the moon (pale and without heat) or 
the sky becoming like madder and prescribes the recital of some 
Bgvedic verses ( such as IX. 67. 21-37, VIII. 6. 30, IX 113. 6-11, 
1 50. 10 ). 

The Chandogya "dp. contains a verse saying ' if a person 
engaged in rites for securing a certain desired object sees a 
woman in a dream, one should understand on seeing such a 
sight that he will prosper ( i. e. secure that object ).' 11Ma The 
Chandogya Upanisad (YDX 10.1), the Brhadaranyaka TJpanisad 
(IV. 3. 7-30 ) and Prasna IV. 5 contain profound thoughts on 
the psychology of dream phenomena, but as that discussion 

1163. In the Asv. Sr. (quoted in H._of Dh. vol IV p. 203 n. 481 ) it ia 
provided that the corpse of an ahttagnt is to be decked with a wreath of 
mladas. The south is the direction of thepitrs, vide Satapatha Br. I. 2. S, 
17 ( esa vai dik pitrnam' ) Therefore, to see in a dream oneself wearing a 
wreath of naladas or driving towards the south was deemed to forebode death, 

1164. aro ^mr. i gg*T ^»°*f ftwn«J t»<i3 *i 33 gi%t ^rg q3 ^rer *&* 

JJ u sSti*" l|K4(3 ^OTISiCTra ^1U|| ^g ^cuw^i VTfSofstrSt 3(!&uiHJ<>It yiidT^ft \ 

*r i«&»ii f%f%an^fq , iBT tprt ^irtimi *mPlc4i <u4Ufcilrt itrsr f^i»^r%T 
* i6miK*fl i tPI« ! j n ^ ^nf nrefrnrg;» 3 sn in. 2 4, vide m^i^mim 40. 

1-33 for signs of approaching death (Venk ed. ) of which verses 15-20, 27, 
29, 31-33 deal with dreams. Some of these verses of ^iji^<j have a striking 
similarity to the rj 3tt. passage, for example, md^-q 40 27 is : TgTOPT*rt3<*t 
1!^fc <4(§uil QwO Tift <S =^ ^rrffari^Rfl^t^ *W>3^ H 

1164 a. ^rg^ggr^silr^^gnyr^) ffgl%a? m^UwfclH , gffl* 
iN^naFcffalV, 2 9 q. by 3lg<|x! r £ on tcrrtag? n. *■ 6. 

732 Hisloi u of Dhai maiash a \ Sec. Ill, Ch. XX 

would not bo relevant m the section on santi nothing can be 
said here beyond quoting three striking passages. 1165 

The Atharvaveda also has several verses on dreams and on 
birds like lapota ( pigeon }. The Kausikasutra prescribes several 
verses of the Atharvaveda as Mantis in the case of dreams . ' on 
Beeing a dream a man washes his face with the verses (Atharva 

VI. 45. 1 and 46. 1 ), if he sees a very terrible dream he offers 
into fire a cake of mixed grains 1165 or in another direction (in 
his enemy's field); he changes the side on which he sleeps 
with Atharva VII. 100. 1 ; on seeing himself eating in a dream 
he recites the mantra ( Atharva VIL 101. 1 ) and he looks on; 
with the verse 'vidmate' ( Atharva VI. 46. % ) all (dreams) 
vanish.' Two of these verses may be set out here • * dream 1 we 
know the place of thy birth, thou art the son of gods' sisters; 
thou art the helper of Yama, thou art the destroyer; thou art 
death, dream 1 we know thee to he so; O dream ! do thou save 
us from evil dreams ' ; ' I turn round ( and he on my other side ) 
from evil dreaming, from bad dreaming, from ill-luck; I make 
brahman ( vedic prayer ) my defence ; I put away the sorrows 
that come through dreams' 1167 The Katyayana-srauta-sutra 
prescribes a similar verse for japa when a dV.sita sees a dis- 
agreeable dream 118s 

1165 v <r? ^ft Mifi'Wt*H«5 c f srnSO sfNMdtj^ciHwf *gli3 sr 5 stra- 
g3*i. mriH 1 3t. 3t VIII 10. 1; srt^ i^ ^ft ■n(ijnH«d »rera Mi^\i se- 

'gga'gtgfl ^13*353 ; 3reg'lj*^-K*iWd ^€ "PS*rfa frf nyiR i trer rv 5; gran 

w*rate vWifl^fta *r fi| ^w* w^* ojtemfSsvRra ^ft tempi i "7-r *ra s^w- 

si WJMtlMt^ WI ^ra «4\ia^?n> 1 15 3T IV 3. 7 and 9. Some of these 
passages on dreams are relied upon and discussed by Saniaracarya on 
Vedantasutra I 3 42, II 1. 28, III. 2 1-4. 

1166, The ^f§[«s 8 20 enumerates fSfsmi^lri^ as ' rfrftqspfoj ftta pS' 
i tteffi^ WW1*» ^ fiftWI«n(5 ' The com, explains ' gnmra fO af^RnJ 1 
gO^rafsi&Srr: ' ' WWW are called ^n% in Marathi and S'lrera is f fsfsre 
(in Marathi). 

S'SIHSOTI^rtaaf^l isrw^T^IT^llsmlVI 46 2 and XVI. 5. 6, 

VII. 100.1. 

ttssrt 5B^ <W ^JJSST wfife ' W^Tt «?r. g; 25. 11. 20 The verse as printed 
Is somewhat corrupt. 

The same santi tn Ap.for malty adbhutas 733 

The Apastamba-gihya (8. 23.9) lumps together several 

unusual appearances and provides the same santi in the case of 

all, * H the post of a man's house puts forth shoots, or if honey 

is made in his house by bees or if the footprint of a pigeon is 

seen on the hearth or if disease arises in his family, or in the 

case of other miracles and prodigies, let him perform on the 

newmoon night, at dead of night, at a place where he does not 

hear the sound of water, the rites from the putting of wood on 

the fire to the Ijyabhaga oblations indicated in the next ( Apas- 

tambiyamantrapatha H 2%. 14-23 ), and then perform Jaya and 

following oblations.' Very similar provisions are found in 

Jaiminlya-grhya II. 7. 1169 The Samavidhanabrahmana contains 

several prayascittas (really santis) on the happening of 

numerous incidents. A few examples are set out here ; when 

bad dreams 1170 are seen, the person should make repetition of 

Bg. V. &%, 4 twice ( i. e. in all at least six times ) ; in the case of 

any other prognosticatory occurrence not known from any work 

the person should repeat twice the verse Rg. IV. 31. 1. On 

seeing one's enemies with weapons raised to strike, the person 

1169, *sjpKW<i<S<J| **S*t y^M l|S5n !E'firiH<i<{*R4HMH1 5m*- 

3^r arnpsfsn 3rcri3 sGtawS i aw. i. 8. 23. 9 aroratsg?Rni% » m» « n » 
*»rra i aro *m*\k ?ngn #C|^ i ^ffit auni » r *5 |jji *it ^4h^m i 
Q-«i(§<H < s^fr «n ^gjrt <4ftdH«V qr ^b$a i *g sit *n$m i * * &<£ 

wfrwidHgW 3wpn^ %£&%& {1)i s mi u S ' ^ ^ i^tRt: flra: t *w& i 

ift^i 3(&frq%«l II. 7 (Punjab S. Series). Fratikas (except the third 
sren—^sf which is corrupt) are : =r. VIII, 61. 13,1.18. 6, X. 87. 19, VIII 23. 
13.X. 87. 24, 1. 41. 1, X. 121. 10 ( itsrcn^ * '3$3F*I**i( )• All these ( except 
X, 87. 24 and X 121. 10 ) occur tn the ts&&% and some also in other Jsfevrs. 
<& sj. III. 6 is very similar to 4t. *jsr. 

H70. fs*A«iw 3t %s *SaR^ x&fom. \ s\mw < ?&\ \^di srsrsffaniafa. 

Sw5^\ flW^. -stT. I, 8 7-8. arar *ft= is =5?. V, 82. 4. m*$t% No. 141 ( ed. by 
Satavalekar); *mh"<j( is «r*h 5n*rst= (Rg. IV. 31. 1, SIma No. 169). The 
eom. nates that the lowest number of the repetition ( 3irf^r ) of a mantra is 
three ; the repetition mayjbe recited several times more according to the 
gravity or otherwise o£ the * adbhuta' and one's ability 3TT <fitiJfasu% 

s<wfi ft ' iiroira^i wn tiMJin<? i ^rtR'tiaa u; fa *ratsi§* Timsmm sreS^i 
6!?*t& i ^fti^iw^cts^ift %sreran% nsrerr tr^n^r* fihri*a i n.44; §&r is «tr^ 

It Is also ^f. VIII. 95. 7. It is one of the sacred texts by murmurring ■which 
or by homas with which a person is purified. Vide Vasistha-dharmasutM 
38. 10-15; %^sra is in verse 28. 13 of sr%r. 

? 34 History of Dhaima&asim [ Sec. Iff, Ch. XX 

should revolve in his mind the Devavrata verse, then (the 
enemies) would not kill him. If one's house were to be burnt 1171 
( accidentally ) one should offer oblations anointed with ghee with 
the mantra ' born with the highest Dharman ' ( SSmaveda no 90 ) 
and with words ' svaha to Agni ' In H % 2 The Samavidhana Br. 
prescribes a santi for one seized or posessed by an evil spirit. A 
portion of Sadvimsabrahmana (viz V 1-10) is styled Adbhufca- 
brahmana and contains santis for several kinds of utpataB Some 
parts of it (such as V 2-3) correspond with Asvalayana-grhya 
-parisista, 4 11-15 The Sadvimsa-brahmana V. 7. 2 provides 
for earthquakes and cracks in palaces, which are similar to Yoga- 
yatra 3. 13 The Atharvaveda 19. 9. 9 refers to showers of fall- 
ing stars (naksatramulkabhibatam sam-astu nah) and Sad- 
vimsa V 9. 2. refers to falling meteors and V 10. 2 to images 
laughing, weeping &c 

Reasons of space forbid further description of santis from 
the grhya-sutras 

The preceding discussion with regard to santis is enough to 
show that santis were prescribed in the Vedic literature, the 
srautasutras, Samavidhana-brahmana and Bgvidhana, not only 
for appeasing the angry divinities or powers of evil, but also for 
occurrences like bad dreams or of portentous phenomena like the 
sun's or moon's appearance, the cries of unlucky birds &c. 

This subject about santis against all sorts of omens and 
portents was very much elaborated in the post- Vedic literature. 
An extensive literature on santis exists in the Grhyasutras, the 
, Kausika-sutra, the Atharvaveda Parisistas (particularly Nos. 
V, XXXI on Kotihoma, XXXHE on Ghrtakambala, XXXVH on 
' samuccayaprayascittam ', resembling 13th chapter of Kausika, 
LVTH to LXVII on utpatas, adbhutasantis and dreams, LXXI 
andLXXH, the Puranas (like Matsya 92-93 and 228-238, Visnu- 
dharmottaral 90-105, II. 124-127, II. 159-164. Markandeya chap. 
40, Agni 149, 164, 167, 259-268, 290-91, 320-324, Bhavisya IV. 
141-145, Brahmanda DX 38. 30-34, the Brhatsamhita chap. 45 , 
the Santika-paustika-kanda of the Krtyakalpataru (Ms. in 
Baroda Oriental Institute), the Adbhutasagara of Ballalasena 
and his sonLaksmanasena (commenced to be written in sakal089 
i. e. 1167 A.D ), the Santi section of the Madanaratna (ms. in the 
Anup Sanskrit Library, Bikaner), Jyotistattva of Baghunandana 

1171 afl'5gn>^?nTFn? < Ni5i;:d5!^i'"ira. it»i wfiShpraiHT'l' wtlffS'*' !■ ". Bi 

Post-vedic Literature on Mantis 735 

(pp. 704 ff), the Santikamalakara of Kamalakarabhatta (ms. in 
BhauDaji collection of the Bombay Asiatic Society), Santi- 
mayukha of Nflakantha. Of these the Adbhutasagara is a very- 
extensive work of 751 pages, edited by Pandit Murlidhar Jha 
and published by Prabhakari &c , Banaies, in 1905 A. D. 
The Krtyakalpataru on Santis has not yet been edited and 
published in the Gaikwad Oriental Series. As compared with 
some other kandas, the section on santi is meagre. It deals 
only with the following; Kurmavibhaga (the distribution 
of the countries in Bharata in 9 groups); Graha-makha or 
Grahayaga quoting Yaj. L 295-308, Matsya, Narasimha and 
Bhavisya and DevSpuiana; Ayutahoma, Kotihoma ; Pusyasnana ; 
Grahasanti; Matrsanti; Lingasanti; Vinayakasanti (quoting 
Yaj. I 271-294 and Matsya ), Grahanasnan a; Sankrantisnana; 
mrtavatsabhiseka; santis for variouas utpatas; Gayatrlhoma; 
Rudrajapavidhi; abhicarikakaTma (magic rites). It is neither 
possible nor necessary to deal with this vast mass on santi in 
this work in detail. Many of the santis described therein and in 
older srauta and other works have been almost obsolete for a long 
time. Therefore, only a few santis now in vogue or very 
interesting from several viewpoints will be dealt with in this 
section. 1172 

The Kausikasutra (chapter 13, kandikas 93-136) is con- 
cerned with adbhutas, their descriptions and the santis therefor. 
Kandika 93 brings together 42 portentous phenomena and the 
kandikss that follow deal with the description of the omen or 
portent and santis for each of these. In these santis, Atharva- 
veda ma ntras play a secondary role and the majority of the 

1172. A recently published work by D. J. Hoens (pp. 1-197, S 
Gravenhage, 1951 ) on • s£n« • deals at some le'ngth only with dantis in the 
Samhitas BrShmanas and Srautasutras. According to KeWs Paddhati on 
Kaustka-sutra (I 8. Bloomfield's ed. p. 307) and Siyana in his Intro, to 
a— therewere fi veKalpa S of the Atharvaveda ment.oned by (an 

anient commentator) Upavarsa in h, a commentary on Jaimm. I 3 11-14 

isx^ tMm r eaition ° £ samvat i 986 > 'Sra* 

WgR^ ^f^m^mt^m 1 (P 81. and p. 28 of Pand.fs ed. ), J£f " 

&t£^£ ^h^aveda. The ^,^^11 35 61 . 62 states , J 

^^W^Tf^^.,,,. The saSe verses occur ,„ \£-J7m. ^ 
compare also f^c^go m. 6 13 _, 4 113 «wr do., ai, 

736 Hittori/ of DhnrwaiUiha \ See JJJ, Cb. XX 

mantras form an indopondont mantra material. It should bo 
noted that at Uio ond all theqo slntfa arc spoken of as 

Tho Bubjocts treated of in the Madanaratna (about 1425 to 
1450 A. D ) on Sfmtika-pauslika would indicato how ertonsivo 
was tho cult of santis rocommonded in modioval time? The 
Anukraroanika at tho boginning of tho Ms. mentions tho follow- 
ins : Vinayakosnana; santis to plocato tho nine planots from 
tho Sun to Kotu- Sanaiscarrrota, sjntis to placato Saturn 
extracted from Skanda ( Nfigarakhanda and Prabbusakhanda); 
worship of Jupiter and Venus; Santis based on tho Ysmalas 15 " 
on the conjunction of five or moro planots , GrahasnSnas from 
Visnudharmottara , santis of tho tithi and weekday when fever 
and other diseases seize a man , Naksatrasanti , santis for the 
nine naksatTas called Janma and tho rest ( vido note 772 for 
these nine naksatras); santis for birth on AmavasyS, or on 
Mula, Aslesa or Jyestba naksatra, santi for birth on the same 
naksatra as that of the father or (older) brother, santis for birth 
on Ganda, "Vaidhrti, Vyatlpatayoga, Sankranti, VisanadI, 
ecplipses ; santi called Gomukhaprasava ; santis declared for the 
protection of the foetus from the first and following months from 
conception: bah offerings; medicine for removing pain3 of the 
foetus; measures for easy delivery, for protection of tho child 
afterbirth, bali on first day with mantras &c, nlrajana &c , 
description of sprinkling tho infant with holy water, satiating 
gods and pitrs with water, horaas, yanlras ( mystical diagrams ) ; 

1172a. The Yamalas arc works of Tantra class, the numbers of which 
are variously given. But they are often said to be eight Vide note 1595 
below on tantras. The Rudrayamala tantra was published by Jivananda 
containing over 6000 verses in 66 chapters in 1892. There arc works 
called Ganesayamala, Brahmayamnla, Rudra-yamala, Visnuyamala, 
Sakti-yamala, and several others. Certain gtoij ( or oadis ) of certain 
tithis, weekdays and naksatras are said bj the Smrli-kaustubha to 
be visanadts or vivaghatis (producing verj disastrous results), 
but in' astrological works certain ghatis of naksatras onlj have that appella- 
tion and a person born on those ghatis forebodes the death and loss of the 
father, the mother, wealth and himself by poisoning, arms and missiles 
(according to Dharmasmdhu p 184). The Madanaratna on Santiks (folios 
15b to 20b) sets out numerous details about all the 27 naksatras from the 
work of Atreya, one (detail) being the visaghati of each naksatra e. g as to 
Asvini three nadikas after 50th ghalika constitute visanadt, as to Bharani 
one ghati after 24, as to Punarvasu and Pnsya one ghalT after 30 and 20 
ghatis respectively and so on, 

Mantis from Madanaratna 73T 

general rules about the rites on the 1st to the 12th day after birth 
and in the first and following months of the first year after 
birth; applying ointments, fumigation, baths with mantras when 
a child is seized (or possessed) by an evil spirit; feomowith 
durvas and homa for long life; Santi for adbhutas and santis for 
strange occurrences about images, Agni, trees, rainfall, reservoirs 
of water, for strange births, for birth of twinB, for strange 
happenings about implements, beasts, collapse of templeB and 
houses; santis for various utpatas and adbhutas; santis about 
kapota bird and on seeing the coitus of crows; santis relating to 
fall on one's body of the house lizard and chameleon; santis on 
impurity due to births and deaths ; santis relating to horses and 
elephants; santis on weekdays; mahasanti; Navagrahamakha; 
rules about Ayutahoma and its procedure, and about Laksahoma 
and Kotihoma from Narasimhapurana, Devlpurana and Bhavisya- 
purana; 117a om Devlpurana The adbhutas mention- 
ed in Mnfrka 93 ( of the Kausika-sutra ) are •. showers ( of ghee, 
honey, meat, gold, blood and other terrible showers); yaksas 
( supernatural apparitions like apes, beasts, crows appearing in 
the form oE human beings); croaking of two frogs; wrangling 
of family members; earth-quake; eclipse of the sun; eclipse of 
the moon; ausasl ( day-break, morning? ) does not go up; when 
sama( year?) becomes terrible; when there is fear of inunda- 
tions; when brahmanas are armed; when images of gods dance, 
fell down, laugh, sing or present other forms; where two 
Ploughshares get entangled; where two ropes or two threads 
(become entangled); where one Agni comes in contact 
wita another; when a cow gives birth to twins; when a 

1172 b. VasordhSra < literally a stream of wealth ) Vide H. of Dh 
vol. II. p. 1353 n 2696 for ,t. It is described at great length in RajanM- 
prakasa pp 447-457. quoting DevipnrSna. and in Krtyakalpataru 
(Rajadbarmakanda p. 201-218 ) quoting Bhavisya It is aQ an ; ient idea> ag 

~V- V ' 4 ' s ment,ons » , "**tf*ilftwiW*ra«rt*ft*<i.\ The 

WI^SS p 43 prescribes the following mantras m VasordhSra, viz 9 
mantras of the hymn begmning „u. -Agnlnwla' (Rg. I 1. l-g), the six 
mantras in Eg. l l54 . 1H5 (Vl nor . nn kam)i ^ ^ ^^ rf Rg ^ ^ 

nalr 6111 '?" 30111 ^ 151 ' < Sv5dls£ha * 5 -ad„th ay a). the MahavaisVa- 
naasama and Jyesthasama. On P . 31O-11 of the^r^ (^nrf, the 
following verses occur ' smS-ri **•„- - & im^wi iu» 

stt^S^r w " w ' •*« "** *"*"« 

H. D. 93 

738 History of Dharmaiastra [Sec. HE, Ch. XX 

mare, or a she-ass or a woman 1173 (gives birth to twins); when 
cows yield bloody 1171 milk, when a bull sucks the udder of 
a cow; where a cow sucks the udder of another cow; where ( a 
cow, horse, mule or a person) smells at Qkasaphena (white 
scuttle fish bone supposed to be sea-foam), when ants behave in 
an unusual way; when blue 1175 bees act in an unusual way; where 
the honey bees act in an unusual way; when an adbhuta 
happens not known before (or that surpasses all previous records) ; 
when anything is torn ( or shattered in pieces) in a village, 
residence, shed for sacred fires or meeting hall; when water 
spurts up in a waterlesB place; where sesame yield equal oil (?); 
where sacrificial offerings are polluted by being touched by 
birds, two-footed animals and quadrupeds; when the locks of 
hair ( of a boy or girl ) turn towards the left; when the sacri- 
ficial post strikes shoots; when a meteor is seen falling by day ; 
when a comet darkens the Great Bear, when the naksatras fall 
frequently (from the sky ); 117S * when a bird alights (on one's 
house ) with flesh in its beak; when a light flashes without there 
being any fire ; where Agni seems to breathe ( or hiss ) as it were ; 
where clarified butter, oil or honey trickles, where village fire 
burns down a house, where accidental fire burns one's bouse, 
where a bamboo splitg open with a sound, where a jar splits in 
a reservoir of water or a pan ( when put on fire ) splits or a Vessel 
in which barley is put splits. 1176 

1173. Compare ^ic^H-nid^ ' TPjffig iusr^ »»ratt fei^taWkf 
f=£t*ra;' 25. 4. 35 with ifiHtrai 93. 17-18 ■MmtMW »lR l SrfJ F hft ' imtd F lI 'g'. 

1174. Compare ^ntl5! 43. 19 ' *ra ^fpft tftfua f5^' wlUl *ltW<U XII. 
4.2 l ' dnig^ii?! j>4> && g^fa re? are g^ qtr nref3?i%ftfi? > &c 

1175. ■Nnamafcsanacare' Kanaka 93. Si. matea (as a collector of 
honey) occnrein Re. X. 40.6 'Yuvor ha roaksa paryasvmi" madhvSsa 
bharata niskrtara na yosana *. 

1175 a **i3%'ranrag«5KK3ret 93.35; srrffoi 6 on m VI. 1. 12 Is 
'aK-^irim'^'ft 1 '"*' ^'^i =3 '""*^ ana "nratg gives the instances as mw<, 
tgrarqH, T3TOH, i<*Wii 

1176. Many grhjasulras have passages resembling those in gn%B 
For example, a mw II. 15 6 has •sjsrat 35J5T wfisil nu3ai JW^Bt »«t*lsi 

^«^ hh& 5TT jr lffrf l ^&^lg* mnft-Jj^mi. Tien tea an^s 
with tin WJ3S arc prescribed v,r. Rg I. 89 6. V. 51. 11, V 51. 12, V. 51.13, 
X. 63. 15. VI 47. 11. VII. 19. 7, X 152. 4, X ISO 2,andTai Br. Ill 5.11. 
gome of' these IiVc Rg. X 152. 4 and X. ISO. 2 occur in all Samhltas. 
( Continued on next page ) 

Santis for adbhutas in Jtausika ?3§ 

It would be impossible for reasons of space and also of use- 
fulness to set out the santis prescribed for the above adbhutas 
in Eausika, but a few may be described by way of illustration. 
When there is an earthquake u ' 7 one should offer (oblations of 
ghee) with five verses, three of which are addressed to Jisnu 
(Visnu). Three of the verses are: "Just as the sun shines 
brightly in the heaven, Vayu dwells in the sky and Agni enters 
the earth, so may this Jisnu be firm and unmoving. As the 
rivers day and night pour their sediment ( clay or mud carried 
by them) in the sea without fail, similarly may all tribes 
( of gods ? ) with one mind approach my invocation ( or sacri- 
fice) without fail; may the Goddess (Earth) along with all 
deities be firm and unmoving for me and may ( the Goddess ) 
drive away from us all evil and pierce my enemies that hate 
me. " After having offered oblations with the words ' svalia. to 
the earth ' he should offer oblations with the verses Atharva VI. 
87. 1, VI. 88. 1 and with the verses of the anuvalw. beginning 
with Atharva XII. 1. 1. This is the prSyascitti there ( in case 
of an earthquake ). 

, ^ Where darkness seizes the sun, one should offer oblations 
With the verses ' arranging according to the season divine 
wonders, ( the sun ) rises up revolving ( driving away ) the fierce 
( aspects ) of the several seasons ; may the sun passing over these 
on all sides come; may the Waters move along in all these 
worlds. May Indra and Agni, knowing well, protect thee with 
herbs (remedies); destroy all darkness according to the cosmic 
order and by true speech.* Having offered oblations with the 
words « svaha to the sun ', he Bhould again make oblations ( in 
Agni ) with the hymn Atharva XVII. 1. He worships with the 
Eohita hymns ( Atharva XIH. 1-4 ). This is the prayaicitH in 
this case. 

(Continued from last page) 
<?fe>93 aeis'awt^,. The sarfo for allays not speci6ea in the welt* 

I7?c nn »* atecllp5eand lunar ecli P se respectively. **» X. 

l »wnt a ms mantras simUar to those in <feft 98. p 7- 3?^ A. 

W6 History of Dhai maiastra [ Sec. Ill, Oh. XS 

When the (darkness) floods the moon one should offer 
oblation into fire with the verse 1178 " Rahu creeps over the 
'shining king (the moon), the former (Eahu) strikes him (the moon) 
here (i.e. before us), a thousand of his (Rahu's) bodies are to 
he destroyed; may (his) one hundred bodies perish ! '. Having 
offered oblations with the words ' svaha to the Moon ', he should 
offer oblations with the hymn 'Sakadhumam naksatrani yad- 
rajanam-akurvata' (Atharva VI. 138. 1). This is the prayasoitta 
in this case 1179 

In connection with santis three words require to be carefully 

I "understood viz. adbhuta, utpata and mmiita. Adbhuta is an 

' ancient word. It occurs several times in the Rgveda and is 

r generally applied to some gods in the sense of * wonderful'. In 

"Some passages, however, it means •future' and possibly also 

.'portentous' For example, according to Firukta I. 5 1180 the 

: sage Agastya first promised to offer an offering to Indra, but 

, later he desired to offer the same to the Maruts, that then Indra 

came to Agastya and complained to him as m Eg. I 170. 1 

(what was promised today) even that does not exist, nor will it 

(the hams) be there (for me) tomorrow; who knows (for certain) 

1178 There is difference of opinion about ST^ngsf in 'sRigiT »HHm u llt<tt> - 
*f ^&*T Sgipn^' <Ml3l<n 100 3 Literally it may mean 'the smoke from dried 

' cowdung' ( jj|ch»i — 5l3TcT. + *JJT ) It occurs also in EKH^fti 8 17 and 50. 65, 
which latter is 'gifrsiST gg^t -HtflUM ^auMuai^ qferUPT ftmars- 
Ri§ y^ l r) 1 '• This shows that here at least the meaning is ' a srtgrT on whose 
joints dried cowdung cakes were placed I Cbarpentier has an interesting 
paper on SPRtgyi in Bulletin of the School of Oriental Studies (London ) for 
1935 pp 449-450 where he states that various scholars have given different 
meanings, viz constellation, dung smoke, weather prophet (Bloomfield), Agni 

"(Caland), milky way and himself that it means 'Krttika ' It does not clearly 
appear how, conceding that 5T5PJJT stands for $hHi, a »t(g<uf could be 
called f&iK*{ in Efitfire: 50 15 and on what grounds According to Psmni 
IV. 3. 34 a man born on Bahula naksatra was called Bahula, so one born 

"\jn Sakaahuma { Krttika ) may be called by the same name by analogy, nfta Is 

- balled the lord of plants in sraro VII 2. 4. 26 and im^sjgf 1 s > and thB 
king of brahmanas (#J?t«nrei rf l fiHUHl XFStt) "> SEPTO V 3, 4 12 and 

1179. For a santl on eclipse from a late medieval worki vide ^sn4' 
fa,dmiui ( pp 355-361 ) quoting from IR^T. 

1180 P^rar i 5 says ' spwt gsgpr sitf^T hs^-4' 4)>iftetfi-<Mi< tf 

'wga^> W5f^ 53*1. aW* ar^lf^lf^WiK I 6 Rgveda I. 170 has f|ve 
verses which contain an interesting dialogue between Indra and Agastya. ' 

Meaning of aShuta, utpata and nimitta ?«■ 

£fiS .£p*£-». whether already perforW or to be 
performed'. TJg.X.105.7 is perhaps a little clearer than the 
SS '(May Indra reduce our sins) Iudra W ho as golden- 
bearded who has tawny horses, whose jaw is never broken and 

bolt like the sky that is wonderful (or Ml of por tents) . The 
' word usually employed in the G&yasutras is adbhula and the 
Santis are called ' adbhuta&ntis '. Adbhuta is a word of very 
general import. It includes not only such serious phenomena as 
earth-quakes, eclipses, comets, falling stars but such compara- 
tively minor yet unexpected or unusual happenings as a cow 
yielding blood-red milk or a cow sucking the udder of another 
cow. The anoient writer Vrddha-Garga defines ' adbhuta' as 
any occurrence that had not occurred before or a total change 
coming over what has occurred before." 82 The 67th Atharvana- 
'parisistais called Adbhutasanti (pp. 432-435). It distributes 
'adbhatas' into seven groups relating to Indra, Varuna, Yama, 
Agni, Kubera, Visnu and Vayu and names some adbhutas under 
each such as a rainbow at night (relating to Indra), a vulture or 
owl alighting on a man's house or a kapota entering it ( relating . 
to Yama), smoke without Are (relating to Agni), eclipse on the 
naksatra of a man's birth (relating to Visnu) and prescribes as 
sSnti the japa of Atharvasiras, making hrShmanas say ' svasti »' 
honouring and feeding brahmanas. That parisista 1b based on 
the AdbhutahrahmaDa of the SSmaveda. 

The word 'utpata* is rare in the Srauta or Grhya sutras. 
The Gautamadharma-sutra, after enjoining upon the king to 

list. ^Qs«p5i^OT(^S!^3ri^iR i =ti^>^atf^'^i'«t5R^ii^.l.2S.lij 

1182. srer i^»m. i **>%$$ *rs? *&$ 3tw3-<M» i srg§HfHt& #* 3tS»3 
Wtl^R r mM ." q by sigtRinR p. +• 3J*w>IKi?IH ( p. 344ff ) provides Kow 
certain portents indicated evil and death to the kings of certain countries, 
Vide the 'Reports of the Magicians and astrologers of Nineveh and Babylon ' 
referred to above in note 839 JProl. Nengebauer refers to Babylonian tablets 
containing thousands of omens and observes that from about 700 3. C. 
systematic observational reports were made "by astronomers to the royal 
court, in which no clear line of demarcation was drawn between astro* 
comical and meteorological phenomena. Vide E. S. A. p, 96 

™2 tltstory of Dharmaiaslra [ Sec. 3H, Oh. XX 

select a learned, well-conducted brahmana as his purohta, 
provides that the king should give heed to what astrologers and 
interpreters of omens tell (him) and that the purohita should 
perform santi rites, rites for prosperity (such as vaBtu-homa) 
and magic rites ( on behalf of the king 1183 ). But in the Puranas 
and the medieval Sanskrit works it is far more frequent than 
the word adbhuta; sometimes adbhuta and utpata are used as 
synonyms. Garga says 1184 ' deities become unfavourable owing 
to the wrong doings of men and create extraordinary happen- 
ings in the sky, atmospheric region and on the earth. These 
are the utpatas for all worlds created by gods; these utpatas 
sally forth for the destruction (of people) and they by their 
(terrific) appearances rouse people (to do what is proper.)'. Here 
the words 'adbhuta' and 'utpata' are used as synonyms- 
Similarly, Matsya (228. 1-2) appears to regard the two words 
as synonyms. 1185 Generally, however, the word utpata denotes 
ccurrences that portend evil to all Amarakosa treats ' ajanya*, 
'utpata' and 'upasarga' as synonyms. Utpata is defined by 
Garga, Varahamihira 1186 and Atharva-parisista LXIV as the 

1183. Vide p. 543 note 799 above for the passage from aft. -sr ^ where 
the word y t md occurs, 

1184. aaisq^rft nt<iiHwm.»<<fii sNrr ■ % w^<ik umP^^ir 

ift q by 3313 on ^rtjctf. 45. 3, very similar verses are quoted from i^rftcTT 
and tujtfciM in 3tg fp5. zttpj chap. 229 summarises what fsipi told srf% 
and verse 5 is just like the first verse above, it is g^q-prercwTHHTOli^c! 
SfcSB I HdtMWilt&qwmwT. I^Sa II , the fr^fiai 45 2-3 ' sprqftur sRnmgf- 

*rft: mu-H^tj^i^^u? i ri^xfUKt f^rraRSn^rer ycmdis it HgsirsmrraragrRTBT 
%JHB ^^dK I. It would be noticed that Varaaa repeats almost the very 
words of i&M The siciprf (37.14-15) speaks of a iffsS called jpraJftra, 
visited by uriilH on the Sarasvati and credits him with proficiency in the 
movements of luminaries and aawHH 18. 38 speaks of him as proficient in 
th!,flfll« T with its 64 angas. Garga was a famous gotra name Vide Pan. IV. 
1. 105 (Gargadibhyo yan). 

1185. Q^i^ f%»^^g *rr i friiPcftrfr tfhtfr i am? siJgm^tw * <>|UMid3 
&5ftti arora. ^^ th *? f^q p^ij'iji^g ' reffim a ^s wfe- ^pS wr 
*^n *am 228. 1-2. 

1186. TR^t«n3r»»ni: siftr? aFit ^ ' foi ^^tW fl^^rassmt! n 
§55# 45. 1; *b n^RlRmfa i «& H^ra! ^gtqrat i f§iici<i<wi4«i-»Hrf) ffi'atSs- 

" ad *rafa " VHH - Hife a t °* *m 1- by 33T3 on ^^f. 45.1 This verse is quoted 
in the 31. *n. P 5 as taken from a work called «j3<h|u|5 iT, and the ar. «. 
ascribes the verse to to? himself on the same page lines 3-4 ' sn? if? v. >t$ia- 
( Continued oft next page ) 

Nimitta and utpata 743 

reverse of the visual natural order. Nimitta means, according 
to Amarakosa (nimittam hetulaksmanoh) ' cause or prognostic 
sign'. Nimitta may be auspicious or inauspicious. This is one 
distinction between utpata (which generally denotes an unlucky 
portent) and nimitta. There is another distinction. Nimitta 
is often restricted to the throbbing of a person's limbs (as in 
Matsya chap. 341), though here and there it is used in a wider 
sense as in Glta (131) {'nimittani ca pasyami viparltani 
Kesava' Kesaval I see adverse omens), Ramayana, Ayodhya- 
kanda. 4 17-19, Bhlsma-parva 2. 16-17, Virata 46. 30, Atharva- 
parisista LXEV (TJtpata-laksana) 10. 9-10. «® It may he noted 
that Manu VI. 50 mentions 'utpata' and 'nimitta' separately 
(p. 527 note 758). 

Examples of unfavourable happenings (nimittas or utpatas) 
occur plentifully in the Mahabharata, Sahhaparva 80. 28-31, 
81. 22-25, Vanaparva 179. 41, 224. 17-18, Virata .39. 4-6, 
46. 24-32, Udyoga 84. 4-9, 156. 28-30, Bhisma 2. 17-33, 3. 65-74, 
19. 36-38, 99. 21-28, 112. 6-12, Drona 7. 34-41, 77. 3-7, Salya 
23. 21-24, 56. 8-14, 192. 17-21, Mausala 1. 1-5, 2. 1-17 and the 
RSmayana, Ayodhya 4. 17-19, Aianyakanda 23. 1-7 and 10-25, 
^Yuddhakanda 10. 14-20, 23. 4-11, 35. 25-35, 41. 13-20, 53. 32, 
65.47-51,95.43,98.40-44. The chief utpatas and adbhutas, 
are: terrible dreams, roar of contending winds i. e. hurricanes 

(Continued from last $ age) 
forefe; *IPr. qsjto ', ' gl sfi EhiuWUfi a afo r sag : ;r5g; gga? ggt. > Thisiadt- 
cafes that *«(${& wrote a work called .wfrPwn which is the sane as the 
fannreietii of tro^ quoted by 3?n5 This important point will be elaborated 
elsewhere. u^vMinrari) vsn ^mw^t 1 a* snnft 5ir*qTa:^%5tra3^n^n 
3TK*r ^te(chap. LXiv. i. 2 p. 409); na^^ i a -. ^#ren^rg?i: i sjfl 
Q^bywsCgaHPn: p. 5 The fjjfira of w^sng states very similarly ' ji^. 

^^i^R^gf^i) (n. Zland'st^t^nfe:^ .gtrot: *£0&s: i 
<3?n*3RijnifaT«r «ll«*)«li i*feitaa « ' ( XIV 2 ) The §ing%,° n. 5. 26 speaks of 
<™!l!i^SsS ge a ° a aS hawin 8 **"»** aU the consequences of nimittas 

^" 87 - f^S^SS^T ^st <n*srcnj%3i i niRrrra ngssfcr ■mffiuj*- 

•wiiRSte UCW (^nrra^ro ) io. 9_io. In ^5^2 18-17, we read gg 

tt'TOviifeqftiicnt.raki a ^^ ftftwft *w»jw«wrt a &*, vm 

IS* ^^ ^ ' ^^ """^ ™wia #;!n^ 155. 2-5 

' L4 = 2* - Md "J^ 86 6 ttBy are refOTed t0 « wm «a •mm 

744 History of Dharmaiastra [ Sec. HI, Ch. XX 

(mrghata), meteors, she-jackals howling towards the Bouth, 
fierce and dry wind with shower of sand; earth-quakes; sun 
eclipse at an unusual time ( Ramayana HL 23. 12, Sabha 80. 29, 
81. 23 Salya 56. 10, Bhisma 3. 28 ); flashes of lightning without 
clouds; carnivorous hirds like vultures and crows on temples; 
fort-walls and bastions, spontaneous fire; rent banners; halo of 
the sun and moon; river- flowing with bloody waters; rain with- 
out clouds, rain of blood or mud ; trumpeting of elephants ; sky 
filled with darkness, horses shedding tears; peals of thunder in a 
clear sky, rivers flowing in reverse direction; throbbing of the 
left arm and eye (in men), croaking of frogs; sea lashed into 
fury; images of gods trembling, dancing, laughing or weeping 
(Bhisma 112 11); pale sun, birds like pigeons and matnas and 
deer weeping with face towards the sun ; appearance of a headless 
trunk near the sun; strange births such as ass born of a cow, 
mouse born of an ichneumon (Yuddhakanda 35. 30). The 
auspicious signs described in the epics, aTe comparatively few as 
in Balakanda22.4,ndyoga83 23-26,84 117, Bhisma 3. 65-74, 
Sknti 52. 25, Asvamedhika 53. 5-6 The principal auspicious 
signs are. clear sky without clouds, wind blowing 1188 cool 
and pleasant to the skin, no dust raised, birds and animals 
proceeding to a man's right side, fire without being enveloped 
in smoke and with flames turned towards the right, shower of 
flowers, auspicious birds like casa, krauiica, peacock sending up 
chirpings to the right ( Kama 72. 12-13 ) 

The omens and portents mentioned in the two epics are 
generally described as occurring at certain important times and 
events, e. g on the eve of battles or when Dasaratha proposed 
that Rama be crowned as yuiaraja, or when Pandavas startad 
on their exile into the forest or when Bhisma was anointed as 
commander-in-chief of the Kaurava hosts or when Arjuna vowed 
that he would kill Jayadratha before sunset There is no grada- 
tion or order in mentioning the omens and portents in these two 
works, but they are set out pell-mell Untimely rain, thunder 
without clouds, croaking of frogs are on the same level and 

1188 ^tIr"®^ 513 ti^M'tHS- S^ ' 5m§5<t€ 52 25, %^HHii4- 
gmftji t II ^ejfl 83. 23-24 and 26 «*=^g'ittMgl3iR|;'4HIH8I inw^i I H^RP'15'St 

echo of the atiove verses, compare also x%=> IV 25, X 72-74. 

Classification of Utpfttas ?45 

uttered in the same breath with eclipses. But Garga," 69 

ParSsara, Sabha-parva, Brhatsamhita 45. 2, Matsyapurana 229.5, 

Atham-parisistaLXCX (1.2) and other works divide utpatas 

into three classes, rh.divya (arising from heavenly bodies), 

antariksa (springing in the sky or atmospheric region) and 

bhauim (that appear on the earth). This classification is ancient 

enough. The Atharvaveda 1190 expressly refers to the three 

classes of utpatas ' May the earthly and atmospheric utpatas and 

the planets moving in heaven confer welfare on us'. The 

Brhatsamhita 1191 says that it is the king's business to arrange 

forsantisin his kingdom for counteracting (the consequences 

of portents). Garga 1192 declared that those who, when advised 

by brabmanas for performing lantis, perform auspicious rites 

with faith do not suffer defeat, but that those who having no 

faith or because of atheism or resentment do not perform rites 

for counteracting (omens) perish in a short time. Garga, the 

Brhatsamhita, Matsya 229. 6-9, Agni 263. 12-13 furnish 

examples of the three kinds of utpatas, 1193 viz. the divya ones aTe 

concerned with the abnormal conditions of planets and naksatras, 

eclipses, comets; those of atmospheric regions are hurricanes, 

unusual clouds, fall of meteors, twilights, preternatural reddish 

appearances of the quarters, halo, 3?ata Morgana ( appearance of 

illusory town in the air), Tainbow and strange rainfall (such as 

H89. ifai sitaaM Tgjfen«im*r. ) "ram^rgBrm *ft£t. > *tci?it,- flfrlrar. s 3 
9#*ft f%arar«Rr#i3it t »rf, bothq. by gj^gsRmre p. 5, f^nsaftewfa ^ 

1190. a^mt ^m^m: ^i ^t khtH I air: « arcs? . 19. 9. 7. 

f^J^IHltfq.bysreqHon^^aj. 45. 4, in 3^ srr p. 6 (with slight varia- 
tions, snch as Sfftgi^for ^n^), 3*fH?teRi p. 707. 

UM. ^^-%s<3?st-ir^Ki^^^stn i f%^^i?tra?r^ra?iftsi^S§ <$£- 
^raa ?ng wwt rar ay^ i afNs|^ *jfo 3i 6 U wuaR& w i wR m q. by 

gg o n fga}. 45 4-5. st m . p. 6; {§** H^ t^da^lfiMfri^HKRam . I 

^raw^t^rg^^f^iiq. bytnrf^on aa vol. n p. 1076; sffi 
WW. U-13 ) has same verses as *r^t, 

H. D, U 

746 History of Dharmaiastra I Sec. ID, Oh. XX 

of blood-red water, or fall of rain with fishes, tortoises &c.)i 
those of the earth are earth-quake and unusual states of water 
reservoirs. The Brhatsamhita remarks that the evil conse- 
quences of earthly (bkauma) utpatas when counteracted with 
santis are removed, the evil consequences of utpatas from the 
atmospheric regions are reduced to a mild form (by santis), 
while, according to some ( aoaryas like Kasyapa, saysTJtpala) 
divya utpatas are not counteracted by santis at all; the opinion 
of Varahamihira himself appears to be that the consequences of 
even divya utpatas are conjured away by the gifts of plenty of 
gold, food, cows and land and by spilling the milk of cows on 
the ground or in a Eudra temple and by performing Kotthoma. 
Varahamihira and Matsya further provide that daiva utpata 
has evil effects (lit. bears fruit ) in eight ways, viz on the king 
himself, his son, his treasury, his conveyances (horses, elephants 
&o,), his capital, his queen, purohita and his people 1W1 

.Numerous santis bearing different names are prescribed in 
Matsya, by Varahamihira and others. The 18 santis prescribed 
in Matsya (228) 1Ws and bearing the names of several gods 
will be briefly mentioned here Abhaya-siLnti is prescribed 
when a king desires to be a conqueror or when he is attacked by 
enemies or when he fears that witchcraft has been practised 
against him or when he desireB to uproot his enemies or when 
a great danger threatens The Sdumya santi is prescribed when 
a man is attacked by Tuberculosis or is weak owing to wounds 
or when a man desires to perform a sacrifice. When there is 
an earthquake or when there is a famine of food or there is 
excessive rain or drought or there is danger of locusts or when 
thieves are operating the Vatsnavi santi is prescribed ; JEtaudri 
santi is employed against an epidemic among cattle or human 
beings or when ghosts appear or when a coronation is to take 
place or when there is fear of an invasion or there is treachery 
in one's kingdom, or when enemies aTe to be killed; Brahml 
santi is performed when it is feared that Veda study would 

&& II 15W 45 7 Compare ffi^r 229. 12-13 <$*<• stfft sft <g S*gft (v. 1. 
^5ft)S^"n«K*i™^St5 ! '»Jlt5Bhl^%lq byar HT. P. 9. t*ri§ ° n S*J 
vol II p. 1076 There is close correspondence between the two here and 
elsewhere because both expressly say that they will draw upon what Garga 
declared to AAn 

1194a The whole of Matsya 228 is quoted by Hemadn on Vrata vol 
II. pp. 1073-1075 and by 3T *n PP. 733-736 

Mighfeen iantisfrom Matsya-purana 747 

perish or when atheism prevails or where honour is paid to 
persons unworthy of it ; if strong winds Mow for more than 
three days and disease spreads due to vata, then Vwjavi santi 
should he performed; Varum when there is fear of drought or 
there is abnormal rain ( of blood &o. ) ; Bhurgavt when there is 
danger of false accusation ; Pi ajapahja when abnormal births 
take place; Toast) I when there are abnormal conditions of 
implements; Kaumarl when santi is to be performed for 
children; Agneyl when fire shows portentous appearances; 
Gandharvl when a person is disobeyed or his wife and servants 
perish, or he desires to perform santi for horses; Ahgnasl when 
elephants are affected ; Nmi rti when danger arises from goblins ; 
Yamya when there is fear of an accident leading to death or 
a bad dream; Kauberi when wealth is lost; Parthvl when trees 
are affected by abnormal conditions ; Aindi I when portents 
happen on Jyestha naksatra or on Anuradha. 

The Agnipurana (263.7-8) refers to these 18 santis and 
says that the best santis are Amrta, Abhaya, and Saumya. 
Varahamihira mentions numerous santis on the happenings of 
several abnormal incidents. For reasons of space nothing can 
be said here about them. But one santi deserves to be set out." 95 
'If a man perceives Taksas, the astrologer should declare that 
an epidemic is very near; for counteracting them Garga per- 
formed a propitiatory rite, viz. MahSsantis, offerings, plentiful 
food, worship of Indra and Indranl.' The Brhatsamhita sets out 
(45. 82-95 ) certain happenings as not portentous when they 
happen in certain seasons and quotes several verses of Rsiputra 
which alsooocur in Matsya 239. 14-25 with some variations ; 
e. g. in Oaitra and Vaisakha the following are auspicious ( and 
not portents requiring santi) lightning, meteors, earthquake, 
wazmg twilight, noisy storms, halo, dust in sky, B moke in 
wrests, red sunrise and sunset. 



Individual Santis 

It is now time to turn to individual santis, mostly post-vedic. 
The first is Vinayaka-santi or Ganapatipuja. This is performed 
at the commencement of all samskaras such as upanayana and 
marriage in order that the fruit thereof may be had without obsta- 
' cles or for averting the evil effects of portents or in order to mitigate 
the adverse effects of the death of a sapinda or the like. When 
it is performed for its own sake it sbould be performed on the 
4th tithi of the bright half, on Thursday and the auspicious 
naksatras Pusya, Sravana, TJttara, RohinI, Hasta, AsvinI, Mrga- 
itfrsa, but when performed at the commencement of Upanayana 
or the like, one may. perform it at a time suited to the time of 
the principal rite. The sankalpa is given below. 11 " 6 InH. of 
Dh. vol. II pp 213-216 it has been shown how in the earliest 
stages represented by the Manava-grhya and Baijavapa-grhya 
which speak of four Vinayakas, all were evil spirits, how in the 
next stage- represented by the Yajfiavalkyasmrti (I. 271-294). 
Vinayaka is not only represented as causing obstacles ( Vighna- 
krt) but also as bringing success in all actions and rites 
( Vighnahrt) and how later on it was prescribed that Ganapati- 
puja must be done first in all rites (GobhilaI;13). YSj.I. 293 
provides 11 " that by worshipping Vinayaka in the way pres- 
cribed and also the planets, a person secures miccess in his 
undertakings and the highest prosperity. The Visnudharmottara 
II. 105. 2-24 borrows the verses of Yaj. I. 271-292, though not 
in the same order and adds a few. The Brahmanda provides 1198 

H96. a?sfm<i'iHRc<i€i4( HiSkmicjmi-t^ijiwTHimH ^t *Tfi»5*n iri%' 
«miu"<<t<hi<$i hist. 1 iwni*+<5ift RwtiHidRt'iNifafrt ^t vJMwTRi^'Siwia w, 

p. 205, sna^S has a special meaning, for which vide H, of Dh vol. II p 516. 

1197. qwilHPi*g?^3J?T^fi«iPra. 1 3u!Wt iwnfiE i iSnf - xUHl^jxt - 

tn^llTra. I 293, *ri5e*f,=nar<l$ 23.30 

1198. vHid*«ii^'«WiK «rwiT«ni%^n? ^ 1 ijrapri nfBl - w ij} g# %5i^f 
srgnog HI 42 42-44. vt&vm I IV. 44. 65-70 ) gives 51 names of aiotjr 

UTavagrahasanh «*' 

that Gajanana must be worshipped for success in all desires, in 
all samkaras such as Garbbadhana and Jatakaxma, 'J>» «*«*; 
ing on a journey or engaging in a commercial undertaking, at 
the time of battle, in the worship of gods in troublous times 
The Bbavisyottara chap. 144 has a santi called Gananathasanti 
which resembles the VinayakasSnti of Y&j. 

In the Yajfiavalkya-smrti (L 294-308), the Vaikhanasa- 
smarta-sutra (IV. 13-14), the Baudhayana-grhyasesasutra 
the Matsya-purana (93. 1-105 ), the Visnudharmottara I 93-105 
and other puranas, in the Brhad-Yogayatra (chap. 18. 1-34 }, 
and in the medieval digests provision is made for a santi rite to 
the nine gralw, viz. the Sun, the Moon, Mars, Mercury, Juicer, 
Venus, Saturn (mentioned in the order of the week-days), Banu 
and Ketu. This natagrahaianti is the model {prdkrti ) of all santi- 
homas in all medieval digests. The Vaikhanasa-smartasutra llw 
provides that all religious rites should be preceded by this nava- 
graha-santi. Yajfiavalkya 1200 says ' one desirous of prosperity^ of 
removing evil or calamities, of rainf all( f or crops), long life, bodily 
health andone desirous of performing magic rites against enemies 
and others should perform a sacrifice to planets.' The Matsya 
(93. 5-8 ) states that the namgraliamaklia is of three kinds, viz 
Ayutahoma (in which 10000 oblations are made ), Laksahoma 
and Kotihoma. The first is described at length in Matsya 93.; 
7-84, Laksahoma in 93. 85-118, Kotihoma in 93. 119-139. The 
Matsya further provides 1201 that Ayutahoma should be per- 
formed in marriages, festivals, sacrifices, establishment of 
images and other rites, in order that no obstacles should arise 
therein and on occasions when the mind is perturbed or when 
some evil omen or unusual event happens. 

^ 1199. mtprt -gst^r «l^:#nj*tftra w^rruii i t- *m. ^.. iy. l* ; tbe 
5nPa*MwwRj Bays, 'aw ^i%ti?ait^ra^g uz^-d vj-^di *rsr ^n^jtrtgRS^S 
*n*RPB *nfc i *wi qr» ' (folio lia). 

1200, ifesmx fni^rami m srsrg- *mR«ei_ i ^h^i3'.3i3*ihJ 3t trcHii^- 

<gt5ri5« Ttgv. I. 294, *n^q 93. 2 (reads f^Tig: ° and -"H*^:). The TOctRKT 
explains: 4lt(nt<tiltl; 3«M£q$lifSet«hWi ^WRl 5 ^^ SHROT ^TS: "* gfeisrasr- 
Stfoep* 5 while awKI^ says ' ^nf^B <?«!?t^t^gfRaR31T<ii"'5rei 3i(kwM-«|<a ». 

1201. i3=ti£ittH<t3y; *mhi!%3 ?s»% i t^T^snS gra^rs a*Til^ n gc i a - ; g i 

-*rfoftsga?fofts'ic5S[Wl'WSi ^11 *!Wt 93. 84,_*tlf5*t IV. 14 1. 86-87. Thejiqtes 
will stow that several verses are common to both Yaj. and Matsya and the 
latter is far more elaborate than ^n^T or t. WT g. It is probable that Yaj. 
la the earliest of the three, that f. ?m ^ comes next and hsct is the latest 
ol the three. 


Itistonj of Dtiarma&asbra [ Sec. Jit, Oh. ^^1" 

The procedure in Yaj. being concise and probably the 
earliest among the extant works on graJiayajila is set out here, 
with a few additions from Matsya and Vaikhanasa, The 
images of the nine planets should respectively be made of 
copper, crystal, red sandalwood, gold (for both Mercury and 
Jupiter), silver, iron, lead, bronze or (if all these be not avail- 
able) they should be drawn on a piece of cloth with powders 
having colours appropriate to each planet or should be drawn on 
circles with fragTant substances (such as sandalwood paste). 
The Matsya 1202 (93 11-12) prescribes that in drawing the 
' images the Sun should be in the middle, that Mars, Jupiter, 
Mercury, Venus, Moon, Saturn, Rahu and Ketu should be 
established with grains of rice respectively in the south, north, 
north-east, east, south-east, west, south-west and north-west. 
Yaj. (1 298 ) proceeds garments, flowers and fragrant substances 

Planet Mantra in Yaj I. 299-301 


, Venus 




A krsnena, Eg. I 35 2 

Imam devil, Vaj. S IX 
40, X. 18 

Agnir-murdha divah 
kakut, Rg. VIII.44 16, 

Udbudhyasva, Vaj S. 
15.54, Tai. S. IV. 7.13.5 

Brhaspate ati yad-aryah 
Kg. II 23 15. 

Annat pan-srutah, Vaj, 
S. 19.75, Maitra. S. III. 

San-no devir, Eg. X. 9. 4 

Kandat, Vaj S. 13. 20, 
Tai S. IV. 2. 9. 2, 

Ketum krnvan, Kg. 1.6 3. 

Mantra in Matsya 93 


Apyayasva Rg. I 91. 
16 or IX 31 4. 

Agne Vivasvad-osasah, 
Kg. I. 41 1 

Brabaspate pari diya 
rathena. Kg. X. 103 4 


Sukram te anyat, Kg. 
VI. 58. 1, 


Kaya nas-citra, Kg. 
IV. 31. 1. 

Manira in Vai- 
sutralV 14. 

A satyona (Tai. S. 
Ill 4 11. 2) 

Somo d b e n u m 
(Rg I. 91. 20, 
Vaj. S.3t. 21) 


Same as in Vaj. 
Same as in Yaj. 
Same as in Matsya 

Same as Jn Matsya 


1202 vs® 93 11-12 are quoted by the faamt on *n I. 297 and" 
§.*W ^ (IV 13) specifies the same as I n«n&»I^l^5n«ftTR9^tf5Wi*''' 
JUTjcTnWftti > in the order of the seven week days, *jg and #ig. 

Details of navagraha&anii 751 

of the colour 12B - appropriate to each should be offered to the 
planets, also offerings should be made, guggulu is to be the 
incense for all planets and oblations of boiled rice accompanied 
with the mantras ( specified below ) should be offered respectively 
to the nine planets. 

The Visnudharmottara (1. 102. 7-10) gives the same mantras 
as Ysj. does, Bhavisya (IV. 141, 34-36) gives the same except 
for Rahu, for which it gives ' Kaya nascitra,' as in Matsya, 
Padms(V. 82. 30-32) is same as Matsya. Yaj. then proceeds 
(L 301-302 ) that in homa for each of the planets the fuel sticks 
(samidhf m were to be 108 or 28 anointed with honey or 
clarified butter or with curds or with milk and they were respec- 
tively to be of the arka plant, palasa, khadira, apamarga, 
pippala, audumbara, saml, durva and kusas for the sun, the 
moon and so on in oTder. A man 1!0S of the three varnas should 
honour brahmanas according to the prescribed procedure (wash- 
ing their feet &c. ) and should feed them respectively (Yaj 1 304) 
with boiled rice mixed with jaggery, or cooked in milk and sugar, 
sacrificial food (havisya), boiled rice from paddy becoming ripe 
in 60 days from sowing mixed with milk, boiled rice with curds, 
toiled rice with ghee, boiled rice with pounded sesame, rice 
mixed with meat, rice of various colours, for the sun, the moon 
and so on in order or with food that is available and according 
to his ability. The daksina (fee) to the brahmanas should 
be a milch cow, conch, draught bull, gold, garment fvasas), 
a florse (white), dark cow, iro n weapon, a lamb, in honour 

aeitiefL s I^^° U ? apBropriate t0 the n5ne - Plants and their presiding 

fteStf '^ap. 93. 16-17 provide that the colours are; ret for 
25£te ?SY^ . ° r the M °° n ^ VennS - y«M^ iBh for Mercury 

^.^^Tr^LT^ «•-«-« fa .h. Planets, 

•"SEKVt^EE* 298 * 301 ~ 302, -" 93 ' 32 - 24 ~ 28 - 

Pre^ngdeuasS^^ V " 4l>PreSCrlbeS VediC TOantras for ** 
«<es of plants, are mostly different from those in ^^^ 

752 History of Dharmaiastra [ Sec. Ill, Gh. XXI 

respectively of the sun, moon and so on. The Visnudharmottara 
(I; 103. 1-6 ) contains the same fees. v* He should offer Bpeoial 
worship to that planet that may be unfavourably situated (as 
regards his naksatra or horoscope) at a particular time. Yaj. 
winds up by saying that the rise and fall of kings depend on 
planets (vide note 800 for this verse). Visnudharmottara (I. 
106. 9-10) also has the same verse, Ertyakalpataru (on 
Santika, folio 5 b) quotes Bhavisya to the effect that planets 
are always favourable to him who abstains from injury to 
others, who is self-restrained, who acquires wealth by righteous 
means, and who always observes the myamas (restrictive rules 
of conduct as in Yaj. HI. 313 ). The Santimayukha ( p. 21 ) also 
quotes this verse. 

The Yaikhanasasmartasutra (IV. 13) provides slightly 
different kinds of naivedya food for the nine planets (as in note 
1205 ) and prescribes separate Vedic mantras for the presiding 
deities (of the planets) to whom oblations of ghee were to be 
offered. The Matsya remarks at the end of the description of 
Ayutahoma : ' just as armour is a protection against the wounds 
by arrows, so santi (graha-yajfia) is protection against the 
strokes of Fate.' 1207 

The Matsya (93 92) declares 1208 that Laksahoma is ten times 
of the Ayutahoma and Kotihoma is one hundred times of Laksa- 
homa in the matter of oblations, fees and rewards, that the pro- 
cedure of invoking and bidding goodbye to the planets and presid- 
ing deities, the mantras for homa, bath and gifts are the same 
in Laksahoma and Kotihoma The Matsya gives 1209 the warning 

1206. The ^fspin ro t ot %■ (IV 14) is <-rt)Q^ | i4^|<j ^ wfaTS 
tnu«{f H4ii4 f3j. u 4 3*n*r mfsra* ^twal 5^ y*i*i iiotitit *A*hi<j ii^tati'l 
3idUl<W<jui{d 1 JJ^T( 93. 60-62) slightly differs (ram bottmrsf and ^ 
^ui; ^ as to q ij l uii and prescribes pauramka mantras that are to accompany 
these gifts ( verses 64-72 } 

1207 *rsn mwMi£Kiuii *s&$ *rai3 m<uin i 35^ ggrq^rann siiPd&H 
MKilH ' *TCgT 93 - 81 » fi«gBWferc I. 105 14 n?pr228 29 is a similar verse 

S»fclMil J <mHIM, H'. 

1208. wtH|-iW 38r. ^^Hk' SRtTafte* ^h^TTI snfttn^s SPI^W 5^ttTH- 

H&q 93. 119-120. 

fig. 1 h .uncm mn s<iTdiwl>*< *rc. gf%g^i ^ wi^riWil t ffr^r *rlt ^wiS &3& n 
?TcCT 93- 111-112 q. by ^«hcM ° (on smStRT) folio 10a, 

Qrahayajiia and LaksaJioma 753 

that a sacrifice devoid of distribution of food burns ( i. e, brings 
disasters on) the country, devoid of (proper) mantras burns the 
Officiating priests, devoid of (proper) fees burns the sacrificer ; 
there is no enemy as ( disastrous as ) a sacrifice and that a poor 
man should not start on a Laksahoma, since wrangling ( about 
food or fees ) in a sacrifice always causes trouble or misfortune 
(to the sacrificer). The Brhadyogayatra of Varaha (chap. 18 
verses 1-24) deals with giahayajfin and closely follows Yaj. 
though some details are added here and there. Verses about the sun 
are quoted below (n 1213). The Yogayatra also (chap. 6) deals with 
the same matter. The Agnipurana (chap. 164) is a wholesale copy 
of Yaj. ( L 295-308 ). The Matsya ( in chapter 239 ) again deals 
with Koti-homa which continues for a year. The Matsyapurana 
(chap. 94) contains nine verses on the manner in which the 
figures of the nine planets were to be drawn or painted and 
these are quoted by the Mitaksara on Yaj. I. 297-298 and by (on santi) folio 5a. Vide Kotihoma in list of 
vratas (p. 290 ). 

The Grahayajfia in Yaj. is short and simple, but in some 
puranas such as the Bhavisyottara ( 141. 6-85 ) and medieval and 
modern works it has become an elaborate affair by the addition 
of numerous details. One or two details may be pointed out. 
Each planet was supposed to have a goteaandwas 1210 deemed 
to have been born in a certain country (vide note 875 p. 588 
for the countries of the birth of planets ). Therefore, in invoking 
the presence of each planet these two details have to be added 
(as specified below in the note for the sun by way of illustra- 
tion). The gotras of the grahas from the Sun to Ketu are 
respectively Kasyapa, Atreya, Bharadvaja, Atreya, Angirasa, 
Bnargava, Kasyapa, Paithinasa, Jaimini. The Sarhskara-tattva 
otBaghunandana (p. 946) sets out from Skanda the gotras 
and countries of birth of the nine grahas and provides that if 
worship is offered to them without mentioning the gotras and 
countries that w ould he disrespectful to them. The Grahayajna 

< * TZ ,7?** m "*J? *«™^ *^& * **zsm&:, an w*r* 
^r: itR^WUw ^wraHra ^m^ fie ^r <m ^mx^n^ s3 

40.M44.I ^RN 3SRH? p. 145. ,t must be pointed out that YSj. does ndt 
a, flown , procedure for 3,33^, ^gfa ^^^ nor does he even ^ er 

H. », 95 

754 History of Dharmatastra [Sec. m,Ch. XXI 

may be simple (hevala) as in Yaj". or Ayutahoma or Laksahoma 

or Kotihoma A few further remarks are added here from the 

Agnipuarana (chap 149 ), 2farasimha-purana ( chap. 35 ), Matsya 

( chap 93 and 339 ), Bhavisyottara ( chap 141 and 143 ), Atharva- 

pariiista XXXI (for Kotihoma) and other works. The 

Krtyakalpataru 1211 (Raj'dharma) quotes the Brahma-purana 

as follows. The king should perform two Laksahomas every 

year and one Kotihoma which confers freedom from the fear of 

all calamities and he should at once perform a Mahasanti that 

removes all evil consequences when there are eclipses of the Sun 

and, the Moon and an earthquake The Agni ( 149.13 ) says 

'Ayutahoma confers slight success, Laksahoma drives away 

all distress, while Kotihoma tends to destroy all kinds of trouble 

and confers all desired objects' The Visnudharmottara (11.36. 

3-4 ) states tbat Asvapati, father of the famous pativrata Savitri 

performed a Laksahoma with the Savitri (Gayatrl) mantras 

for securing a son. ' There is no utpala in the world that is not 

conjured away by Laksahoma, there is no more auspicious 

thing that surpasses Laksahoma. In the case of the king who 

gets a Kotihoma performed by brahmanas the enemies cannot 

stand up against him in battle excessive rainfall, drought, 

mice, locusts, parrots, evil spirits and the like and all enemies 

on the battle-field are conjured away from him. * 1212 The Bhavi- 

syottaTa ( 143 11-13 ) calls kotihoma a santi rite, which yields all 

desired objects, by which even grave sins like brahmana-murder 

are removed at once, all utpatas are conjured away and great 

happiness, follows. Bhavisyottara (chap 143.7-54) contains 

an elaborate procedure of Kotihoma and also a briefer one ( in 

chap. 143. 56-80). Atharva-pansista (No 31) describes the 

procedure of Kotihoma; it was to be begun on an auspicious 

tithi in the bright half, on the muliurta called, Vijaya and on 

one of the naksatras viz. RohinI, Pusya, Anuradha, the three 

UttaTas, Abhijit, Mrgasiras, Sravana, Oitra, Eevatl. The 

firepit was to be of eight cubits (for Laksahoma half of this), 

the brahmanas may be 30, 100, 1000 or even one crore, who 

1211 ^ t w!wftn g)3ggbng5fatCT#^'tia'' > jf , g*BtfNtfl ^ 7R,n " 

SJT15^t I XT5WTW3 ot ^.t^IfTeUdlf P. 166 

1212 *nfifr cffci Hggqiift *ftCT3ri 5H*iQ in -j vt mih hhcI Tc{im<in>R' < fl ' 
ihfei}!^ g ft <tw «iu3«im-K <3& ' *t rre? vim Ws^ ana ^8^ sB^t^ran'3- 

Grahaijajna in BrJiad-yogayutia 7&S 

should offer fuel sticks anointed with glxee. The Bihadyoga- 
yatra 1IB verses aTe quoted below. 

Some of the medieval works like the Santimayukha (p. 12 ) 
quote verses from the Skandapurana that state how the unfavo- 
urable aspect of Saturn led Saudasa to eat human flesh, that of 
Rahu made Nala wander over the earth, that of Mars led to 
Rama's banishment to forest, that of the Moon led to the death 
of Hiranyakasipu, that of the Sun brought about the fall of 
Havana, that of Jupiter led to the death of Duryodhana, that of 
Mercury made the Pandavas do work not fit for them, that of 
Venus led to the death of Hiranyaksa in battle. 

Some of the medieval digests (mbandhas) such as the 
Dharmasindhu lay down that certain special gifts should be 
made when any one of the planets is unfavourable to a peraon. 
They are set out here from the Dharmasindhu (p. 135). For 
the Sun— Ruby, wheat, cow, red garment, jaggery, gold, copper! 
red sandalwood, lotuses; for the Moon— rice grains in vessel 
made from bamboo, camphor, pearl, white garment, jar full of 
ghee, a bull; for Mars— coral, wheat, masura pulse, red bull, 
Jaggery, gold, red garment, copper; for Mercury— blue garment, 
gold, bronze vessel, mudga pulse, emerald, slave girl, ivory, 
flowers; for Jupiter— topaz, turmeric, sugar, horse, yellow corn 
and yellow garment, salt, gold; for Venus-garment of various 
colours, white horse, cow, diamond, gold, silver, unguents, rice 
grams; for Saturn— sapphire, masa beans, sesame and sesame 
oil, toi&ttfe (puis*), she-buffalo, iron, dark cow; for Rami— 
gm^a(akmdof gemof four varieties), horse, blue garment, 

2Zf' T me and S6Sam9 o^o^forKetu-cat'seyegem, 

aXwl^T 6 °t Wanket ' mUBk ' lamb ' eaiments ' * K>* 
authors youth these directions about danas (gifts) were followed 

Stent C ™^ 6Ten n ° W ^ ar9 bdng follQwed to ««» 
?a) Lf Ma J u J»™*na < on Santika-paustika, folios 5 a to 

the Sun tn ST? ""S* 1 piocedlire f <* each of the grahas from 
^eSuntoEetu from the Bhavisyotfeara. 

^■^LZ 1 ^ ***** *** v™*™*** «»* " wr w^m, **iH^t 

2*ES5Kjsjv n ' \ * may be ment,oned •S'^ss; 

mm . im qm., gs^ ^^, %g ^ra%^. Compare table above on p, 750, 

7,56 History of Dkarma&astra I'Sec. HI, C!h. XXI 

Another santi refers to the placating of Saturn when that 
planet ocoupies the 12th, 1st and 2nd rasis from the rasi of a 
man's birth. This is roughly a period of seven years and a half 
and is called ' sai dha-saptavarsika-pida' in Sanskrit and ' sade- 
satV in Marathi. The santi consists in worshipping an 
image of Saturn made of iron placed in a vessel of iron 
or clay, covered with two dark garments or a blanket 
and offering to it dark and fragrant flowers, food or 
rice mixed with sesame That food and the image are to be 
donated to a dark brahmana or to some brahmana with the 
mantra * san no devir' (Rg X. 9. 4) If the worshipper be a 
sudra he is to repeat a pauranika 1214 mantra (noted below) 
which refers to Nala getting back his kingdom by placating 
Saturn. This should be done every Saturday for a year or one 
should every day repeat the mantra containing ten names of 
Saturn (in note 1214) and should also repeat a Sanistotra (eulogy 
of Saturn ) every morning Ey doing so the trouble that Saturn 
causes for seven and half years is averted 

Some of the medieval digests try to furnish an accurate 
definition of Santi Only one may be cited here. The Santi- 
mayukha 1215 of Wilakantha (first half of 17th century A. D.) 
defines it as a rite prescribed by the sastra, which (rite) has its 
motive or urge sinfulness that is not clear (i.e that is only inferred 
or presumed ), that removes evil effects relating only to this 
world, and the performance of which does not lead on to sin 
The firBt clauses excludes gifts made to remove diseases like 
tuberculosis ; 1216 the 2nd clause distinguishes santis from sacri- 

1214 The Pauranika mantra is xr. g? Hg<l«1 l*T itJTT uRdlifr ai I *& 
tf$ f^si T&A tr *l ^rtfr ircn^a n TOtsSg^rr 3i%s**pt i'\^i«uiI l 4i-)fl-«4*i T t ' 
gsrc*3?T*ra3nn3*5Jl«5H^&*ra^53?ll 'rfrepg P 135, theten namesol 
Saturn are sttfRsp ftf^jt *ra ^ort 3 >jl«d«lil TJT I #R- sf^sjtf u*?. ffiaraisN 
^33- n ' q by h&w on *nPrf*?rfS^ folio 8a 

1215. 3unuumV\3n^3ii§ t h^MifttiPi'k'F--b mum^y* iw wr strl^Rrt I 
tsTTtt^t3r'ir5rajBsRiff ^KRa "^tjiR*!-^^! 3nsi&TOrwsi^fei grcf5tj»hgl>f*Ji 

n4Va<hfcua. i wiRm^fiM p 2 

1216. It was believed in ancient India that diseases and bodily defects 
were due to sins committed in past lives. Vide H. of Dh Vol, IV pp 174- 
17,5 VSj (III 207 and 209) remarks that the murderer of a brahmana 
suffers from tuberculosis after passing through the births of deer, dog, hog, 
nnd camel. qn mMftitei"!! srgrgr lAR^-aR l "'srgnpr SP^frft WWWU 5TH" 

befiiuhon of ianh 757 

fices (intended to secure other woridly rewards) and piayasatlas 
(that yield consequences in this world as well as in the 
next) and the last clause distinguishes santis from rites of black 
magic (for destroying one'B enemies or securing a married 
woman's love &c.) which is sinful. 

The number of santis is legion. They are prescribed for 
conjuring away the effects of rare natural phenomena such as 
eclipses, earth-quakes, rainfall ( of peculiar kinds, of blood &c. ) 
hurricanes, fall of meteors, comets, halos, Fata Morgana; for 
protection against the evil effects of the positions and movements 
of planets and stars for the world andfor individuals ; for strange 
births among human beings and animals ; for the good of horses 
and elephants; for certain untoward happenings about Indra's 
banner and about images of gods falling or weeping, the 
crie3 of birds and beasts, the fall of lizards and the like on a 
person's limbs and on certain stated periods or on solemn 

All rites of Santi, Paustika rites and the Mahadanas were 
to be performed in ordinary fire, since there is no authority to 
prove that they are to be performed in srauta fires or in smarta 
fire. Manu 3. 67 and Yaj. I. 97 refer only to ceremonies laid down 
in the Grhyasutras, On Yaj. I. 385-86 the Mitaksara prescribes 
ordinary fire for offerings in "Vinayaka-santi. Vide also Santi- 
mayukha p. 4. 

Both Manu »» and the Visnudharmasutra prescribe that 
homas in which the Sun is the deity worshipped and Santibomas 
should be performed by a householder on the parvans |i.e on 

ST m ^ -fl ABaSrt8 y*>- These were santis at fixed 
periods. Similarly, when a person, male or female, of any caste 
completed sixty years, there was the possibility that he may 
<h .soon, or that he may lose his mother or father or his wife ot 

TnJLi-J™ 10 ™ ai .l 8aSea may affact him < f<* removing this 

fcSr (£X 1B PI6SCrib8d ( aQd 1S ° tt8n P9rfOTmed *™ W) 

Iff P"* 1 *™- «** a l°»S 1^, be free from all calamitL 
andfor his complete prosperity. This is called ftafS 
(completion of sixty years) or Ugrarathasanti.^ tVmmpurtt 

w. rho maB p resentatlon volume pi,. 43-45 for -flastyabdapiirH. ', 

$bi History of Dliarmaiusti a [Sec. Ill, Ch. XXI 

One of the oldest available descriptions of the Ugraratha- 
santi is found m the Baudhayanagrhyasusa-sfitra (V. 8.). It is 
brief and the mam items in it are set out here. It should be 
performed in the month of one's birth and on the naksatra of 
birth. A vedt as large as a bull's hide should be made, a jar full 
of water should be plaoed thereon and on the jar an image of 
Mrtyu (Death ) manufactured with two mskas ( i. e. gold probably 
weighing as much ) should be placed in the south-east corner; 
worship should be offered to the image and a japa of each of the 
mantras * apaitu mrtyuh ' (* may Death go away', Tai. Br. DX 7. 
14 4), 'paramMrtyo' (O Death' follow the path beyond &c.', 
Tai. Br II. 7. 14. 5 and Eg. X. 18. 1 ), «m5 nas-toke' (O Eudra! 
do not injure our progeny ' &c., Tai. S. EX 4. 11. 2 and Eg. I 
114 8), and'Tryambakam' ('we offer sacrifice to Eudra', Tai. 
S.I 8.6 & and Eg. VII 59. 12) be made 108 times; he offers 
oblations of cooked food with the put onuvukyu ( invitatory 
prayer) 'ma no mahantam* (O Eudra! do not destroy our grown 
up ones &c', Tai S IV 5 10. 2 and Eg. 1 114. 7 ) and the Yajija 
(offering prayer) 'Ma nas-toke' (Tai. S. HE. 4. 11. 2 and Eg. 1 114. 
8 ). Then he makes subsidiary offerings of ghee with eaoh verse of 
the Ghrtasukta im Then he sprinkles himself with water from- 
the jar to the accompaniment of mantras from the Mrtyusukta, 
from the iLyusyasukta and with Pauranika mantras, honours 
the officiating priest, gives daksina to the brahmanas and 
a dinner. 

There is a Ms. ( of only three folios in D. 0. No. 609 of the 
year 1882-83, now in the Bhandarkar Oriental Institute at 
Poona) which deals with this santi attributed to Saunaka and is 
called TJgrarathasanti at the end The santi is to be performed 
On the day or naksatra of one's birth On that day the person 
of 60 years should take an auspicious bath, perform his daily 
religious duties, should invite brahmanas and choose one to 
officiate who is learned in the Vedas and Vedangas and is well 
conducted. First Ganesa worship should he performed, then 

1218 It is difficult to say what hymn is intended here by the word 
'ghrtasukteaa' It is probably Rg VI 70 1-6 (ghrtavatibhuvananam &0i) 
The Mrtyusukta is probably the same as Rg X 18. The Ayusya hymn is 
a Khtla hymn after Rg X, 128 and begins "ayusyam varcasyam rayasporam 
audbhidam.' The Karmapradlpa of Gobhlla ( I 17) prescribes that Ayusya 
hymns should be recited in sraddha for santi. The Smrticandnka (sraddha 
p. £03 ) quotes Gobhila I. 17 and explains that they are hymns like the one 
beginning ' a no bh&drah ' Rg I 89. 1, 

Sastyabdapurti-ianti 75$) 

punyahavacana, worship of Mother goddesses, then nandisraddha. 
He should bring together sarwusadhis, 1 * 9 twigs and leaves of 
five trees, five jewels, paiicagavya, and paScamrta; then worship 
of nine planets should be performed; an image of Markandeya 
was to be made from one pala or * pala or J pala and the image 
was placed in a jar full of water surrounded by two garments; 
he should offer the 16 tipacat as and offer to Markandeya 1008, 
or 108 or 38 or eight offerings of fuel sticks, boiled rice, ghee, 
durvS, superior dishes with the mantra (quoted below 1220 ). Then 
he should make a homa in honour of Mrtyunjaya (Siva) with 
oblations of durva grass and sesame 10000, or 5000, or 3000 or 
one thousand in number and then he should sacrifice separately 
to the secondary objects of worship, viz. AsvatthSman, Bali, 
Vyasa, Hanumat, Bibhlsana, Krpa and Parasurama. Then he 
should perform a homa with fried grams according to his 
ability and should recite Srteukta, 1221 Rudra, the Ayusya- 
mantras, the PurusasQkta and specially the complete recitation 
of the Veda; he should finish the homa and offer purnahuti; 
then water from the jar should be sprinkled over the yajamana 
( i. e. person who has completed 60 years ), his wife and his 
near relatives; then there should be a japa of santihymn, 
the Pumsasukta, the mantra $g. X. 18. 1, the Ayusya hymn, 
Pavamana hymn ( hymn to Soma from Rg. IX. ), the six 
verses of Sivasankalpa ( Vsj S. 33 1-6 ), and Mahasanti. Then 
the jar should be donated and the garments rendered wet by 
the abhseka and a decked cow with calf should be donated 
to the officiating priest ; ten danas vai to brahmanas and gold 
weighing one hundred manas; he should perform ajyaveksana 
and offer ' bait ' (to all beings, crows &o. ) ; he should then receive 
the blessings of the brahmanas and put on a new garment; then 
he should have nirajana performed and bow to deities and feed 
a thousand or a hundred brahmanas and then himself partake 
of food along with his relatives. Whoever performs this santi, 
according to the rules prescribed for grahasanti, would certainly 

1219. For ^)3Jt|^r, vide p 444 above, for five twigs vide pp. 335, 339 
above iindr ^=31^355 and q^, for Bve jewels p. 337. 

1220. Sffi&'t? qgrapi 8 au<hgt wJU«t I 3TtSCt€H^»St^ %ft % Sf3Sf3 H 

1221. 3frgrR begins Q^ u m u ff ^Rofi n . ^ is the eleven anuvakas of 
U^T IV. 5 1-11, beginning with «n& :g% awre. sjRjBTrams are those lifee 
W5 11 38 5, VII. 90 6 or sm ^ ain ft ftlg XXXII. 9. 

1222 For the ten danas vide H. of Dp. vol. II. p. 869 'and above 

760 History of Dharmaiastra [ Sec. m, Oh. XXI 

live for a hundred years, all misfortunes will vanish and all 
prosperity will be his. The jnayoga (procedure of this santi ) 
is given below 1223 since it is often performed even now. 

It is difficult to say why this santi was called Ugraratha. 
Another santi on the completion of 70 years or on the 7th night 
of the 7th month of the 77th year is called Bhaimarathl-santi, 
according to the Sabdakalpadruma, which quotes some verses 
from Vaidyalca without stating what work is meant. 1223 " Baud, 
grhyasesasutra I. 24 prescribes a santi for one who has lived up 
to 100 years or one who has seen 1000 amavasyas. 

The general rule about the time for santis is that no definite 
time can be fixed for them, since Santi rites are performed with 
the object of removing the evil consequences of men's lapses 
suggested by such indications ( or omens ) as dreams, the evil 
aspects of planets and the like i. e. they are to be performed as 
and when omens or portents occur or are observed and one 
should not wait for such times as the northward passage of the 
Sun, bright fortnight and that one may perform santis even in 
the southward passage of the Sun or even m an intercalary 

1223 aro spira* i $?racn ■h<£U^ 3?g3i*fNftc<reR*ng3Sw ft it anssTtPir- 

inn somcr smogtgwn^R i^roig^m^sT wi w^jpnf&jmrsTpnf% ^arg^ft 
q^iinin^ JR^KTOlTRHW^iHirTORiiHriifetf^sH'p'ni'^r 3ngicrt^ / 

^rqO ) i^iWMMi-nJl*ti^ lisn sflg^B ^nmrt 3nginrg,TB m>mijii ^raisi ns §? - 
iim<4ul =g ^3t ii&csw ??ngf3 *3 ^c^rr HIhsW •twim, arfSftrar *rihi«ht *ih«i" 

1223 a. qmwuH ' tlmi m$ »nfo qtuft • nflr'SfaT'ft to *t<iwwia j WW" 
rotifer srft *fts8 f^vik in3 *teft 1 asgfitaaiiSt gerrf?) s^rfcraqw 

Time for Santis 761 

month. 1124 If there is no hurry, then a santi was to be per? 
formed on an auspicious week-day, an auspicious tithi and on 
certain naksatoas, viz. the three Uttaras, RohinI, Sravana, 
Dhanistha, Satataraka, Punarvasu, Svati, Magha, Asvinl, Hasta, 
Pusya, Anuradha and Revati. 1225 As regards the Laksahoma 
the Matsya (93. 86 ) prescribes that it should be performed after 
securing favourable planets and Taras (stars). Vide also p. 290 
above about Kotihoma prescribed by the Atharva-parisista 
( XXXI pp. 187-191 ). The Matsya prescribes that a Kotihoma 
should be begun in Caitra or Kartika (239 20-21'); the invisi- 
bility of Jupiter and Venus and similar matters need not be 
considered when a santi has to be performed immediately on the 
occurrence of an omen ( or portent ) or when the santi is meant 
for alleviating the disease from which a person may be suffering. 

As against several adbhutas and utpatas, texts prescribe a 
rite called Mahasanti. The Sankhayana Gr. ( V. 11 ) speaks of a 
Mahasanti, when an ant-hill grows in one's house, which has been 
referred to above on p. 730 note 1162. The details of a Mahasanti 
differ in different texts and on different occasions. The Ad- 
bhuta-sagara provides that where no specific details about santis 
against certain utpatas like a fall of meteors aTe prescribed one 
should have recourse to a santi consisting in homa offerings to the 
accompaniment of one million repetitions of the Bacred Gayatri 
verse ('tat-savitur' &c. Rg m. 62. 10) or to the Mahasanti 
called Abhaya according to the nature (grave or light) of the 
omen or portent."** In the Marathi commentary on the 

^f^wft i w gresg f»fo5 gEt aynwmro fr ^HBft w , *Brat 

jP s ^Wra% grernre: I J!c5m^R5 p 796 (vol.1). This whole passage of 
fle ^JR?T« (on ^ nfewniB^ -) occurs on folio 4a ana b in the Baroda 
»ns ot it. 

"Rrcmnift? w»(5t^^3^nf%i5=gRonsin%ri^^gp. 176 

Hun^flr ^^^S^^ 5 w&*^*RRRKn§i«nf*Rt snfSar- 
~^? 'rc ^gn^ fenta^ ^ rt^ -g^^^^ ^^ , w m 341 , lhe 

Ef ^^ (£oUos Z08 ~2U a ) prescribes a mahasanti put in the 

orZZ^T I" 6 ° a an iavaslon ' or when a P erson has * bad dream 

all IS^I"* Dnt ^ourable, or when there is an earthquake &c Vide 
Blso STO!?ra^ pp. 106-108 fox fl^Rtr^. q 

H. O. 96 

762 History of Dharmasastra [Sec. HE, Gh. XXI 

Nirnayasindhu (p. 233 ) about the question of a rite on the -first 
appearance of a woman's monthly illness a japa of Mahasanti is 
prescribed after an elaborate homa and worship and the Maha- 
santi is explained as consisting of the recitation of Rg 1. 89. 
1-10 (beginning with 'a no bhadra'), Bg V. 51. 11-15 (beginning 
with ' svasti no mimitam &o ') and Eg. VH 35, 1-15 (begin- 
ning with ' san-na Indragni ' ). The Bhavisyottara ( 143. 2-46 ) 
describes a Mahasanti to be performed at a king's coronation* 
on his marching out on an invasion, when one has bad dreams 
or inauspicious omens {mmtttas), when the planets are un- 
favourable or when there is lightning and the fall of meteors, 
when a Ketu appears, in a hurricane, earthquake, birth on 
a Mula naksatra or Gandanta, on birth of twins, when parasols 
and banners fall on the ground, when a crow, owl or pigeon 
enters a house, when malefic planets are retrograde (especially 
in the naksatra or rasi of birth), when Jupiter, Saturn, 
Mars and the Sun aTe in the 1st, 4th, 8th or 12th houses 
(in a person's horoscope), when there is grahayuddha', when 
garments, weapons, horses and cows, or jewels and hair 
Me lost, or when rainbow is seen at night in front, when the 
beam on a house pillar is smashed, when a she — mule conceives, 
on eclipses of the Sun and the Moon — on these a Mahasanti 
is commended. The procedure is briefly as follows ■ Five learned 
and well-conducted brahmanas should officiate in a mandapa 
ten or twelve cubits on each side, in the midst of which there 
should he a raised platform four cubits on each side and in the 
Bouth-east corner of that platform there should be a kiwda 
( receptacle for fire ) Five jars should be placed, four in the four 
intermediate quarters (south-east &c. ) and the fifth in the 
middle of the platform and numerous things such as twigs and 
leaves of some plants, jewels, sandalwood, mustard grains, sarm 
and duna, Jctiias and grains of rice should be collected thereon; 
Vedic mantras such as 'asuhsisano' (Bg. X 103 1) on north- 
west, c Isavasya'("Va.j S. 40.1) on north-east, were to be recited 
over the jars, worship is to be offered with qandlia, flowers, lamp3, 
fruits like cocoanut to the jars and fire should be placed in the 
Kunda with ' agnim dutam' (Bg 1 12 1), seat (asana) should 
be offerred with the mantra 'hiranya-garbhah' (SgX 121.1). 
then payasa should be cooked to the accompaniment of Purusa- 
sukta ( Bg X 90), eighteen fuel sticks of sami and seven palasa 
one3 should be cast into Agni, seven ahutts of clarified ghee and 
seven of rice boiled in milk should be offered to Agni with a 
mantra 'Jatavedase' (Bg L 99 1), four more with the hymn 

Procedure of Mahaianti 763 

• tarat sa mandl ' ( Bg. IX. 58 ), seven with ' yamay a ' ( ttg. X. 14 
13 ) and again seven with * idam Vismir ' ( 5g. 1. 22. 17 ) and 27 
ahutis to the 27 naksatras, then performance of 'svistakrt' 
homa, grahahoma with sesame covered with ghee, then praya- 
scitta; thus ends the homa; then the yajamana sitting on a 
throne of kasmarya wood should have sprinkled over him to the 
accompaniment of drum-heating and conch-blowing water from 
the five jars with five different mantras, then an offering to all 
the directions (digbali) with the mantra 'salutation to all 
bhutas'. After the hath, brahmanas recite a santi over him 
after letting fall a stream of santi water all round ; then punyaha- 
vacana and then close of the santi rite, then gifts of land, gold, 
beds, seats according to the person's ability to brahmanas; he 
should treat to a sumptuous meal the poor and helpless and men 
learned in the Yeda. On doing this he secures long life, quick 
victory over enemies, even difficult undertakings succeed. 

The huge work Adbhutasagara is mostly concerned with 
rare natural phenomena such as halo, rainbows, hurricanes, 
glowing horizon (digdaha), meteors, comets, earthquakes, rain 
without clouds, red rain, shower of fish, Fata Morgama &o. 

A few words must be said about some striking ones out of 

these. Ifrst comes earthquake. The Br. S. { 32. 1-2 ) puts forth 

four theories of his predecessors about the cause of an earthquake 

viz. it was caused by huge animals dwelling inside the seas 

(view of Kasyapa) or according to others (Garga ) it was caused 

by the heavy breaths emitted by the elephants of the quarters 

when tired by carrying the weight of the earth; others (like 

Vasistha) said that earthquake noise is caused by the winds 

Btriking against each other ( in the sky) and falling on the earth ; 

other ScSryas (like Vrddhagarga) held that an earthquake was 

caused by adrsta (i. e. by the sins of the people on the earth 1227 ). 

In verses 3-7 of Br. S. ( chap. 32 ) Varaha narrates the myth 

that mountains had in the dim past wings and the earth being 

much shaken by their movements approached Pitamaha 

(Brahma) and Brahma seeing her sad plight asked lndra to 

discharge his thunderbolt for clipping the wings of mountains 

and for removing the anger (or sorrow) of the earth; lndra did 

so, but he told the earth that Yayu, Agni, lndra (himself) and 

^1227^The ■sigrgoor seta out a novel cause of earthquake ' ^t f^fwf&S* 
WJ^iMwi \ cGH ^55© *jyjin ^Ht%aVuitUtd«w» « 31. 23-24; 3!. TO. 
P . 3B3 quotes this verse from Rasaa-tCl with alight variations. 

764 " History of Dlwrmasaslra [ Sec. IE, Ch. 33J 

Varuna would (each) at different parts of the day and night make 
the earth shake in order to indicate (to mortals) the fruits of their 
good and bad deeds. In Br. S 32 8-22 Varaha describes the 
spheres and premonitory signs of Vayu, Agni, Indra and Vanma 
with the naksatras and the countries they affect The Adbhuta- 
sagara (pp 383-409) quotes most of the verses of Varaha and pres- 
cribes santis for each of the four deities that are deemed to be con- 
nected with earthquakes. The Adbhutasagara refers to earthquakes 
that happened when angry Arjuna got no sleep after he made a 
vow that he would kill Jayadratha before the next day's sunset 
(Dronaparva 77 4) and when Duryodhana challenged Bhima for 
a mace fight (Salyaparva 56 10 and 58 49 ) 

It should not be a matter for surprise that ancient and 
medieval Indians regarded earthquakes as punishments sent by 
God for the sins of men. The English poet Cowper gives vent to 
this belief in his poem * Timepeace '. 1228 The most distinguished 
Indian of modern times viz Mahatma Gandhi, regarded the 
earthquake in Bihar that occurred on January 15, 1934, and 
affected an area of about 30000 square miles and a population 
of about 15 millions and that killed thousands and made 
millions homeless, as God's punishment for the prevalence of the 
evil system of nntouchabihty in Hindu 1229 society. To the 
natural and usual query why God should punish a small country 
or a small community with frightful earthquakes and overwhelm- 
ing waves when other countries and millions of other people are 
guilty of the same misdeeds, Cowper endeavours to give a reply 

1228, What then? Were they the wicked above all, 

And we the righteous, whose fast-anchored isle 
Moved not, while theirs was rocked like a light skiff, 
The sport of every wave. No I none are clear, 
And none than we more guilty But where all 
Stand chargeable with guilt, and to the shafts 
Of wrath obnoxious, God may choose his mark. 
May punish, if he please, the less, to warn 
The more malignant 

' Timepiece ' lines 150-138 

1229. Vide the eight volume life of Mahatma Gandhi by D. G, 
Tendulkar, vol 3 pp 304-308 and vol 4 pp. 41-42. The characteristic 
sentences arc ' A man of prayer regards what are known as physical cala- 
mities as divine chastisement alike for individuals and nations'. 'A man 
like mc cannot but believe that this earthquake is a divine chastisement 
sent by God for our sins* (vol 3p 303), • I share the belief with the 
whole world, utilized and nnciwlizcd, that calamities such as the Bihar 
one come to mankind as chastisement for their sins' ( tbid. p 305 ). 

Earthquakes and comets 765 

in the lines quoted above It appears that, in spite of the be- 
liefs now discredited, Vrddha Garga and Varaha appear to have 
also believed that comets had orbits like planets and were visible 
in the firmament at certain long intervals of time. 

The rules to be observed about eclipses have already been 

stated above (pp. 243-250). Though the real causes of lunar 

and solar eclipses were known long before the time of Varaha- 

mihira as shown above (p. 242, n 622) this knowledge was not 

accepted by the masses for centuries and even now many people 

in India still entertain the old beliefs about eclipses. 1230 Varaha 

criticises ancient writers like Vrddha Garga and Parasara who 

prophesied an eclipse when five planets including Mercury 

came together or there were such mrmttas as halo of the Sun, dim 

rays " 31 (Br. S. V. 16-17 ). Here the Santi for it will be briefly 

described. One -view was that an eclipse was auspicious ,232 to 

a person, if the eclipse occurs when the Sun or the Moon is in 

the 3rd, 6th, 10th or 11th rasi ( zodiacal sign ) from the rasi of 

the birth of a person, it is neither auspicious nor inauspicious 

when any one of the two is in 2nd, 5th, 7th or 9th rasi from that 

of birth and it is inauspicious when the eclipsed sun or moon is 

in the 1st, 4th, 8th and 12th rasi from the rasi of birth. The 

view of Garga was that if an eclipse occurs when the sun or 

moon is in the rasi of the birth of a person or if any of them is 

in the 1st, 7th, 8th, 9th, 10th or 12th rasi from that of birth or 

if any of them occupies the naksatra of the birth of a person or 

the 9th naksatra from that of birth, it leads to calamities for 

that person. If an eclipse occurred when the Sun or Moon 

occupied the naksatra of the day of the coronation of the king, 

that portends the ruin of the kingdom, the loss of friends and' 

1230. Vide Bertrand Russell in ■ Impact of science on society' p. U 
for remarks on ecltpses and for the use even Milton makes of popular beliefs 
about them 

t^iTOtfr m^. n cpnsnuar V. 16-17 Vide s^'s quotations on these 
m>m iro^rc and %^nA . 

1232 ^^THRiqni^tmJt ftsn^ ( v. i. fonftc ) i tnsrRe^ *mfr*% 

r^re pr^lB^ ift^ m: q by t*t, m p, 68 which explains, k:^ giasr smr 1* 
^TSHIif^'^t^ ■wftprt.^BcKhl W f=US^# 

766 Ifmtom of Dliarmaia-ititt I Sec. HI, Ch. XXI 

tho doath of tho king ,:33 Atri Paid that whon tho oclipso of tho 
Sun or Moon occurs in tho nakbatra of a person's birth, disoaso, 
journeys and death aro portondod, and great dnngor for tho king 
(whoso naksatra is bo affected) Tho a%orting of ovil would 
follow if tho man makes gift? and is> ongagod (that day) in 
worship of gods and jupuP™ Sovoral modo3 of «-"inti arc pro- 
scribed, particularly for lum vliooo ri*i or nakt atra of birtb or 
ono of throo naksakas (viz. that of birth, tho one procoding and 
tho ono following tho naktalra of birth) is occupied by tho 
eclipsed Sun or Moon. Ono way is to mako tho figuro of a 
sorpont ( that represents tho domon R'imi ) with gold or flour and 
to donato it to a brahmana Anotbor was to mako a sorpont out 
of gold weighing a palit ( i o. 320 ijvfijai, ) or ono half, ono fourth 
or ono oigbth pala and to fix a jov.ol on its hood and place tho 
sorpont figuro in a vossol of copper, bronno or cast iron full of 
gbee and donato it with a daksina and also donato a silvor disc 
of tho moon and a goldon sorpont whon it is a lunar oclipso and 
a golden disc of tho Sun and a goldon sorpont whon it is a solar 
eclipse Furthor gifts of a borso, chariot, cow % land, sesamo, ghee 
and gold also aro recommended Tho mantra accompanying the 
gifts addressed to Kami is quoted bolow. 135 Tho Nirnayasindhu 
also sets out a far more elaborate santi from tho MatsyapurSna, 
which is passed ovor for reasons of space. 

The fall of meteors ( ulku ) required a santi. There wore 
several bohofs about thorn Garga hold that tboy wore missiles 
discharged by the Lokapalas ]S - 4 who sond down flaming meteore 
as missiles for indicating (coming) auspicious or calamitous 
events. Another view was that they were really souls that fell 

1233 *rer ■u-^m ^T3Tw w> fdi'H« J <'l ' <w*if ac^rer bot 'gra wi&H. ' 

Htfa 1 by 3? «r ( q. in ft m. p. 68 ). 

1234 3H5 =anfsr i tpt otir^ u^ft srrtremnft ' "rtRr utrt ^s i 

5HFcmRuTi9 it q by tfiicritSq; p 543 

1235. The is TOfai *njr«PT ^h ^mh j * ' SwiHiusfli »tf 

qtfpn^n ft f% P 68, tmra»S P 3S v,de ^SWim chap. 106 and Malsya 
251 for the story of Rabu at the time of the churning of the ocean and 
I. A vol 16 p 288 (for the same) and I A. vol. 21 p. 123 about the 
customs connected witn eclipses 

1236. Lokapalas are guardians of the world or of the four cardinal 
directions and four intermediate ones from the east onwards in order viz. 
Indra, Agm, Yama, Surya, Varuna, Vayu, Kubera, Soma. Some subatitut e 
Hirrti for Surya Vide Manu V 96. 

Beliefs about meteors 767 

-■wn to the earth (for fresh births) after enjoying in heaven 
;he favourable results of their actions. 1237 Meteors are often 
referred to in the epics as falling on serious occasions e. g. the 
Salya-parva mentions 1238 the fall of a flaming meteor accomp- 
anied by a great noise and whirlwind when Duryodhana fell in 
ihe macefight with Bhlma. In Dronaparva a flaming meteor is 
referred to as indicative of the coming death of the great acarya 
and warrior Drona. The Adbhutasagara (pp. 342-344) quotes 
a long passage ( of 23§ verses ) from Atharvanadbhuta about the 
fall of meteors I239 by day. It is said therein tbat such a fall of 
meteors by day portends the destruction of the country and its 
king and therefore a Mahasanti called Amrta should be per- 
formed. There is an Atharvana-parisista LVIII b on ulka, but 
the Adbhutasagara verses do not appear to have been extracted 
from that. 

Certain natural phenomena, though they may be called 
utpatas if they occur at certain times, are not to be regarded as 
such at certain other times. In Br. S. 45. 82 Varaha says that 
certain occurrences natural to certain seasons do not lead to any 
unfavourable consequences; one should know them from the 
verses composed by Rsiputra that are concise. Then he pro- 
ceeds: in Madhu and Madhava (Caitra and Vaisakha) the 
following occurrences lead to good viz. lightning, meteors, earth- 
quake, glowing twilight, noisy whirl-winds, halo (of Sun and 
Moon), dust in the sky, vapour (in forest), red sunrise and 
sunset; possibility of getting from trees food, rasas (sweet &c), 
oily substances, numerous flowers and fruits, and amorous 
activities among cows and birds. The f ollowing are beneficial 
(au p icious ) J n summer ( Jyestha and Asadha) viz. sky rendered 
ousky by the fall of stars and meteors, or in which the appear- 
ance of the Sun and the Moon is dark-brown, which is full of 
Aery glow without a flaring fire, loud noises, vapour, dust and 

«<iKHi *n w^ mi ^irfdlH gn g?rg on fg^f. 33. l and ssf. m p. 3ZI: t^ 
5"Jiy-n>nwmi Tram j^mrSr mfc tti^^hu i m*$- 33. l. 

^7^ ' ^ g^rerr agwg ^m t ^ K4f t: ll sfaral 7 38-39, jr^ 163. 43 has . 
»iiJJ-J(J,.,i iCT ,i fi^qi JJ?r^n: t (among the numerous portents in the fight 
of f«?V0*<3tH with ^i^ ). 

768 History of Dharmasastra [Sec.IH,Ch. XXI 

winds, in which evenings are like red lotus and which look like 
a stormy sea, and when rivers are dried up. In the rains 
( Sravana and Bhadrapada ) the following portend no danger viz. 
rainbow, halo (of Sun and Moon), lightning, dried trees giving 
out fresh sprouts, the earth quaking or rolling or showing other 
than its usual appearance, noises in the earth or gaps therein, 
or when lakes increase in expanse of water or rivers rise up ( in 
floods ), or when wells are full or when houses on hills roll down. 
In Sarad (Asvina and Kartika) the following are not of evil 
import viz the sight of divine damsels, ghosts, gandharvas, air 
conveyances and other adbhutas, the planets, naksatras and 
other stars becoming visible by day in the sky, noises of song 
and music in forests and on mountain peaks, abundance of 
crops and reduction of waters In Hemanta (Margaslrsaand 
Pausa) the following are auspicious viz. the presence of cool 
winds and frost, loud cries of birds and beasts, the sight of 
raksas (evil spirits), Yaksas and other (usually invisible) 
beings, non-human voices, directions darkened by vapour 
together with the sky, forests and mountains, the appearance of 
the rise and setting of the Sun -at a higher point than usual. 
The following appearances are auspicious in Sisira (Magha and 
Phalguna) viz the fall of snow, portentous winds, sight of 
terrible beings and adbhutas, sky resembling dark collyrium and 
rendered reddish-yellow by the fall of meteors and stars, the 
birth of various strange issue from women, cows, sheep, mares, 
beasts, and birds, strange appearances of leaves, sprouts and 
creepers. These when seen in the proper seasons are auspicious 
in those respective seasons, but when seen at other than the 
proper seasons they are very terrible portents. Two verses UM 

1240. ^^^t .jini^w^^a^itii^i^a^' n 'i^K 1 ^ fi&°i g 3 «slln5ran$: 
3[ ftwiU-aKtH:3 l j«igii l " t ' t '^w i flqfiJH^d i^ag renrnr n§nrat ii ••■5ftii«*iwyir 

iilHTSFr ^p^l I =h'dk'<l=l =afarrai dldl-til -dllt)<4H)Uir II l^T 4S 82-84 
and 95 The occurrence of these twelve verses ( 45, 83-94 ) both in Br S. 
and Visnudharmottara raises the important question of the chronological 
relation of the two works Varabamihira expressly tells us that he took the 
twelve verses (45 83-94 ) from Rsiputra or shortened them Therefore, he 
did not borrow from the Visnudharmottara Rsiputra has been often quoted 
by Varaha in his works (vide above p 593 and my paper in JBBRAS for 
1948-49, \ol 24-25, p 15) The 31 ^r PP 743-744 quotes the verses 
from sn^oTT, twmW i fttStmRTC and muj g Rdl The twelve verses occnr 
in HJPT 229, 14-25, ftt^vrniRrc II, 134 15-26 It must be stated that 3T W 
(Continued on next page) 

When certain happenings a? e not utpatas 769 

about Madhu-Madhava and the last one (Br. S, 45. 84-85 and 
95) are quoted below. The Br. S. further provides 12 ' 1 that whatever 
Gathas ( prakrit verses or simply verses ) are recited by persons of 
distracted intellect, the utterances of children and what women 
speak out does not turn out to be wrong and that a person that 
understands utpatas, even though he may be devoid of mathema- 
tics (about planets), becomes famous and a favourite of the king* 
and by knowing the secret (or esoteric) words of the sage 
(Bsiputra ) which are stated (by me), a person sees the past, the 
present and the future. 

Another very curious portent mentioned in the Maha- 
bharata, Kausikasutra 1242 ( kandika 105 ), Matsya ( 243 ), Visnu- 
dharmottara, Brhatsamhita and the Adbhutasagara (pp". 425- 
436), Hemadri on Vrata vol. II (pp. 1078-79 ) and Madanaratna 
( on santi, folio 54b) is the trembling, dancing, laughing and 
weeping of the images of gods. The Bhlsmaparva 12 * 3 refers to 
the images in the temples of the Kaurava king doing these acts. 
In the encounter of Hiranyakasipu with the Man-lion form of 

( Continued from last page ) 
agrees most closely with 1 ^„ while in the j^ the readings 
and the order of verses differ a good deal from the 3? ^ r . In 
my ■ History of Sanskrit Poetics ■ ( 1951 ) pp 64-70 I arrived for the 
Viamdharmottara at a date between 500-600 A. D on other evidence In 
my opinion it is probable that the Visnudharmottars borrows the verses 
from the Brhat-samhiti. If that he accepted, the Visnudharmottara (at 
least the 2nd section of it ) mnst be later than 600 A.. D It is possible to 
argne that the Purana might have taken them from Rsipntra Bnt the 
Furana does not say so and in keeping with the assumed character of the 

;,? rS,9 ^ a L C0 ° P0SedbytIiesemi " dlvine V * 5sa at the beginning of Kah- 
yvga the Puranas generally take care not to admit any borrowing from a 
merely human author It should be noted that three of the verses quoted 
Stn Y ° gayatra0£Va ^ ab y »W. P- 494 occur in f^J^ „. 

^3f^ «n^m **nt mRmiBVlff ■ rotf. 45 96 and 98 

offering of ^1^'^. T 1 U " U ^ prescribes a &?« vU. the 
mg ot ahutis (of ghee) with these mantras called Abhaya. 

H. ». 97 

770 History of Dharmaiastra I Sec. EI, Ch. XXI 

"Visnu the Matsyapurana 1244 states 'the images of all gods shut 
and open their eyes, laugh, weep, scream, emit smoke, blaze, and 
these signs indicate that great danger impends.' In the 
Siiharvana-parisista 1245 LXXII this matter is treated (in prose). 
It says ' there are portents called divya which occur in temples, 
they (images) laugh, sing, weep, shriek, perspire, cause smoke 
t to issue out of them, they blaze, they tremble, open their eyeB 
and shut them, blood oozes from them, they move to and fro.' 
These strange phenomena are said to forebode drought, danger 
from weapons, famine, epidemic in the country and destruction 
of the king and his ministers (or relatives). The santi pre- 
scribed in the same JLtharvana-parisista (4 7) is as follows: one 
should boil payasa in the milk of 108 kapila cows, if such cows 
are not available one should cook pUyasa with the milk of one 
hundred milch cows ; he should put on the fire fuel sticks with 
ends towards the east, should spread round the fire darbha grass 
and should offer oblations ( of rice) in fire to the accompaniment 
of the mantras addressed to Rudra UM and called Raudra-gana 
and also offer clarified butter ( in fire ) He should present white 
flowers, he should treat brahmanas with boiled rice and should 
donate the same cows (the milk of which was used for cooking 
payasa) or donate the kingdom for a limited period for the 
satisfaction of a brahmana, he should give to the officiating 
priest a thousand cows and donate a good village. 

Now santis on the birth of human beings should be referred 
to. There are several santis concerning the birth of a human 
being, such as aohild's birth on Mula, iLslesa, Jyesfha naksatras, 
on ganfonta, on the 14th tithi of the dark fortnight or on 

1244. a . *ilrifa f3rftef5s gqfei *z ?5rer ^ i fSsctsri^ *z i™?tar g*^ 

333P&^I Jria»ns*ll%3RT!gif%(v I fsirasTO Hf3PPI.! »HCT 163 45-46- 
UST V. 42 137-138 

1245. fgs*nsffcrreren* Smfea ' «* wrfo ir«rf% <sqf*ir ^511*^ *^£* 
ngmifjft nsggf% wn^wflri-rPd 13r»ftOTi% stfiS *nrPa ifisrarf* 1 ansjw- 
Uffig[g LXXII ( ^Ij^tlfa ) p. 525. It may be noticed tbat three of these 
actions occur in the vffctrajr and six in nepi 

1246 The &{J|U| ( the string of mantras addressed to Rndra in a 
santi ) specified in aTrafoiTfttSte XXXII. 17 is as follows ^HOTST**^' 
5fs^ira.irp€rigf5,53f%3^ft3rai^3:, 5WT 5i*riu% spr,, srgr w*iw>*, wmm% 

Wtd& I lEffi ^IT « Vlde note 1 on P 146 m Bloomfield's edition of the 
thfafcriq fT 50. 13 for identification of these pratikas from the Atbanravcda. 

ianti for birth on Aslesa 771 

amavasya, on Vyatipata-yoga or on Vaidhrfci or in an eclipse, 
or on tlie birth of twins, or when a girl ia born to a person after 
three successive births of sons or a son is born after three succes- 
sive births of girls. Some of these santis are performed even 
now. Therefore two of them which are still in vogue, though 
gradually becoming infrequent, are briefly described here. The 
consequences xrf birth on Mula, Jyestha and Aslesa, are more or 
less similar. Here the santi for birth on Aslesa is briefly 
set out. 

The Aslesa naksatra has a mean measure of 60 ghatls. It 
is to be divided into ten parts in order 1216 " viz. 5, 7, 2, 3, 4, 
8, 11, 6, 9 and 5 ; birth of a son in these parts indicates in order 
the loss of kingdom, death of father, death of mother, addiction 
to lovemaking, he has devotion to father, has strength, loses pro- 
perty, has proneness to charity, pleasures, 'wealth. If the naksatra 
be divided into four parts, birth in the first part is auspicious but in 
the other three parts indicates loss of wealth, death of father, death 
of mother. If the child is a girl borcron the last three quarters of 
Aslesa indicates the death of the future mother-in-law of the 
girl; if the child be a boy and is born in the last three quarters 
of Aslesa, that indicates death of his future mother-in-law. One 
should perform a Santi for birth on any quarter of Aslesa, either 
on the 12th day from birth, or if that be not possible, on the next 
■Sslesa or on any auspicious day. On that day he ( the father or 
other performer) should make a sankalpa 1247 as noted below 

U46a 3remt4«nn,ri+t i 31$ 443=1 4<Mitag4 ^ sng gssngstsrog-rfornn^ - 

^J*I : I ■Ni»ui'Sn=igaa'^-aR*l*H)4-'*uH't4 , - J iT?a T3TC3T: 5RJT^3 Hlsvj: I ^13^ 

rojrspit jngstRR *wSi^i *fifc i R^wtifi srs* ^a^ i 'Tt ^mt ?tft awr^i t^. t%. 

P- 244; 5llp4<c4ttT< foho 88 b. The presiding deity of Aslesa is serpent. 
The first half of the first verse mentions the head, month and other parts 
of a serpent's body { in all ten ). Separate as Jig^s pins 3^rgit^. 

1 ^ 47 , 3t ^ 1 QiWtf&MM'l'HifttcWHt RsqR'gK l g *ta**Wt 5tri% SRRB^. ?i& 
■Hfjfc^q,'. The sfi5Sim^tri% is described in the a^KtH ( on 5irf?cflK-tft(&II, 
folios 35 b and 36 a) and in jufcw^<a pp. 59-60 On a new surpa 
{ winnowing basket ) a red piece of cloth is spread, the new born child is 
placed thereon, and is covered with cotton thread from head to the soles 
of the feet and is put on a heap of sesame, then the child is brought near a 
cow's mouth. Then ( pretending that ) the infant is born from a cow's month, 
the child is bathed with cow's milk with the hymn ' Visnur-yonim kalpa- 
yatn'(R g x.184 l.awl. V 25. 5 and ^.^tt VI 4.21 ). The infant should 
receive the tonch of the cow's limbs at the hands of the priest with the 
mantra of Vwau (Rg.X. 184 1). The officiating priest should take the 
child that is (now imagined as) born from (the mouth of) the cowhand 
{ Continued on next page ) 

W* Bistory of Dhaimaiastra I Sec. IH, Qh. XXl 

after performing the Gomukhaprasava-santi. He should worship 
Rudra and Varuna on two jars, should invoke the serpents, the 
lords of Aslesa, on an image placed on a Jar established on the 
figure of a lotus with twentyfour petals and invoke Brhaspati, 
the lord of Pusya naksatra, to the south of the jar (for serpents) 
and the pitrs (the lords of Magha) to the north of Aslesa jar and 
invoke on the twentyfour petals, beginning from the petal which 
is due east and proceeding to the right therefrom, twentyfour 
deities beginning with Bhaga, the lord of Purva Phalgunl up to 
Aditi,lordof Punarvasu, then he should invoke the lokapalas 
(eight); then worship all the deities invoked, establish fire (for 
homa) and the planets and perform antadhana (putting fuel on 
the sacred Agni). After the anvadhana of the Sun and other 
planets he should offer to the principal deities, viz the serpents, 
108 or 28 of each of the materials viz. payasa mixed with ghee, 
fuel sticks, clarified butter and boiled rice, to Brhaspati and pitrs 
38 or 8 offerings of the same materials and to the 24 deities (of 
naksatras ) viz Bhaga and the rest eight ahutis of payasa to 
each with the verse 'raksohanam' (Bg. X.87 1) The other 
deities are to be worshipped as in santi for birth on Mula naksatra 
and the offerings and mantras are to be the same as in that 
santi A santi for the birth of a child on the 14th tithi of the 
dark half is still in vogue and the author knows about it 
personally; it is described at length in the Madanaratna( folio 
24 from GSrgya) and in Santi-kamalakara. The santi on the 
birth of a child on Mula naksatra is described in MadanaTatna 
from Garga (folio 37b to 28b, ) one peculiarity of which is that 
the father had to collect one hundred roots of trees and plants 
( mula means 'root' ). Vide also Santi-kamalakara ( folio 77a ). 

( Continued from last page ) 
hand tt over to the mother who should pass it on to the father who should 
then return it to the mother The child should be placed on a piece of cloth 
and the father should look at the face of the infant Then the priest should 
sprinkle the infant with drops from the mixture of cow's urine, dung, milk, 
cnrds and ghee with the mantras beginning with ' Apo hi sfha ' ( Rg. X. 9 
I ). The father then smells thnce parts of the child's head with the 
mantra ' thon art born from each limbs of the father &c. ' ( slfT^fTtffWRf 
4<{4l<{ltl«JI4d l STRurt y,=Himre s ssifa 5TC? 513*1 II ) and places it with the 
mother This mantra is quoted in Nirukta III 4 and in the Br. Up. VI 
4 8. It would be noticed that there is a symbolic simulation of the child 
( that vi as born on an unlncky naksatra &c ) as having been born from the 
mouth of a cow ( a very sacred animal from Vedic times ) Vide utfi^^S 
pp, 171-172 for details of <lUiWWwfo . The mantra • Visnur yonim 
kalpayatu ' is employed in the Garbhadbana rite. 

Triliaprasavasanti 773 

The birth of a girl after three successive births of boys or of 
a boy after three successive births of girls was supposed to 
indicate unfavourable consequences to the parents and the family 
and death of the eldest, loss of wealth and great sorrow. There- 
fore a santi was recommended on the 11th or 12th day from the 
birth of a girl or boy (as the case may be) or on an auspicious day. 
He (the father) should choose acarys (chief officiating priest) and 
other priests, then perform a sacrifice to planets and offer worship 
to the golden images of Brahma, Visnu, Siva and Indra on 
ajar placed on a heap of grains. On a fifth jaT he should 
worship Eudra and one brahmana should recite four hymns to 
Rudra eleven times and all santisuktas when homa is being 
performed. The acarya should cast into the fire fuel-sticks, ghee, 
sesame and boiled rice 1003, 108 or 300 times to four deities viz. 
Brahma, "Visnu, Mahesa and Indra respectively with the mantras 
'Brahma iajnanam' (Tai. S. IV. 2.8.2, Vaj. S. 13.3), «idam 
Visnur' (Eg. I 23.17), 'Tryamabakam yajamahe' (Eg. VII. 
59.12), 'Yata Indra bhayamahe' (Eg. VHI. 61. 13). Then he 
should perform 'Svistakrt' homa, im then offer bali and 
purmhuti. The family members should be sprinkled with the 
sacred water. The performer should honour the acarya and 
donate some gold and a cow to him and give dahsiTfa to the other 
priests, should look into a vessel full of ghee and should make 
the brahmanas recite santi verses. The images with the addi- 
tions ot decorations thereof should be donated to the guru, 
brahmanas, poor and helpless people should be fed according to 
his ability. By doing this santi all misfortunes are destroyed. 
(Nirnayasindhu p. 248 and Santiratnakara, folio 109 ). 

The Kausikasutra (kandikas 110 and 111 ), Brhatsamhita 1 ^ 
(chap. 45. 51-54) and the Adbhutasagara pp. 559-569 deal at 
length with the portents of births to women, cows, mares, she 
asses &c. A few passages only are set out here. Varahamihira 
says 'when women give birth to monstrosities, or to two 
three, four or more children at the same time or they are 
delivered much before or after the pr oper time, then results 

V^ 8 ' F ° r *f«^rt,'v,deH ofDh.vol.II pp 208, 1257 (2nd note) 

VvaeN lmayaSfdlinp 248anaDh araaS i n dh H p. 186 for tbjs fetf called 

Ankaprasavasanti' , e a, ntl on the successive bu-ths o£ a group of three 

Sw" , d \° 8hterS ° Dly ) Th ° ^"^^ (P - 20 > * rescribes «*' th. 

774 History of Dharmaiastra [Sec IH,Gb,XXI 

destruction of the country or family'. The Matsyapurana 235. 
1-3 and Vismidbannottara H. 140. 1-3 have identical verses 
similar to the above. The Bhlsmaparva 1230 (chap 3 2-7) refersto 
portentous births such as the following; 'pregnant women and 
women who had never before given birth to sons produce mon- 
strosities; so also even wives of men who are Vedic scholars are 
giving birth to eagles and peacocks, mare3 give birth to calves, 
dogs to jackals; some women have given birth to four or five girls 
(at the same time)&c\ The Br. S proceeds 1251 'If mares, 
camels, she-buffaloes and cow-elephants give birth to twins, that 
portends death to them The effect of such births will come to 
pass about six months later; Garga has declared ±wo slokas as to 
the santi in such cases The women that give birth ( to twins or 
monstrosities) should be removed to another place (or country) 
by one that desires his own happiness, he should gratify 
brahmanas by gifts of things desired by them and should cause 
a santi ( propitiatory rite) to be performed; 33 to quadrupeds, 
they should be removed from their flocks or herds and be aband- 
oned in other countries; otherwise there would be ruin of the 
town, the owner and the flock or herd" 

Various modes were employed to divine the future, viz. 
(1) the position of planets and stars, (2) individual horoscopes, 
(3) flight and cries of birds like khanjana and crow, (4) natural 
phenomena (eclipses, meteors &c ), (5) dreams, (6) voices 
suddenly heard, (7 ) the physical and mental conditions of men, 
animals &c The first four have already been briefly dealt with. 
Now dreams will be taken up for discussion. 

It has already been seen (p 728, note3 1157 and 1158) how in 
the Vedic literature dream3 had been associated with good luck or 
51-luck. The two epics, the Svapnadhyaya (of 5iharrana-pari- 
sista IiXV'illpp 438-449), the Brhad-yoga-yatra of Varaha 
( chap 16. 1-31 ), Purauas such as Vayu (chap 19. 13-18;, Matsya 
(chap.242), Visnudbarmottara (IL 176), Bhavisya 1. 194, Brahma- 
vafrarta-purana (Ganesa-khanda 34.10-40), describe good or 
bad dreams; Agni (229, many verses of which are the same 

- 1250. ; n5^N"Mdiial^ ^iTifei R*Sl«iMl>s. I " •atUl'-Jf**' sy^ ISa 

-re?i ir.lfee.-,N;5 -qa*: ^S s^rai. n ??tet chap 3. 2. 5-7; 3T ST PP 
562-63 quote fhess ^- 

J|5nST^«>15f 5 t £ S 53-5*,q. bvs? STT P- =63. 

Works on ianhs about dreams " 5 

as those of Matsya chap. 243), Bhujabala of Bhoja (pp. ****** 
verses 1347-1378 ), the Adbhutasagara pp. 493-515 deal 
at length with the matters relating to dreams and santis 
therefor. Sankaracarya in his commentary on Vedantasutra - 
remarks that those who have studied the Svapnadbyaya 
declare that to see oneself riding on an elephant or the like 
is auspicious and to see oneself sitting in a conveyance 
drawn by asses is inauspicious (or unlucky). It appears that 
rarely an ancient writer like Angiras"* 3 said ' the movements 
of planets, dreams, nimittas (like throbbing ), utpatas (portents) 
produce some consequences by chance; wise men are not afraid 
of them'. Numerous dreams are mentioned in the Rimayana on 
several occasions. Some examples may be given. In the 
Sundarakanda (chap. 27, 23 ff ) Trijata ( a raksasi ) details several 
dreams that she saw and that indicated the destruction of 
raksasas and that were favourable to Rama. Among the evil 
omens that she saw in her dream about Havana were ; he had his 
head shaved, he drank oil with which he was drenched, he was 
dressed in red garments, wa3 intoxicated, wore wreaths of 
Karavlra flowers, he fell on the eaTth from his puspaka balloon, 
he was carried in a chariot drawn by asses, he was wearing red 
flowers and was anointed with red unguents &c. (verses 19-27 ). 
Similar dreams occur as seen by Trijata in the story of Rama 
contained in the Vanaparva chap. 280. verses 64-66. In the 
Ayodhyakanda (cbap. 69. 8. ff) Bharata who was with his 
maternal uncle saw jn a dream his father (Da&aratha) dirty and 
with dishevelled hair, falling from a mountain peak in a turbid 
lake full of cowdung, drinking that dirty water and oil; he also 
saw the ocean dried up and the moon fallen on the earth, he saw 
his father seated on a dark seat of iron and wearing black gar- 
ments and beaten by women dark and tawny in colour, he saw 
him going to the south in a chariot drawn by asses &c. Bharata 
says that these dreams indicated the death of thejking (Dasaratba) 
or of Rama or Laksmana. In the Mausalaparva of the Maha- 
hharata (chap. 3. 1-4) the Yadavas saw in dreams a black 
woman with whitish teeth running to Dvaraka with a laugh and 
kidnapping their women and terrible vultures were seen to be 
devouring the Vrsnis and Andhakas in their own houses in 
which sacred fires had been established &c 

^5Z. 3XF&& *3 mmwinR^ ; » gr bHI-tlij"Utfl f% ^ qwm5 <<K-MHlji-*l' 
« I, Hs?iiiT ' %l&<MI-£ on %pag^ HI. 2 4. 

1253. tftesapma ltijHw t anoti =qfta ^jft f agtefcu ri &t l jsm ■ «&<aPd 
'strong Ifcnsnsirifii^nSofrasrc ii 15 - - 

776 History of JDliarmasaslra l Sec. ID, Ch, XXI 

It is impossible to point out the unlucky and lucky dreams 
as their number mentioned in Adbhutasagara (pp 502-513), 
quoting the Furanas, Parasara, the works of Yaraha and others 
is extremely large One passage from the Matsyapurana ( 242 
verses 2-14, quoted in AdbhutasSgara pp 502-503 ) is cited here 
by way of illustration; ' the springing of grass and plants from 
one's body (except from the navel); bronze vessels dashed 
against one's head and pulverized; shaving of the head; 
nakedness; wearing dirty garments; bath with oil; being 
smeared with mud; fall from a high spot (hill&c); sitting 
in a swing, collecting mud and iron, killing horses; ascend- 
ing trees that have flowers and over circles and riding hoars, 
bears, asses and camels; eating of (the flesh of) birds and 
fishes and oil and rice mixed with mudga, or niasa, dancing, 
laughing, marriage and singing ; playing on musical instru- 
ments other than stringed ones; going for a dip in a river, 
bath with water mixed with cowdung or mud or with water 
fallen on bare earth; entering the womb of one's mother, 
ascending a funeral pyre; the fall of Indra's banner; the 
fall of the Sun and the Moon; seeing portents of the three 
kinds (heavenly, those in atmospheric regions and earthly); 
anger of gods, brahmanas, king3 and one's g-a us , embracing 
maidens; sodomy, loss of one's limbs; vomiting and purging, 
going to the southern direction, being overwhelmed by a 
disease; fall of fruits and of flowers; fall of houses; sweeping 
of houses with a broom; playing with goblins, birds or animals 
that subsist on putrid flesh, monkeys, bears and men, humilia- 
tion by strangers (or enemies); arising of calamity brought on 
by another person (or enemy); wearing ochre-coloured garments; 
playing with women ; plunging into oil or drinks; wearing red 
flowers and applying red unguents; these and others are inaus- 
picious dreams. 

In the Brhadyogayatra 1251 Varaha prescribes that the king 
wearing silken garments, pearls and jewels 3nd accompanied by 

1254. -H-olldJi 1^15 ^garei^ sretre WdlgldK I ««ii W jfi W ^' " .l i 1 

^& ui\$a -q Ji'w^ n *ra ^fht f^mre ^%ra srcgre ^ ' ^re^ro »w H wiif 

^g<Twi3i q- by 31 W P 494; the two verses sra. ?mJt occnrin ftssa 5 ^ 11 

» «g n_lQ and 3lsO tie r nf «"* a *" , «» *•■» ■ vai^oratn * I nrrnirjs in \erse 11 1 \luili 

first mantra is ^rsnsjat 
XI. 250 ). 

The manner of e ramining King's dream 777 

astrologers and purohita should enter the temple of his favourite 
deity, should place the images of the dikpalas therein, worship 
them with mantras, place four jars full of water in the four 
directions, should thrice repeat the mantras beginning with 
' Yaftagrato duram' { Vaj. S. 34. 1 ), should eat only once that day, 
sleep on his right side and pray to Rudra (as noted in n 1254) and 
examine the dream, auspicious or inauspicious, seen towards the 
close of night. 

The Matsya (242. 21-35) sets out 12s5 lucky dreams as follows : 
ascending (or riding on) mountains, palaces, elephants, horses 
and bulls; going among trees having white flowers; the shooting 
of trees and grass from the navel and seeing (the sleeper) 
endowed with many hands or heads ; wearing garlands of very 
white flowers and very white garments; eclipse of the Sun, Moon 
and naksatras; sprinkling water (on one's body) all over; 
embracing or raising the banner of Indra , seizure of the earth 
and seas; slaughter of enemies; victory in disputes, in gambling 
and in battle; eating of wet (fresh) meat, of fish and of payasa 
(rice boiled in milk and sugar); seeing blood or being bathed 
with it; drinking liquor, blood, intoxicants and milk; being 
surrounded on the earth with intestines; sight of bright sky; 
sucking the udders (the milk) of cows and she-buffaloes and of 
lionesses, cow-elephants and mares; receiving favours from 
(images of) gods, gurus andbrahmanas , bath with water flowing 
from the horns of cows or falling from the Moon (this prognos- 
ticates the acquisition of a kingdom); being crowned as aking; the 
cutting of one's head , one's death ; being burnt by fire ; one's house 
and the like being burnt down by fire; securing the insignia of 
royalty; playing on the lute , swimming beyond waters, crossing 
difficult places; the delivery in one's own house of cows, mares 
and cow-elephants; being mounted on horses ; weeping; obtain- 
ing of handsome women or embracing them ; being bound with 
tetters; being smeared with excreta; seeing living kings and 
mends; seemg images of gods and pure (or pellucid) waters. 
seeing such auspicious dreams a man easily secures per- 
feeTfto^it 31 * 11 ^ ^ Wh ° iS SUfferins from a disease becomes 

•n is.q^ f 6 Jain KalDas&tla ° f Bhadrabahu (S. B. E vol XXII. 
P ^9} fourteen very auspicious dreams seen by the brahmanl 
Ruan da are enumerated, viz. an elephant, a bul l, a lion, 

quotas fc^V° nS P - SS3ge fr ° m MatSya ab0nt ansptdous dreams is 
quoted as from V.snupurana and Vxsnudharmottara by & m PP 499-500. 

H. D, 98 

778 History of Dhaima&asLi a I Seo. Ill, Ch. XXI 

anointing of the goddess Sri, a garland, the Moon, the Sun, a 
flag, a vase, a lotus lake, the ocean, celestial abode, a heap of 
jewels, a flame and on pp. £31-238 elaborate details of these 
dreams are given. 

Matsya (chap 243. 2-12) sets out the sights that are 
unlucky when they come before a king who is going on an 
invasion (such as improper drugs, corn with dark exterior, 
cotton, grass, dry oowdung and many others ) and prescribes 
that on seeing these for the first time he should worship Kesava 
with a laud and that if he sees it a second time he should enter 
his palace Yogayatra, ( chap. 13. 4 ff) provides what the king 
starting on an expedition should hear viz such recitations as that 
of the Veda, Vedangas, Dharmasastras, Arthasastra, Mahabharata, 
Ramayana.Purana passages Matsya (chap 243. 15-25) prescribes 
the sights that are auspicious ( such as white flowers, jars full of 
water, aquatio birds, meat and fish, flaming fire, courtezans, Durva 
grass, fresh cowdung, gold, silver, copper and all jewels besides 
several others and winds up with a fine sentiment, 1256 viz the ease 
(or satisfaction) of one's mind is the highest sign of success; on 
one side are all prognostications and on the other is the mind's 
ease. The Brhad-yogayatra of Varaha has a similar verse Vide 
H. of Dh. vol, II pp. 511, 876 and notes 1192 and 2048 therein 
for two sets of auspicious sights. The Jyotistattva (pp. 729- 
730 ) quotes several verses on the objects that are auspicious or 
inauspicious when seen by a person starting on a journey or 
expedition and remarks that the same objects when seen in a 
dream are of the same ( auspicious or inauspicious) quality. The 
Vasantaraja-sakuna (V. 2-6) sets out fifty objects tbat are 
auspicious when starting on a journey or entering a home such 
as curds, sandal wood, ghee, durva, a jar full of water &c. and 
(V. 10-11) specifies the thirty objects that are inauspicious. 

The Matsya provides 12S7 . " dreams seen in the first watch of 
the night bear fruit in a year, those seen in the 2nd watoh after 

1256 mm&raft«ii 5 ircir ^wauK i wm tiff&fTt*? jnt^ngfH^'" 
BEET 243 27, fSigOTRTC II. 163 32, UE^t sprier ftsrssrsrs* W^na* ■ 
Rgtsfa'wff a rar3 sria *Rat fM? jr §f#i s?*n^T %nu ipt- !Jhfl??> gq^-n ggT^ 1 
l^TUri&Mi %%3«r>i 5T5T s^te n g»ng*nR *nftt3r PSiB-dift sa\*a. ' <4*K«d 
^ SiQwQsi-4 '■ HHg ^n ga a l' iq m i cba P 14 I -3 (ms. rather corrupt), 

^niliiKft) '^Hi'tniiR R^t-HM^ri. ii issfmrrai xix. i 

1257 ttttf ^*FT *T«I ^ SRsncR 5TOI I ^tWI-l RriaT' ft iW^ ,| '_ g 
' [Continued on next page) 

Dreams seen in different parts of night 779 

six months, those seen in the third watoh after three months and 
those seen in the last watch in a month. If on the same night 
one sees both auspicious and inauspicious dreams, one ( the 
astrologer) should declare that the last dream (alone) will yield 
consequences. Therefore, when a person sees an auspicious 
dream he should not go to sleep thereafter. Declaring a had 
dream to another is commended as also sleeping after seeing it ; 
bath with water mixed with the viscous sediment of oily 
substances, homa of sesame, honouring brahmanas, hymn of 
praise to Vasudeva and worship of him and listening to the 
story of the liberation of Gajendra— these remove the evil effects 
of bad dreams. " In connection with the vrata oalled ' Siddhar- 
thakadi-saptami' performed for gaining the favour of the Sun the 
Bhavisya (Brahma-parva, 194. 1-25 ) sets out the dreams which 
are auspioious or favourable to the person performing the vrata. 
Those verses are similar to those in the Matsya and are quoted 
by Ertyakalpataru ( on vrata pp. 176-179 ). One verse says ' on 
seeing a favourable dream one should not sleep again, but 
declare in the morning the dream as seen to Bhojakas and 
brahmanas (or to Bhojaka brahmanas).* The Brhadyoga-yatra 
contains similar verses as quoted by Adbhutasagara p. 501. 

The Jyotistattva quotes 1258 a verse *I shall declare what 
matters seen in dreams tend to bring knowledge (of impending 
consequences) to men who do not understand the true nature 

(Continued from last page) 

iT£ «"? " iPu * !l < ' ^^3hw% «A ****&% *t cieft i *** 24a. 

"-viO. all these are q by at *n. on pp 501, 502 and 514 and the first 
Z^T ^rf*^ ^ •»■ W. P. 514. For ^fi^tet (l e . more 
«y *WTO)jjWe ^^ 85. ^^^ I j&, „, V I. 112. 

Il- u _ ° e 1 Z 8,> lD ^^ " (between verses 2 and 3 ) the %ft 

Wt-^m^. < srarii! ^ ■ ^ ^g- ^^ , „ „ This last verse . s 

780 History of Dliai maiastra [ Sec HE, Oh. JTXT 

(significance) of objects seen in dreams that arise from their 
meritorious or sinful actions (in previous lives)' and remarks 
that from this verse it follows that dreams are purely indicative 
and do not produce consequences (by themselves) The higher 
thought in India held that dreams were only indicative or 
suggestive of future auspicious or inauspicious events, as affirmed 
by the Vedantasutra (HI. 2 4) and by Sankaracarya's comment- 
ary thereon. On the other hand Bhujabala provides 125 ' *to 
sleep again (after a dream), not to declare it to another, bath 
in the Ganges, japa ( of holy texts), santi, staslywjana (asking 
brahmanas to say 'it would be auspicious'), to resort in the 
morning to cows and an Asvattha tree, honouring brahmanas 
with food mixed with sesame, with gold and flowers according 
to one's means, merit-giving recital of the Mahabharata— -these 
tend to destroy (the effects of) bad dreams ' Bhujabala further 
says that all white objects except cotton, ashes, bones, butter- 
milk are auspicious ( in dreams ) and all dark obj'ects except 
cows, images of gods, elephants, horses and brahmanas are 

The Atharvana-parisista"^ LXVITI (pp. 438-449) states 
that persons have different dreams according as their constitu- 
tions (prakrti) are choleric or windy or phlegmatic {pitta, iata 
and hapha) and long lists of dreams and their interpretations 
are given and it prescribes the same remedies against bad 
dreams as Varaha does. 

1259 OT: si^C<PT 1 ^tTCT ( 3*nW ' ) WW IfTTHtpSt 3W ^Trfftl: ITO^H 

^ giEra § whRF^sJti^ 11 *rau9T usrt3 35ifa*«tr3 gnrfaircurii'Jr *z asfi^' 

WjfiSt^mnri^ ?Ttosni3 »ift-l'gR5dQ i' Wl3N ' 1 ft j l " 3^N3 P. 30* (first verse) 
and p 310 ( 2nd verse ) s? W P 514 quotes the verse ^r- WW° from 
5TO5 On ara ssrceippf gr^raCan** 5 1 8 15), nnnm explains 'sfi'Hfia 
ira^t .HP ^ n * ^ ^ aft >ER<rift ir^' n 

1260 ftfot: 5 iPha"i ^re 5irrei ^<w<i«n yr- 1 reHfsrefjci f ^w»nBgraw 
%g^n sT'qeqg^T RriMM^M 3 lw$*i m d mnnfut *gi s iii %rtSi » n wteifl-tiBniT ** 
% wfldiR R-<K>nPrf n 3ff ^j oiq Ri$ ia Lxvin (^nmsqpr) 2 60 (p. 445), 'm 

sr 11. 28.10 is ^ti> nM»a <J fl ^r^ai^T^^ *?fl^ wgrarg 1 ^Mfr ^ *> is**'** 

$t ^t ^It st 8H*U6l^ u r 1WHmH ,H This is obviously addressed to q^OT and it is 
strange that it is recommended for the worship of ^jyf by the tjwrePS ^ or 
Saptasati, vide above p 155 n 396. For the thousand names of Visnu, vide 
Anusisanaparva 149. 14-120 and for n^WRT fumu VIII. 2 

D7mrmasi?idhii on unlucloj dreams 781 

The Dharmasindhu (pp. 359-360) collects in one place 
numerous dreams that are lucky or auspicious and that are 
unlucky or inauspicious and then prescribes (p, 361) the rem- 
edies to avert the consequences of unlucky dreams vie worship 
of the Sun with the mantra (.ftg II 28.10, Tai S. IV. 14-123) 
' king Yaruna ! protect us from the danger which my helper 
or friend declares to me (from what I saw) in a dream or from 
the thief or wolf who desires or is ahout to injure us ' ; or one 
may recite inaudibly the verse ' Adha svapnasya' (Bg. 1. 120.12) 
or perform a sraddha like the one on Amavasya, or should 
recite the Saptasati in honour of Candl or the thousand names 
of Visnu or recite or listen to the recitation of the liberation 
of Gajendra in the Bharata or Bhagavata. 

All ancient countries and peoples believed in dreams and 
satisfied their curiosity to know the future by interpreting 
them. The Chaldean astrologers and dream-interpreters were in 
high favour at Babylonian and Assyrian courts The Book of 
Daniel (chap 2) tells us how Nebuchadnezzar, a great king of 
Babylon, asked the Chaldeans not only to interpret dreams but 
commanded them on threat of death to make known to him the 
dream which he had forgotten and then to interpret it. Plato, the 
greatest of the Greek philosophers, regards dreams as important 
physical and psychic symptoms while certain dreams are con- 
ceded as of supernatural origin and explains in his Timaeus (chap. 
46 and 47 ) that dreams are prophetic visions received by the 
lower appetitive soul ( through the liver ). In JR AS ( old series ) 
vol 16 pp. 118-171 IT. Bland contributes a long and inter- 
esting article on ' the Mahomedan science of Tabir or inter- 
pretation of dreams * There are striking parallels between the 
rules to be observed by the dreamer and by the interpreter and 
the principles of interpretation (of dreams) by contraries and 
by dependence upon the religion, country and bodily conditions 
Isuch as total fast or full stomach) of the dreamer. On p. 141 
of JRAS there is an interesting account of a dream of Nushirwan 
aSassaman-king (531-579 A. D.), who saw a dream that he 
orank from a golden goblet and that a black hog put its 
aead m the goblet and drank from it. Then we are told 
auzurmihr his minister, whom he consulted, told him it signi- 
ned that his favourite princess had a black slave who was her 

SlTf r SgeSt 1 * hat the W ° men ° f his - harem *"*»!>. 
toZ \ t0 f anceuil<3te ssedmthe Presence of the king. One of 
by L otC S som !> sitati j>* in complying and being protected 
ay the others was discovered to be a Hindu male slave and the 

782 History of Dliarmahastra [ See. HE, Oh. XXI 

Vazh's interpretation was verified.' The name of theVazir 
remarkably agrees in sound with the name Varahamihira and 
it is not very fantastic to suppose that Varahamihira, probably 
the most famous astrologer and astronomer of early times in 
India, had been patronized by Kushirvan and held a high 
position in his court Chronology is quite in favour of this 
identification since Varahamihira takes saka 427 ( 505 A D.} as 
the starting point for finding out the ahai gana. 

In modern 1261 times many educated people think dreams as 
of no consequence whatever, while there are others who regard 
dreams as almost infallible indicators of coming events; there is 
also a third class of people who are willing to listen to the argu- 
ments advanced on behalf of the interpreters of dreams and also 
of those who regard thoughts on the use and value of dreams as 
frivolous To those who want to hear arguments on both sides 
and to form a judgment of their own about dreams, I would 
recommend the 'Fabric of Dreams' by Catherine Taylor 
Craig ( Kegan Paul, Trench, Trubner, London, 1918 ) ; Freud's 
' Interpretation of dreams ' is the most important of his works, 
in which he develops his psycho-analytio technique. Then 
there is the work ' Second sight in daily life 'by W H. W. 
Sabine who has a theory of his own. His work deals witn 
precognition ( or foreknowledge ) which according to him is a sub- 
division of Extra-sensory perception He propounds the theory 
that the mind comprises of not only normal memory appearing to 
derive from physical perception but also ' anticipatory memory 
deriving from the Basic Experience which from time to time 
passes to some degree into conscious awareness Time is one and 
does not exist except as a verbal convenience and that what we 
call 'future' has already happened but it is not indicated m 
what form it has happened Considerations of spaoe and rele- 
vance preclude further discussion of this subject here 

Certain other interesting santis will now be described. 
When a great-grandson (prapautra i e a son's son's son) 

1261. DiEG Harshe contributes to the 'Shn K M Munsht Jubilee 
volume* (Bharatiya Vidya Bhavan, Bombay 1948) an interesting paper 
(pp 241-268) on 'two illustrated manuscripts on dreams', the contents o 
■which do not attempt any elaborate theory about dreams but recor 
empirical observations on dreams for the guidance of people in general. 

1262 For the importance of the great-grandson, vide the verse S3°i 

137 «= irrera 17 5 = Ru an Jfl fl 15. 46 

Bites on the birth of a great-grandson 783 

is born to a person a santi has to be performed when he sees the 
face of the great-grandson. The sankalpa 126J is given below. 
He should perform the rites beginning with the worship of 
Ganesa and ending with Matrpuja, then establish a jar full 
of water and worship (the image of ) Varuna therein, perform 
the rite of nlrajana mi to the accompaniment of the sound of 
drums, sit on a seat of udumbara tree covered with a blanket 
and should request brahmanas to sprinkle sacred water on his 
person. The hrahmanas should sprinkle water on him to the 
accompaniment of a hymn to Varuna and a hymn to the Ganges. 
At the end of the abhi seka the performer should give up old 
garments and wear new ones and should worship the Ganges. 
Melted ghee should be put in a vessel of bronze and the performer 
should see the reflection of his face therein and then should see 
the face of his great-grandson in the light of a lamp placed in a 
golden vessel. Then he should sprinkle drops of water on the 
great-grandson with one hundred flowers of gold Then he 
should sprinkle the great-grandson with water from the jar used 
for abhseka. For completing the ceremony of seeing the face 
of the grandson, he should donate a cow and feed hrahmanas 
according to his means. Then he should worship an image of 
Visnu, offer payasa to it and address the following prayer 126s 
'O Visnu. '. by your favour I have seen the face of my great-grand- 
son. Therefore, O Lord 1 in all ways and always do what I desire'. 
Then the image should be donated with the mantra 'by the dona- 
tion of the image (of Visnu) may all evil influences of planets 
be always conjured away in the case of the child, O enemy of 
Kamsa and the Lord of the worlds,' and he should donate to the 
brahmanas the ghee in which he saw his face. 

One of the santis that is frequently performed even in these 
daysis'TJdakasanti'. It is performed for averting the conse- 
quenoes of many happenings and for securing certain Benefits 

1264. For Nlrajana ' waving of lights before men, horses ', vide H. of 
■JJ^L 1 " P £ 23 °- 231 - The B r- S 43 2 regards ifi^ aE a &>tf 

784 Htstory of Dhaimaiastm [ Sec. HI, Ch, XXI 

such as good health, the removal of the diseases due to the three 
constituent elements of the human body, viz. bile, phlegm and 
tata (wind ), that may have already arisen or are likely to arise, 
or for mitigating all the trouble that is caused by planets 
occupying unfavourable positions from the lagna in a person's 
horoscope or from the i ah of his birth, for removing the impurity 
on birth or death in one's house or family, for securing a happy 
life Therefore, the sankalpa may assume various forms that 
are noted below 1Z66 In modern times this is a very elaborate 
rite in which a very large number of Vedic verses are repeated 
and which takes up about three hours for its performance. 
Therefore, even a brief resume of the modern procedure is not 
attempted here But one of the oldest available descriptions of 
this rite contained in the Baudhayana-grhya-sesasutra (1. 14) is 
set out here m order to convey an idea of this santi. As the 
Baudhayana-sutras are closely connected with the Taittiriya- 
samhita and Brahmana the references to mantras and texts are 
cited as far as possible from that Samhita and Brahmana. Many 
of the mantras occur also in the Rgveda and other samhitas 
Here are the texts; waters indeed are faith, (when a priest takes 
water) he begins (the rite with) faith itself, waters are indeed 
the sacrifice, he begins sacrifice itself ; water is indeed thunder- 
bolt, he strikes the thunderbolt against enemies; waters are 
destroyers of malignant spirits ( and it is taken) for destroying 
evil spirits , waters are the favourite abode ( or seat ) of the gods, 
waters are indeed nectar, therefore people sprinkle with water 
him who faints; waters are indeed all gods; he begins with 
gods Waters indeed are well disposed, he (priest) removes 
with the kindly (waters) the pain of this person (the Bacrificer); 
this is (what) the Brahmana (text) says 

Therefore (the priest) prepares propitiatory 1267 water with 
two htisa? dipped therein One should commence a santi on the 
naksatra of (a person's birth) or on an auspicious naksatra or 
when auspicious rites are to be performed, viz marriage, a (child s) 
tonsure, upanayana, Vedic student's return home, hairpartingfof 
a pregnant woman), establishment of the Vedic fires and other 

12CG :tjt stfft ■eU^WwH^^R Fhr Hdu * uriw« i * i tahyfa rSgfri 

y*n3 fn^rS 1 33Tsni*a s>Re9 i 

1207. The words ■xajrowapaV (water is indeed thnadcrboll) occur 
frequent!} in the Sat. Br. I 1 1 17, 1. 2. 5. 20, I 7. I. 20 &c. 

Udakaianii 785 

rites, or when a planet is eclipsed, or when a planet indicates a 
portent, or when danger comes (to a person) from bipeds or 
quadruped animals. 1268 He should make an even number of brah- 
manas wash well their hands and feet and make them sip water, 
seat them on seats in each of the directions, should smear with cow- 
dung a four-cornered altar of the extent of a bull's hide, should him- 
self sit on dm blias with face towards the east, should hold darbhas 
and durva grass, have two kusas in his hand, should sprinkle with 
water the altar made by him, should draw lines thereon and 
sprinkle water over them and should spread over it durva grass 
and darbhas and sprinkle it with water scented with sandalwood 
paste and cover it with flowers, should wrap with (cotton) 
threads the sacred vessel 126Sa of palasa leaves and place it on 
them (darbhas and durva) with the mantra 'brahma jajnanam' 
(Tai. S. IV. 2. 8. 2). Then he pours water across the two blades 
of darbha grass and mutters * tat-savitur-varenyam ' (Bg. HE. 62. 
10) and throws in (the water) whole grains of rice and yavas 
with the formula 'bhur-bhuvah-suvarom' (Tai. K. X. 2.1). Then he 
spreads around flowers, durva grass and fruits, covers it (jar) with 
dfirvas and darbhas and touches with the verse 'san-no devlr' 
(Rg. X. 9. 4). When the brahmanas have placed themselves 
besides the officiating priest, he mutters the verse 'tat-savitur- 
varenyam' ($g.X. 62. 10) separately by each foot and by half 
verse in one breath and mutters the .first words of (all) the 
Vedas. Then he recites the following 1269 viz. the anuvaka 
beginning with 'krnusva pajah' (Tai. S. I. 2. 14) but omit- 
ting the hah" verse 'made oid-asya' (Tai. S. I. 2.14.7), the 
anuvaka beginning with 'indram vo' (Tai. S. I. 6. 12), with the 
two verses 'yata indra' (Rg. VEX 61. 13, Tai. IIL9), and 
svastWa' (Rg. X. 152. 2, Tai. £.. X. 1. 9), with the two verses 
Mahan Indro' (Tai. S. 1. 4. 41) and 'sajosa Indra* (Tai. S. 
1. 4. 42), w ith «Ye devah purassado" (Tai S. I. 8. 7. 1 ) repeated 

1268. Compare gffctravgj* IX. 8 ' s^tmm: %*t m F*!& m ^MS l '. 

1268 a. V.a e 3sfcri% qnoted by «gfi*. I. p. 222 ' agmt « * ffe HI«t 

^Sj^ ^rfsKrsreaw^u signup laRinra^i g^s^mt»Rtg ^*i% 
v«sel<J' ma ' " ^^^ ^ irsrun*^^ II. Compare Wi ftiwi.W 

iw 12 ^ 9 ' ll may be noticea &zt most of the verses to be recited speak of 
is^T^T- lspirits < ra ^s) or enemies, pray for welfare and happiness 

Lfe&c. ^ ^'"^ f ° r freed ° m fr ° n danger< for •*»«**». te I°ag 

H. D. 99 

786 History of Dharmaiastra [SealH.Ch.XXI 

five times, with the five formulas 'Agnaye raksoghne' (Tai. 

S I. 8. 7. 2), with the five fonmilas 'Agnir-ayusman' (Tai. S. II. 

3. 10. 3), with four clauses ' ya vam-indravaruna ' (Tai. S. II. 

3. 13. 1 ), with the eight clauses 'Yo vam-Indravarunau' 

( Tai. S. II. 3. 13. 3 ), with the f out verses ' Agne yasasvin' 

(Tai. S. V. 7. 4. 3 ), the Rastrabhrt anuvaka beginning 

with 'rtasad-rtadhama' ( Tai. S III 4 7 1), with the three 

mantras 'namo astu sarpebhyah' 1270 (Tai S IV. 2. 8. 3), with 

'ayam puro harikesah' ( Tai. S IV. 4. 3. 1 ) repeated five times, 

with the Apratiratha 1271 anuvaka beginning with 'asuh sisanah' 

(Tai. S. IV 6 4 1), the anuvaka beginning with 'sam oame 

mayasca me' (Tai. S IV. 7. 3 1 ), the anuvaka called 'vihavya' 

beginning with 'mamagne vara) vihavesvastu' (Tai. S. IV. 7.14. 

1), the Mrgara anuvaka 1272 beginning with 'Agner-manve' (Taj. 

S IV. 4. 15. 1-11 ), the offering mantras to serpents beginning 

with ' samlcl namasi pracl dik' six times repeated, the offering 

prayers to Gandharvas in the six clauses beginning with 'hetayo 

«nama stha' (Tai. S. V. 5, 10. 3-4); the five 'ajyani (bricks) 

offerings with 'satayudhaya' (Tai S V. 7 2. 3), the anuvaka 

beginning with 'bhutam bhavyam bhavisyat' ( Tai. S. VII. 3. 12. 

1 ), the Atharva-siras, 1273 the anuvaka beginning with 'Indro 

Dadhloo aBthabhih' (Tai. Br. I. 5. 8. 1, Eg. I. 84. 13), the 

Pratyangirasa beginning with 'caksuso hete' up to 'bhratrvyam 

padayamasi' ( Tai. Br. II. 4. 2 1-4 ), the anuvaka beginning 

with 'prano raksati visvam-ejat' (Tai. Br. II 5. 1. 1), the 

anuvaka beginning with ' simhe vyaghra uta ya prdakau' (Tai. 

Br. II 7 7. 1); the anuvaka beginning with 'aham-asmi' ( Tai. 

1270 It is difficult to construe the printed text here It runs s ' sTjft 
a^ sfrq. ' gra fagi*rcg 'g -^t^ti q- ^a - ^ i a t ' 3??? gCt sk^ i ' ^fS "raPr. W- 
&.C ' qsrafer means a brick with five protuberances The f>. h V 3 7. 2 
has q ai'j'ieSl ■JM^UU'W H W tpfaftin ffiTT 3T5 i"fitjkh 3? §ft ' which means 'Ho 
puts down the bricks with five crests (protuberances), indeed these be- 
coming Apsarases lie down near him in the yonder world ' But there is no 
mantra here Besides 3ig ^ ^-j.*tiM is not clear Is it 3j.j-«£j'<Stm w,lu ' 
inserted between 3jg and ur^p^or is it a printer's mistake? 

1271 Katyajana in his Sriddhasutra prescribes that among the holy 
texts to be recited when the brahmanas are eating the sraddbs dinner are 
the Rakcoghni verses and the Apratiratha hymn. Rg X 103 has most of the 
verses called Apratiratha in Tai. S IV G. 4. 

1272 The printed text reads 'srgaram'. Vide Kausikasutra IX. 1 for 

1273. The Atbarvai'iras is an Upamsad beginning with 'Dcva va 
Biargam lokam-ajan'. Vide H. of Dh. vol IV, pp 45-40 note 

UdakaiSnh 787 

Br. II. 8. 8. 1), the anuvaka *ta suryacandramasa' (Tai. Br. H. 
8. 9. 1 ), the three anuvakas beginning with 'agnir nah patu* 
( Vaj. S. 4. 15), the anuvaka 'rdhyasma" (Tai. Br. HI. 1.2.1), the 
anuvaka ' navo navo ' (Tai. S. II. 3. 5. 3), with (the mantras of) 
supplementary sacrifices, with a verse containing the word 
' surabhi ' (Tai. S. I. 5. 11. 4 or VII. 4. 19. 4), with veraes ad- 
dressed to waters (B,g. X 9. 1-3 = Tai. S. V. 6. 1. 4 ff), with 
verses, addressed to "Varuna, with the verses beginning with 
'Hiranya-varnah' (Tai S. V. 6. 1), verses addressed to (Soma) 
Pavamana (from Rg. IX. 1. 1 'svadisthaya* to end of Rg. IX), 
with the Vyshrtis (seven mystic words, bhuh, bhuvah, svah, 
mahah, janah, tapah, satyam), the anuvaka beginning with 
'tao-chamyor* (Tai. B. lit 5. 11). He repeats thrice the con- 
eluding passage ' namo brahmane'. 1273 " 

The (officiating priest) makes the performer rise from his 
seat and sprinkles water on him to the accompaniment of the 
Vyahrtis (blmh &c.). (The performer) makes gifts (to the 
officiating priest). Then the officiating priest sprinkles sacred 
water on^those that are possessed by an evil spirit or attacked by 
fever or troubled by ghosts, that are the friends, relatives, 
agents of the king's and of the royal priests, and the young and 
old members (of the performer's family), pregnant women, 
persons suffering from bad diseases, persons suffering from 
diseases for a bug time, persons that are emaciated and are 
sicfc, also sprinkles sacred water on the elephants, horses, camels, 
cows, buffaloes, goats, sheep and servants of the performer; in 
tins way the rite is performed for one day, three or five or seven 

Sh 5 ytn S a" d0inS h8 WaidS ° ff d8ath: S ° Say3 the blessed 

Blan^^T*'* nakSatra of hh& iB afflicted by an evil 
mttfoJ if** feParasata provided a santi as follows:™ after 

Sfi iilkT ^f WatW the dUDg and ™ ne <* » white bull 
and the milk of a white cow and kuias the person should be 

. ~ 1S7 l a ' The §• a*I- II 13. 4 has the very words 'aA =rfa. „» 

J. The verse occnrs ,n ^ % . < m 5 . 4 ), whlch reads ^ f ^ 

«( *w vm* mom » sr^^fenr} g^ ^nfls^ ... 

788 History of Dharma&ash a [ Sec. Ill, Ch. XXI 

sprinkled with the mixture Similarly, the Matsya ^ prescribes 
for one in whose birth rasi an eclipse takes place a sacred bath 
with water from four jars full of water in which earth from the 
stables of horses, elephants, from an ant-hill, from a confluence, 
a deep reservoir of water, from a cowpen and from entrance of 
a palace is cast, and also paficagatya, five jewels, rocana, lotuses, 
sandalwood, saffron, usira, guggulu; mantras also are to ac- 
company the bath; Indra, Varuna, Kubera and other gods are 
invoked for removing the evil results of eclipses. 

If a person suffers from fever the Madanaratna( folio 11) 
provides for santis for the tithis (from the first onwards) on 
which the fever started, derived from Baudhayana in which the 
presiding deity of each tithi is to be offered worship (puja) and 
homa, for each of which the mantra ( of which japa is to be 
made) is different, and the incense, flowers, naivedya also are 
different There are also santis, when a person suffers from 
fever, about the weekday on which the fever started and images 
of the presiding deity of the weekday made of different metals 
according to the name of the day are to be worshipped with 
different mantras (Madanaratna, folio 12a). For example, if 
fever started on a Sunday or on a Monday, then the images of 
Eudra (for Sunday ) and Parvatl (for Monday ) were to be made 
of gold or silver and the mantras to be recited were respectively 
■ya te Eudra* (Tai S IV. 5. 1. 1 ), 'gaurlr-mimaya' (Eg 1 16* 
il). The gandlva, flowers, incense, lamp and nanedya were 
different in each case. If the fever starts on any one of the 
37 naksatras, the Madanaratna (folios 12b-15b) prescribes 
santis for all the 27 naksatras, specifying the deity of each 
naksatra, the figure of the deity, its colour, mantra, the five 
upacaras from gandha, the kinds of fuel-sticks to be employed, 
the ffliutts, the gifts &c If the mantra 1176 be not known, the 

1275 -jt^t Tirir ■H-HWta *ra^5fgorewra i j^tr ^im i^gsjiS s*j\«ri&- 

tWp^dK " *TC^ 1 b 7 ^fMqig^ " (on 5tif?3 folio 21b), %. (on S3, vol H- 
p 1021 J. f^ fir P. 69 and i;|)pd^Bil^ folio j 5 7b st *n PP- s7 " 90 anfl 
m- fir- P 69 quote this and about 25 verses more from TTcST on this 

1276. The mantras prescribed for religions warship and rites have a 
certain pattern, that is, they either refer to the rite to be performed and the 
deity or to the benefit prayed for or there is some word therein that indicates 
an application of it to the deity For example, the mantra ' 3llcfi<43 S-"'^ 
(Kg I. 99. 1) is employed for invoking the presence of Dnrga, because therein 
occurs the word ' durgSni ' (^r V <regra plfl° t Rs^r ) or the verse ' Gaunr- 

( Continued on ntxtpagt ) 

Guyatri mantra employed when manlra not lmown U% 

Gayatrfmantra (J?g. HI. 62.10) was to be ^P^«°J^ 
shutiswere to be 1008 or 108 according to the nature of the 
disease. The Madanratna (folios 15b-20b) quotes from Atreya 
further details about the 27 nafcsatras, viz. the number of stars 
in each naksatra, whether a naksatra is masculine, feminine or 
neuter, its figure, colour, deity, tree, its gam™ 6 * (whether 
demgava or raksasagana or manusyagana), what actions should 
be done on each, the Visanadl of each. 

The Dharmasindhu provides a santi for the extremely rare 
occurrence of a person coming to life after people thinking 
him to be dead take his body for cremation to a cemetery. The 
person in whose house such a person enters meets death. There- 
fore, a homa should be performed wherein eight thousand 
udumbara fuel-sticks anointed withmilk and ghee are to be offered 
to the accompaniment of the Qayatrl mantra ( Bg. HI. 62. 10 ). 
At the end of the homa a kapila cow and a bronze vessel full 
of sesame should be donated to a brahmana; the bronze vessel 
should weigh 81 palas or 40$ or 20ior9, 6 or at least three 
palas according 1277 to one's means. 

Some works prescribe a santi on the delivery of a cow in 
the month of Bhadrapada, of a she-buffalo in Pausa and of a 
mare by day. The santi is to be performed with 108 ahutis of 
ghee and sesame, the Asyavamiya hymn (Kg. L 164) and the 
mantra 'tad-Visnoh' (Bg. I 22. 20 ) are to be recited. It was 
supposed that if a she-buffalo was delivered in Magha and on 
a Wednesday, or a mare in Sravana by day or a cow while the 

{ Continued from last page ) 
nmnaya*(Rg I. 164. 41 ) is said to be mantra for Farvati, the presiding 
deity of Monday, because the word ■ Gaurlr ' suggests Gaurl, which is a 
name of qreah The requirement is stated in the following Brahmana 
passage 'ijafrism^r^ ^TO^-a *rSRW f&-!Wluni^si=tTl* : M<{R ' (qo°t ed 
,n f^Wl. 16). It occurs in $tft<MlflIuf several times (eg §. iff. I. +i 
which reads merely q^iPU^R ) 

1276a For the ganas of the 27 naksatras, vide H. of Dh. vol. II. 
Pp. 514-515. 

1277. A pala •» 4 karsas, a karsa ■> 16 masas and 80 ratis. Hence a 
pala was equal to 380 raktikas Vide Mann VIII. 134 and 136 and Vaj. I, 

790 History of Dharmaiusb a [ Sea HI, Ch. XX 

Sun is in the Lion sign, that portends death of the im owner in 
six months. It may be stated that in the author's boyhood such 
santis, particularly in the case of she-buffaloes, were performed. 
The Adbhutasagara provides that the sJnti should be performed 
on the 4th, 9th, 12th or 14th tithi, as these are declared to be 
auspicious ttthis for adbhuta-santi 1279 

In modern times the entrance into a newly built house is 
preceded on the same day or on a previous day by a santi called 
Vastusanti I2S0 or Vfistu-samana ( in Matsya 268 3 ) It has 
been described at some length m H of Dh vol. II. pp 834-836. 
The description 128 °" there is based on Matsya, chapters 256 and 
268. Vastusamana is also described in the Asvalayana grbya 
IE. 9 6-9, Par gr. III. 4 5-18, Baud gr III 5 ( which are cert- 
ainly older than Matsya by several centuries), in Baudhayana- 
grhyasesa-sutra I 18, the Satnavidhana-br3hmana III. 3. 5 and 
several medieval works. The Baud Gr S S calls it Grhasanti 
and recommends that it be performed every month, every season 
or every year in the bright fortnight on an auspicious naksatra 
by one who desires prosperity in his house. It is therefore 
passed over here. The &.sv. gr is very brief. It says 12S1 Then 

1278 ^ ^n=n i f%^i Ji^fH 933T smoi ^ R$md ■ >mmf& 5^ ^* ***■ 
s#ft tit ' mEWww i i folio 180, *rpft w^iS ^ ^rer »ft. *rrg?iH i «rc°f aw 
f*tr%£ q^Pftn^? *ret*r u crer sni^t m^tx^ ^ Etna's g»reti qrrcg q byw Ht 

p 568 

1279 ^g&i '^tejfi 4hr sitst ^ ^gt# 1 ir<n I Stvr w*n W <*%&' 
5n*a%i*nr?q by si ot p 568. 

1280. Vastu (n m the Rgveda) means a house. Compare 'ta vam 
vastunyus'masi gamadhyai' (Rg. I. 154.6) It is derived from 'vas' (to 
reside). Vide Nirukta X 17, where Rg VII. 55. 1 is explained There is 
a deity in the Rgveda called 'Vastospatt' (lord of the house) qiwiu4fi| 1S 
•either ( as in Rg. VIII 17 14 ) Indra or Rudra ( as Durga says ). The s'antt 
is performed for averting all evil after entering a newly bmlt house 

1280 a The HU^T m modern Vastusanti would be somewh at like the 
following 3 Ja^<rMWia-*i»W u n »H wfiHtm i fSfr'ltw) fe** l ffi w ^ 1 * *'''^ ;£! 

1281 a nUt tw u R i ^ lig<iMHiT ii^feifipq*mtrpT srarfftf ^"J^^ 

^^RflTraJ «m%?T ^TEaiBu% ufitansfterOTri^fi* «^raf^. acfa E" 1 *' !?3 S 
»«ai ' 'i i «fo <P l w fla 5W3 qri^sntt qra^fcr 1 zn<q *i n. 9 6-9 sff v 

(1-15 ) is called sraitffa because the word $ occurs in each of the 
thirteen verses several times 

Vastuianti 791 

he makes the house santa (as follows). He deposits gold in 
water that has rice and baTley thrown into it, he sprinkles 
the house three times going round it with his right side turned 
towards it with the santatlya hymn ( Bg. VII. 35 ) and he does 
so again three times pouring out an unbroken stream of water 
with the three verses *0 waters! you are wholesome' (Rg. X. 
9.1-3). In the middle of the house he cooks boiled rice, offers 
from it four oblations with each of the four verses 'Vastospate 
pratijanlhyasman ' (Rg. "vTL 54. 1-3 and VII. 55. 1), should then 
prepare food, should feed the brahmanas with it and make them 
say 'lucky is the house, lucky is the house.' Some details from 
Baud. Gr. (III. 5) may be mentioned here. It provides that 
oblations are offered from cooked food with the invitatory prayer 
(Puronuvakya) 'Vastospate pratijanlhi' ('O Lord of houses! 
accept us as your devotees,' ( Bg. VTL 54. 1, Tai. S. HI. 4. 10. 1 ) 
and the offering prayer (Yajya) with 'Vastospate sagmaya' 
(0 Lord of houses, may we be endowed with fellowship with 
thee &c.' Rg VII. 54. 3, Tai. S. III. 4 10. 1) Then he offers 
ahvtis of clarified butter with the mantras viz. 'Vastospate 
dhruva sthuna' (Rg. VHX 17, 14), 'grhyam bhayam yac-ced', 1282 
' aksispande-angacale,' 'duh-svapne papasvapne', 'Vastospate 
pratarano' (O Vastospati 1 mayst thou be our saviour ', Rg. 
VEL 54. 2 ), ' amlvaha Vastospate ' ( O Vastospati I Mayst thou be 
our friend destroying diseases' Rg. VII 55. 1 ). Then he places 
the remainder of the food from which offerings were made on 
bunches of darbhas in front of the Fire with the words 'salutation 
to Rudra Vastospati 1 I offer ( oblations to him ) who protects 
when we approach, or run, walk out, depart, turn round.or return.' 
Having brought together in a plate the water for cleansing 
the cooking vessel, the remainder of the clarified butter and the 
water (used in the rite) he sprinkles water therefrom on all 
sides with a twig of udumbara or palasa or sami tree or with 
a handful of darbhas, he goes round the house thrice with his 
right side towards it with the verse 'tvam viprah' (Rg. IX. 18. 
2). He prepares food, honours the brahmatias (with food and 
fees), makes them recite blessings in the words 'lucky is the 
) house, lucky is the house'. 

'• _ In the later digests the Vastusanti is a very elaborate affair 

which is passed over here for reasons of space. 

'' ttt 1Z ^ 2 J was „ not able t0 trace ti"» three verses cited in the Baud. Gr. 

792 Htstoiy of JDharma&ustra [ Sec. Ill, Oh. XXI 

Various prognostications were based on the sounds produced 
by the house lizard (called pallt, palhka, kudyamatsya or 
grhagodhtka), by its movements and by its fall on the several 
limbs of a person by Vasantaraja sakuna, chap, 17 (32 verses), 
the AdbhutasSgara pp. 666-668 (quoting 28 verses of Vasanta- 
raja), Jyotistattva pp. 706-707, Santiratna or Santi-kamalakara 
(folio 198), the Dharmasindhu (pp. 347-348). A few wordB 
based on the last two are set out here. A fall of the lizard on 
the right side of a male and on his head (except the chin), 
chest, navel and stomaoh is auspicious, while in the case of a 
woman such a fall would be auspicious on the left side. The 
same applies to a chameleon If a lizard or chameleon falls on 
a limb or creeps up a person's limb the person should take a bath 
with clothes on and perform a santi for removal of the inauspi- 
ciousness or for increase of auspiciouBness If a person has a 
mere contact with a house lizard or chameleon he should bathe, 
drink paficagavya, look into clarified butter, should pay honour 
to (a golden image of) the lizard or chameleon clothed in a red 
piece of cloth, offer to the image gandha and flowers, worship 
Rudra in a jar full of water, offer into fire 108 fuel sticks 
of khadtra tree to the accompaniment of the Mrtyunjaya 1282 * 
mantra and offer 1008 or 108 ahutis of sesame into fire with 
the vyahrlts and perform the rites from svistakrt to sprinkling 
with drops of water and then donate gold, clothes and sesame 12826 

The Yogayatra chap. 7 (verses 1-12) and Hemadri on Vrata 
(voLII pp 894-897 ) mention ceremonial baths on and worship 
of naksatras from AsvinI to RevatI and their presiding deities as 
yielding various benefits The SLtharvana-parisista I (called 
naksatrakalpa) sections 37-50 deal with naksatrasnana from 
Krttika to BharanI Sections 37-41 contain the mantras 
employed in worshipping and placating the presiding deities 
of the naksatras beginning with Krttika. Section 42 describes 
the general procedure of naksatrasnana; sections 43-45 set oat 

1282a Mrtyunjaya mantra is the Tryambaka mantra, according to 
Vidyakara quoted in Jyotistattva (p 707) The Tryambaka mantra is 
•Tryambakam yajamahe' (Eg. VII. 59 12, Tai. S I 8 6 2, Vaj. S. HI, 60) 

1282b. It is somewhat remarkable that Vasantaraja is entirely silent 
about the fall of the house lizard on a person's body and devotes thirty-two 
verses merely to the interpretation of the sounds of the lizard in differ 
directions and at different times of the day and to the prognostications deri- 
ved from us movements on the walls It is not unlikely that prognostication 
from the fall of the lizard on a man's limb was a later development 

Ceiemonial baths on naksatras 793 

the substances to be added to the water for each naksatrasn&na 
and the benefit to be derived from so doing. Sections 47-50 
contain special rules in relation to each naksatra from Krttika 
to Bharani, about the distribution of food to brahmanas and 
gifts to be made on each naksatra together with the rewards to 
be expected therefrom. But the Brhatsamhita chap. 47 (1-87 ), 
-the Atharvana-pariiista V pp. 66-88, Visnudharmottara II. 103, 
Yogayatra (VII. 13-21), the Kalikapurana chap. 89, and 
Hemadri ( on Vrata vol. II. pp. 600-628 ) speak of a santi called 
Pusyasnana or Pusyabhiseka. It is said that Brhaspati per- 
formed this santi for Indra, then Vrddha-GaTga got it and he 
imparted it to Bhaguri. Most of the above works confine it to 
the king, since the king is the very root of the tree — the 
-subjects — and since any hama to or welfare of that root ( the king) 
results in misfortune or welfare of the people; therefore care 
must be taken for the increase of the king's welfare. 1283 As the 
treatment in the Brhatsamhita is the fullest and is among the 
most ancient descriptions, it is briefly set out here. The royal 
astrologer and family priest should perform the rite of Pusya- 
snana for the king, than which there is nothing more holy and 
nothing more destructive of all evil portents. This may be per- 
formed on pusya-naksatra every time, but the Santi on this day 
when theJBull Moon is in Pusya-naksatra is the highest and if 
such a snana is performed without there being Pusya naksatra on 
that day, then it yields only half the fruit. There is no utpata 
which is not averted or mitigated by this santi and there is 
no other auspicious rite which surpasses this. About Pusya 
the Batnamala»«* states ■ Just as the lion is the strongest among 

S2 B 2S?" ,Bftl ^ % * !3 ^ * «** " ^ti^rrai «f^ ^ft *rn% 

T^ra^rall^H 47 1-3 and 82, 84. vrie frflssqferc H. 103 31-32 

^^n^l^ra^,^^, ( 219 34)^nre(on trsra >feT>>g). 

^ Rn=y?t W^mnt ^nf^ 5^« ^^^ VI. 70 According to l^fo, 103. 2 
^f he moon 1S » the i st , 3r d. 6th. 7th. 10th or 11th trt itomZ rUit of 
DWhrt„ aus ^ cl0Usandlt 1S ina „ spiCl0us ia the other r - s from blrth _ 
S ^' ^^^^nRjraRm^^HT: - ^y. a m^ ww . &0 ■ Vide note 
ta ^ In i above for *g^^ and other »„,„ ^ 103 _ 

H. B. 100 

794 History of Dharma&astra [Sec. HI, Gh. XXI 

all quadrupeds, so is Pusya the most; powerful among naksatras ; 
undertakings begun on Pusya succeed even if the Moon be un- 
favourable oi be gocara. Then Varahamihira states in very 
poetic verses (47. 4-15) that the Pusyasnana of the king should 
be perfoimed in a sylvan spot abounding in young and beautiful 
trees emitting fragrance and free from trees having thorns or 
trees like marking nut or from owls, vultures and the like or 
on rivers or on lakes or near lotus pools or near a cow-house 
or seashore or hermitages of sages, grand mansions resounding 
with the sweet cries of cuckoos and the like or near a holy 
Bhrine or tlrtha or a spot beautified by parks Then the astro- 
loger, the councillors and officiating priests should go out from 
the capital at night and make an offering (bah) in the East, 
North or North-east and the royal family priest, being himself 
pure and bowing down, should invoke with fried grains, aksata, 
barley, curds and flowers and with a mantra 1285 the gods, the 
(guardians of) quarters, the nagas and brahmanas to be present 
at the spot and then say ' tomorrow you will receive worship and 
depart after conferring welfare on the king'. The family priest 
and the others should stay in order to find the auspicious nature 
or otherwise of the dreams (of the king). On the next day in 
the morning they should collect materials (for the Pusyasnana) 
on the spot chosen the previous day* He should draw a mandala 
(a diagram) there and should place thereon various jewels and 
should assign places to nagas, yaksas, gods, pitrs, gandharvas, 
apsarases, sages, siddhas, planets, naksatras, Kudras, the matrs, 
Skanda, Visnu, Visakha, Lokapalas, goddesses (such as LaksmI, 
Gaurl, Indranl), which should all be drawn with charming 
coloured powders or chalk &c , should offer them worship with 
sandal wood paste, flowers &c, with various edibles, fruits and 
meat, with drinks viz. wine, milk and decoctions, he should 
follow the procedure of Grahayajna and worship the various 
deities invited with appropriate foods, incense, clarified butter, 
flowers, with lauds and salutations &c (verses 30-33). Then he 
should set up Agni on an altar to the west or south of the 
mandala drawn by him, should kindle it into flames and bring 
near it the materials and darbhas He should offer worship on 
the altar to the west with fried grams, ghee, curds, honey, white 
mustard, fragrant substances, floweis, incense, fruits, and should 
donate plates full of putjasa and ghee Then in the four inter- 

1285 The mantra for invoking the gods is shijpsJtJ 5U H? ^fS9 5?"" 

Qeremony of puqyasnana ?05 

mediate quarters of tTie altar he should establish four jars the 
necks of which ate surrounded with white thread and that are 
covered with leaves, twigs and fruits of trees having milky sap 
and filled with water mixed with herbs and materials for pusya- 
snSna and jewels. In verses 39-42 Varakamihira names about 
15 plants the leaves 1286 of which are to be oast in the jars and 
also seeds and sanausadhis, sarvagandhas, bilva fruit &c. He 
should spread an old bull's hide with its neck to the east on the 
altar and thereon be should spread the reddish hide of a bull 
trained for fighting, the hides of a lion and a tiger one over the 
other, when the Moon is in Pusya-naksatra and there is an 
auspicious muhurla Over the hides a throne made of gold, 
silver, copper or of a tree with a milky sap should be placed. The 
king should occupy the throne after placing thereon a piece of 
gold, surrounded by his ministers, men of his confidence, the 
family priest, the astrologer, the citizens that have auspicious 
names (such or JayarSja, SimharSja &c. ). 

There should be loud noises (for drowning inauspicious 
sounds) made by the bards and citizens and of the tabors and 
drams and of Vedic recitations. The king should wear linen and 
the piirohita should cover the king with a blanket, drops should 
be sprinkled over the king from jaTs, 3, 28 or 108 in number, 
containing clarified butter, with two mantras 1287 praising its 
power to remove evil and then the priest removes the blanket 
and sprinkles on the king drops of water from water containing 
the substances collected for pusyasnana with sateen mantras 1 ' 88 

1286. Several o! the 15 plants mentioned in the Br. S. occur also la 
^TO^teV. 1-5.2.2. IntheTOpjssm eight plants are mentioned as 

tnataretobe employed m general for the snapana of all gods (chap. 

Sr;'?\ 52 " S ?' Xhese " re 'P«» teab yt'ni%{on ira vol. II. p, 615), bnt 
tt is not clear from what work 

1288. It may be noted that Hem5dri( on 33 vol. II. p. 615) has the 

mantras (verses 67-70 Jirst-haU). Varaha first gives a long list (55-70) of 
Panrantamantrasandthen ( m verse 71 ) only mentions names of groups 
S»S aS, 47 r 7f^^S, ,ra ^ ! '^^^^S^:^^ 

796 History of DJuzrmaiaslra [Sec. Ill, Ch, XXI 

(set outbyVaraha in verses 55-70) in whioh gods, goddesses, 
sages are invited to join in the rite, besides mantras from the 
Atharvakalpa, 1289 the Rudragana mantras, Eusmanda mantras, 
the Maharauhina, Enbera-hrdaya and Samrddhi verse. Then 
the king should take a bath and wear two cotton garments over 
whioh the three verses 'Apohistha' (Eg. X 9 1-3, Tai. S. IV. 
1. 5. 1 ) and the four verses ' Hiranyavarnah ' ( Tai. S. V. 6 1. 1-2, 
or Atharva I. 33. 1-4) have been inaudibly recited. He should 
sip water to the accompaniment of words like ' this is a lucky- 
day' and to the sound of conches, should worship gods, gurus, 
brahmanas, his parasol, banner, and weapons and then worship 
his special (or favourite) deity. Then he should put on new 
decorations that lead to victory, that confer long life and vigour 
and over which the ESyasposa 1290 ( bestowing increase of wealth) 
rk verses have been recited. To the south of the mandala an 
altar should be prepared and hides of bull, cat, rm u deer, spotted 
antelope, lion and tiger should be arranged one over the other 
(tiger's being last) and the king should sit down on the hides. 
The purohita should offer in the fire in the principal place (to 
the south) offerings of fuel-sticks, sesame, ghee and the like to 
the accompaniment of rk verses addressed to Eudra, Indra, 
Brhaspati, Visnu and Vayu. The astrologer should observe and 

1289. The Atharvana-pansista V. 3. 4-5 prescribes (p 67 ) the opening 
passage of each Veda, the mahavyabrtis (bh«h, bhuvah, svah ) and five 
ganas as accompanying the offerings into fire, viz. ' $|kwT'|U|*M 3OT *<ii<4" 

feJUwiq t '. For 3I&W&I "! vide arrafuinft. XXXII 14 p 196 cont aining 22 
verses, the first of which is ^i^hI , that is 3lsj=r. 14 2 21. The 3)iHli3ld<|0I 
contains 15 verses beginning with * aparajito ' ( vide arrasf u wRi?lE 32 13 )» 
the siiginpior has 14 verses of the 3isrf^5 (m an iR XXXII 9. p 195). 
for two ssWJiFTS. vide an qft XXXII. 12 and 29. for .fctte<H-WI vide 3JT <IT* 
XXXII 11 *4m is 3TT- TK XXXII 16 or it may be Rudras in Tai. S 
IV 5. 1-11 The ^mrog mantras are Vaj S 20 14-16 and Tai A II 3. 1, 
II 4, 1 ( beginning with ' yad-deva devahedanam ' ) Vide H. of Dh vol 
IV. p 43 for Knsmandahoma. For Ranhina-satnan vide H. of Dh. IV. p. 
46 n The Kubera-hrdaya is probably the mantra in Tai A I 31. 6 
(Rajadhirajaya...maharajayanamah). It is not known which rk is called 

1290. There are many verses of the Rgveda cited in the Taittinya- 
sambita which contain the word ■ rayasposa \ but as Utpala in his com- 
mentary says that the verses are six, it is probable that the verses meant 
are (Rg. X. 17. 9-14 ), the Erst of which ends with the words ' rayasposam 
yajamanesu dhehi ' 

Pusyasriana 797 

declare the prognostications derived 1290a from the flames of the 
sacred Agni as laid down in the chapter on the festival of 
Indra's banner (Br. S. 42. 31-36). Then the purohita with 
folded hands should pray 1291 'May all the groups of gods 
receive the worship from the king and depart after conferring 
(on him) abundant prosperity and returning ( when again in- 
voked)'. Then the king should honour the astrologer and the 
purohita with plenty of wealth and ( honour ) according to their 
deserts also others, viz. men learned in the Veda and the like 
who are well worthy of receiving gifts. Then the king should 
assure safety to all subjects, (order the) release of all animals 
taken to slaughter houses and release all persons put in jail 
except those guilty of offences against the king's person or his 
harem. VaTahamihira adds ( 47. 85 ) that this procedure of 
Pusyasnana is commended for a king who aspires after imperial 
dignity or who ardently desires a son or when he is first crowned 
king. He further states that this very procedure of ceremonial 
bath should be employed in the case of the king's elephants and 
horses that then become free from diseases (verse 87 ). 

A. few remarks from other works may be added here. The 
Yoga-yatra (chap. VH. 13-14) lays down 129 * that in the 
ceremonial bath clay should be collected from a mountain top, 
ant-hill, a river mouth, the two banks of a river, the foot of the 
Indra figure ( in the Indradhvaja festival), ( clay) dug up by the 
tusk of an elephant and by a bull's horn, ( clay) from the royal 
palace-door and from the door of the house of a dancing girl 
(patronized by the king) and the king's head should be purified 
oy Tubbing on it the clay from a mountain top, his ears with 

1290 a. One verse from chap. 42 about tbe auspicious mdicaUons 
conveyed by Agni flaming up by itself (i. e without being fanned etc ) at 
the end of the shout ■ svSha ' ( when purnahuti is offerred ) and having its 
Ws turnedtoWs the right is cited here : ^rTOI^^ * H »Jj | ft: 

W*« 1M. 42 32, compare «& ,3*^ «fr «t R|. TUM.|, R ft . ^{granfjr- 

SS2.^^5rq^t<U^lIV.25 In the iforon (chapter 8) fifteen verses are 

evotedtoa^^f^ tso£whlchversesll _ 15a] . ethesame as ^^ 42 32 _ 36- 

^"s wm 3 ragai jmwwiv =g n ^^, 47. 79 

798 History of Dharmaiastra [ Sec. Hi, Ch. XXt 

clay from an ant-hill, his sides with clay from the two banks of 
a river and from its confluence with the sea, his neck with clay 
from the foot of the Indra figure, his arms with earth on the tip 
of the elephant's tusk and the bull's horns, his chest with earth 
from the door of the palace and his waist with clay from a royal 
courtezan's door. It will be noticed that there is a suggestive 
symbolism in all this. The king is to bold his head high and to 
attain eminence , therefore his head is to be rubbed with day 
from a mountain peak. 

It appears that naksatrasnana was meant for alL For 
example, the iLtharvana-parisista 1293 on naksatrakalpa (sec. 43 
p. 22 ) states that a Vaisya should undergo ceremonial bath on 
RohinI, being decked with all seeds, while verse 6 of the same 
section maintains that a brahmana who undergoes Pusyasnana 
thrice with a thousand grains of red paddy and with a thousand 
mustard grains and with (twigs and leaves) of SahasravSrys, 
AnantI plants and with MadayantX and Priyangu plants acquires 
as much fame as a king. 

From the Matsya-purana it is clear 1291 that Pusyasnana 
was an item in Laksahoma, undertaken by the king to counter- 
act the evil effects of planets. That Purana has a chapter ( 267. 
verses 3-4) on Devatasnana 1295 where also provision is made for 
casting clay into the jar, clay being collected from the tusk of 
an elephant, from a horse (stable), public road, ant-hill, (clay ) 
dug up by a boar (with its tusk), from the shed where sacred 
fire is kept, from a tlrtha (holy spot), cowpen and from the place 
where cows crowd. 

The Visnudharmottara (IT. 103. 1-10 ) provides that Barhas- 
patyasnana ( i. e. Pusyasnana, Brhaspati being the presiding 
deity of Pusya) should be performed in the bright half, in the 

ti«S. i ■HUd-fi'JH^i 'Er nqqml -fi^Tfft: i sfbr.sinn^wr5!oj **nr <nw» w* 
*RI tl zn ifil (sttSHTCiitr, sec 42 verses 3 and 6. p. 22 ). 

1254. £cCT Wtf!K < # 5 SnR^R «H|i«fl< I gj*3t <fra?rav3s *(?*"<' 

msra -nummE) grn 3 ^fimrr ^<i n wot 239. 12-14 q. by \j,^^cq» (on ;nP<nr) 

folio 12 a 

1295. irai 'Mtt^HcJ'i-i»4u^tOiaH ° t!a i g( , 1 wJ'ij'iu i 'rt wi d?>n3 tcs^- 
w^ra^^i^3gf^?rai^^'prr*i^«^iR^iii^Tr2fi7 3-<< ThB "f* 
is : u^tiiQ Ttufor T&nft wilful 1 igproMwr rstaroiRoft » *« oecors ta 

$fafi<ai<»i * X, 1. 8, 

Proper time for Pusyasnana 799 

northern passage of the sun, on an auspicious day, naksatra and 
muhurta or when the moon is in Pusya or RohinI naksatra or 
inHastaor Sravana; two square mandalas of eight cubits on 
each of four sides should be made, one for offering bait and the 
other for an altar on which a fire is to be established, both 
being decked with various things. Four jars with waters of 
springs should be placed in each of the two mandalas, and also 
seven jars filled with seeds, corn and precious stones, one for 
being decked with leaves of trees and the other with flowers and 
fruits. It appears (verses 1&-13 ) that the YisnudharmottaTa 
contemplates Pusyasnana for the three higher varnas, 1796 since 
it provides that a brahmana should sit on the hide of a bull as 
his seat, a ksatriya may employ the hides of a lion and tiger 
and a vaisya on the hides of a tiger and leopard. It provides 
mantras other than those mentioned by VaTahamihira. It 
provides that this rite of Pusyasnana should go on for seven 
days and that the person undergoing it should give up during 
those daya wine, meat, honey and sexual intercourse (verse 29 J. 
This Pusyasnana drives away all ill-luck, destroys evil spirits, 
brightens the intellect, confers health, brilliance and fame, 
kills enemies, is auspicious, destroys sins and the evil effects of 
strife and bad dreams ( verses 30-31 ). 

^ It should be borne in mind that a rite on Pusya for pros- 
perity called Pusya-vrata is mentioned by so early a work as 
the Apastambadharma-sutra (for which p 346 above may be 
referred to ). 

, . In Brhadyogayatra (chap. XKL 1-10), Matsyapurana 
(Cflap 241. 1-14) and in Vasantaraja (chap. YI. 4. 1-14 pp. 87- 

fh w5°° d d6al iS Said ahaat Prognostications derived from the 
mrobbmg {spandam or sphura^a) of the several parts of a 
mans body. All the. three often closely agree in words and 
2£1 th *£ otesbel ow will clearly show. There is hardly any 
T-Z ,}. Y f Santa,TEia ' s ^rant is hased on the other two 
Wn\ * IB 4 d,ffln oI*to decide whether Varahamihira borrows 

commZ ya 0I vtCe versa or whether both borrow from a 

«°«mon source. It is not unlifcely ^ Varahamihira might 

means ( dedicated to the Sun or to gods ). 

800 History of Dharmaiastra [Sao.IH,Gh.XXI 

lave followed the Matsya. They all agree that throbbing 1197 of 
the right side of the body is auspicious and of the left inauspi- 
cious in the case of males, while the reverse is true in the case 
of women. They all set out the consequences indicated by the 
throbbing of the several parts and limbs of the body from the 
top of the head to the soles of the feet. To set out all these in 
detail would occupy much space. A few are mentioned by way 
of illustration. The fruit indicated by the throbbing of the top 
of the 1293 head is the acquisition of land (or earth), of the 
forehead, the prosperity of the position already occupied; of the 
region between the eyebrows and nose, union with persons dear 
to one; of the region of the eye, death, of the portion near the 
eye the acquisition ot wealth, of the upper arm, union with 
friends; of the hand, the acquisition of wealth; of the back, 
defeat; of the chest, success; of the upper part of the foot, the 
securing of a position; of the soles, journey with gain therein. 
The Matsya-purana 1299 prescribes that when inauspicious indica- 
tions (by throbbing) ooour, brahmanas should be placated with 
the gift of gold. 

Irom ancient times the throbbing of the limbs, particularly 
of the arm and eye, have been regarded in India as the harbin- 
gers of coming events, auspicious or inauspicious. Manu 
prohibits a sannyasm (panvrSjake) from obtaining alms by 
means of declaring prognostications from utpatas or nimittas, 
from naksatras and from Angavidya etc In the Sakuntala 

1297 3?f?itniT*mt a5R3 5R5OT^la?SRI#3«tI^5S^fS?^j' 11 
-ftusfqT fttttt. <G$ €l*n ffOTW 1 JR*f 241. 2 and 12 «®<fl , n*Wj»'j!**™*' 

p 90. 

■^ I M = WH *fltU i qd3 53?TII HSFPT 241. 4-5, 8, compare ggg ifr° XIII. 1 . 2. <■ 5 ' 

Pewits fSwrar writt^ssiSffl^C ririis&i *»< ) ' a^Rra^^ 11 '^' 
^tjidi5 ro%»rgf i ss<tP%san'H 93#sn^^3P^T« "«%■ Wl-iMiSrs™ &* 
&rto n s£mTiH g& »Krercr ^g% # i^pr> i •• ^%^*'^_^!2^2' 
trfSsrcijiHTO! wwri wan? *av<<ra3Si*?*Raii ^ts ^S*" 
wrau?n%^5si^?ncci a-Hom^ ffrrasp *ronwrfSmw <z ^^^\ 

aw n Tro-% hi-hmih. n - q uRi RwS =q*>rcT ?w irar ^smTsraaB 1 ^ 

g^RISfVI. 4.2, 5,9pp 87-90 

1299. a FtefagD t 'fl igsmn 3ii5 gt°R 3 afcr ?n%i *ot 241 - 14, 

Thi-cfohng of arms and eyes 801 

Kalidasa twice mentions the throbbing of the arm of the hero as 
indicative of good fortune and the throbbing of tbe right eye of 
Sakuntala as presaging 1300 misfortune. Shakespeare in " Othello " 
makes Desdemona speak about the itching of her eyes as a bad 
omen The Brhad-yogayatra (XIII. 10), Br. S. (51.10) and 
Vasantaraja declare that the throbbing of moles, boils, marks, 
eruptions (on limbs) are to be deemed to indicate consequences 
similar to tbe limbs on which they exist. 1301 

The Brhatsarhhita ( chap 93 verses 1-14 ), BrhadyogayatrS 
(chap. SI verses 1302 1-21 ) and Yogayatra ( chap. 10 verses 1-75 ) 
dwell at length on the prognostications to be drawn from the 
arrangement of the tusks of elephants, from the marks seen 
when the tusks are cut, from the tired appearance and move- 
ments of elephants, particularly when the king is to march on 
an invasion, since as the Yogayatra says the king's victory 
depends on elephants 1303 These, however, do not describe any 
santiand are hence passed over here as not relevant to the 
subject of santis. But the Agnipurana ( chap. 291 verses 1-24), 
Visnudharmottara (3X 50. 1-93), Baud, grhyasesasutra I 20 and 
Hemadri (on Vrata, vol II. pp. 1036-1051) prescribe santis for 
removing diseases of elephants and therefore a brief note is 
added here from Baud, grhyasesa-sutra, which is probably the 
earliest and simplest description of a Gajasanti 

"On the 8th or 11th or 14th tithi of the bright half of a 
month or on Sravana naksatra, the owner should feed brahmanas, 

1300 VidejRg VI. SO «r ^41^^^1**11 *t * wm%Rnw i sffaSTO*- 
thti«itwgt TOTSra thRRi^il. The commentators give (hfferent explanations 
w a»f W. Probably it means maQ* or lore about the indications from the 
throbbing o£ the several limbs. A work Called Ahgavijja edited by Mnm 
Fwyavijayaji is published by tbe Prakrit Text Society at Banaras. It speaks 
j^gttofcot W ra» v*. wy .wt, *m, *ra*, mt, ft*, ifa and w^ja*. 

«t*rew<ffi*5TR>'inras Act V alter verse H. S ^^ 

wSysisx.* the Br - s - m are the -~-*-~- 

H.D. 101 

80S History of Dftarmaiustra I Sec. Ill, Gh. XXI 

make them declare 'it is an auspicious day, let there he welfare, 
let there be prosperity,' should Brat (or 'towards the east') take 
out for offering havis sesame and rice grains, bring water after 
repeating the Gayatrl verse (Rg. Ill 62.10), should cover two 
jars with a new piece of cloth with the Gayatrl, should close the 
mouths of the jara with some fruit (a cocoanut or the like) and 
keep the boiled food towards the west and place (the two jars) 
on a bunch of five durvas. Then after the elephant stable is 
decked with wreathB of darbhas the elephant inhales the smell of 
the food offered in fire. He then makes ready a spoon of Asvattha 
wood and fuel and darbha grass. Then he goes through the 
items of ordinary homo. UM from drawing lines onwards and 
offers oblations of the boiled food with ghee to the accompani- 
ment of the Ghrtasukta ixs (Rg.VHI.8L 1-9). Then (the 
priest) offers 1008 additional ahuhs with clarified butter with 
the five mantras beginning with 'namas-te Rudra manyave' 
( Rudra 1 adoration to you that are fury incarnate' Tai. S. IV. 
5, 1. 1-5 ), Then the procedure from Svistakrt offering to the 
gift of the cow (should be gone through). He puts down on 
bunches of durva graSB the remaining portion of the food from 
which offerings were made in front of the sacred Agni with the 
words 'svaha to the bhutas ' (spirits). Then he (priest) makes 
(the elephant) eat what remains of the food cooked in the sthuli 
(pan or cooking vessel) and the bunch of five durvas (on which 
the jars had been placed) to the accompaniment of the .ayusya- 
sukta; 13X he sprinkles drops from the pranlts m7 water with the 

1304 Vide H, of Dh. vol. II pp 207-211 for the description of a 
model homa. 

1305 It may be noted that the first verse of the Ghrtasukta is ang , 
St S?jf gH*3 tM 3TW 4 S*rra ' H5I?^i ^I^NUI '- Here the word ugissft 
means ' great elephant ' and also ■ having loDg or big arms ■ (as applied to 
India } and therefore is employed jn the Gajaantt, following the principle 
mentioned in note 1276 above Vide n. 1218 above abont ^agjR 

1306. The 3j l a<mqrK is the f&BSpfi ' snginr splw ' occur ring afte r Kg. 
X. 128. The MimJuwRfflfci 32 9 p. 195 declares what the aW 4 ' ' c °°" 
tains (from Atharvaveda ). The s&fofiSfJ 52 - ls **** that Athsrva L °" 
1-4 are 3trginniS[ (conferring long life). Vide gjarfcfjfr on *W*J& y ' 
12. 9 which regards the (first ) eight verses of the fdrag?ff ' 3XS& *w» 
constitnting sngcJnajK The com of Narayana on ssn*r 3 ™ 8 . 16 tg ^! 
ftS sjfir ^ W% aiag^r &c ) says that sirgo^ai here is the «raS?K l 
three verses) beginning with ^srftqr after Eg X 184. 

1307. Jnfan is water kept in a vessel to the north of the fire after 
repeating a mantra over it. 

Gaja&anti 803 

thiee veises beginning with 'Spo hi sths' (£tg. X. 9. 1-3, Tai. S. 
IV. 1. 3. 1-3) and the four veises beginning with 'Hiranyavarnah ' 
(Tai. S.V. 6. 1.1-4), purifies (the elephant with water) to the 
accompaniment of the anuvaka beginning with 'pavamanah 
suvarjanah' (Tai. Br.; he then leads the elephant to 
its place (stable); the elephant becomes long-lived; so says the 
adorable Baudhayana." 

The Gajasanti in Agnipurana (chap, 291) is entirely differ- 
ent from the above. One should worship on the 5 th tithi of the 
bright half Visnu, LaksmI, the Airavata 1303 elephant and the other 
elephants (in all eight) and Brahma, Sankara, Indra, Kubera, 
Yama, the Sun and the Moon, Varuna, Vayu, Agni, the Earth 
and Akasa. The elephants should be sprinkled with santyudaka 
(propitiatory water). The Agnipurana proposes an elaborate 
worship, on a lotus-shaped diagram drawn on an altar, of several 
gods, several weapons, sages, rivers and mountains &c., elephants 
&c. and provides that an astrologer should ride the principal 
elephant of the king and say into its ear 'you are made the 
chief of elephants, the king will honour you with gandha, flowers, 
best food and people at the order of the king will honour you; 
you should protect the king in battle, in his journey and in his 
palace. You should forget that you are a mere beast and revolve 
m your mind that you are divine 1 ' &c. The king should then 
nde such an elephant and armed warriors should follow and 
various gifts should be made to the elephant keeper, the astrol- 
oger, the Searya &c. 

The Visnudharmottara (II. 50. 1-S3 ) is far more elaborate 
man even the Agnipurana. Its verses about the words to be 
muttered in the ear of the elephant (II. 50. 59-64) are the same 
as those in the Agni ( 291, 15-20 ). The Visnudharmottara adds 

Oft ' tllat tMs §anti should not be Permed on the 4th, 

atn or 14th tithi nor on Tuesday nor on Saturday and the com- 
mended naksatras are Jyestha, Oitra and Sravana and that this 
santi nte for elephants destroys all danger to elephants. 

Hemadri ( on Vrata vol. II. pp. 1036-1051) contains along 
^ga sanfa said to have bean declared by Palakapya. Many of 

ate At?" t *T*?V «« Amarakosa. the eight elephants of the quarters 
are Ajravata, Paadarika, Vamana, Kumuda, ASjana, Puspadania/ Sarva- 
£««»«* to*. Udycgaparva !03. 9-16 and DronTparvf m 
V«oudh" » aa TT^ Pr ° g6ny ° f theSe *««-*Wm elephants. The 

bSa"r Tl * I' • °T U) T 63 e£Eht ****•■ bDt ««*» Sarva- 
»nauma irom the Amarakosa list and substitutes NUa. 

804 History of Dharmataslra lSoc.m,Ch.XX: 

those verses occur in tho Hasty&yurvoda (Snandssramaod. 
ohaptors 35 and 36. Considerations of apace and of importance 
prevent any description of that sSnti derived from tho Hasty- 

The Brhatsamhita (chap 92. 1-14 ), tho Brhadyogayatra (22. 
1-21 ) and the Yogayatra( XI. 1-14) deal with tho movoments 
neighing, prancing, striking tho ground with hoofs, postures 
of horses from which lucky or unlucky consequences aro to be 
inferred. But they do not describe any santi and thorefoTe aro 
passed over. Tho Agnipurana (chap 290, 1-8), tho Visnu- 
dharmottara (tt 47. 1-42), Baud, grhysosasutra L 19 and 
Hetnadri (on vrata, vol. IL pp 1031-36 taken from Salihotra) 
describe a santi which orerts all dangors to hoTSOs and removes 
their diseases. 

The santi from Baudhayana is as follows:-— "having 
carried out the usual details of an ordinary homa from drawing 
the lines onwards (the priest) offers into Agni oblations from 
the cooked food after reciting tho puronuvikyS (invitatory 
prayer) 'tadasvinasvayujopayatSm' (May tho Asvins that yoke 
horses come near, Tai. Br 111 1. 2. 10) and the y5jy5 (offering 
prayer) 'yaudevanSm hhisajau' ('that aro physicians of the 
gods', Tai. Br. BX 1. 2. 11). Then he makes additional offerings 
with clarified butter ' siaha to Asvins, svaha to the two that yoke 
horses, stahU to the ear, svaha to hearing' ( Tai Br. BT. 1. 6. 13) 
Then he performs all details from svistakrt offering to the gift 
of a cow. Then he put3 down on Asvattha leaves in front of 
Agni the food remaining after the offering of cooked food with 
the mantra ' yo asvatthah ... ketubhih saha ' ( Tai Br. 1. 2. 1. 8- 
9 ) He brings together in a plate tho water with whioh the 
sthall is washed, the remainder of the clarified butter and of the 
water, sprinkles drops from it with an Asvattha twig and goes 
round the horses thrice with his right towards the horses with 
the anuvaka beginning with 'yo va asvasya medhyasya lomani 
veda' (he who knows the hair of the holy horse) So Bald the 
adorable Baudhayana." 

Ssntis are connected with salcunas also. The word sakuna 
means 'a bird 'in the Bgveda (IV. 36. 6, IX 86 13,1X96.19 
and 23, IX. 107. 20, IX. 112 2, X 68. 7, X 123. 6, X 165. 2) and 
is a synonym of tiakum (Eg II. 42. 1, II 43. 2 and 3) and 
iakwiti (Rg IL 42. 3, H. 43. 1) In Bg X 16. 6 (yat te krenah 
sakuna atutoda) the crow is referred to as 'the dark bird*. « 
has been seen above that birds like Tcapola were regarded even 

iakunas 805 

in the Seveda as harbingers of impending evil and misfortune. 

Hence the word sakuna gradually came to mean premonition of 

evil conveyed by cries, movements, positions of birds and then 

any prognostioatory sign (not necessarily connected with buds). 

There is an extensive literature od sakunas. Some of it is 

mentioned here, viz. the Matsyapurana (chap. 337,241,243), 

Agnipurana (chap. 330-233 ), Visnudharmottarapurana H. 163- 

164, Padmapurana ( W. 100. 65-136 ), Brhat-sambita ( chap. 85- 

95),Brhad-yogayatra (chap. 23-27), Togayatra ( chap. 14 ), the 

tfimitta of Bhadrabahu (ms. in Bhau Daji collection of BBEAS 

So. 385 in Prof. Velankar's Catalogue pp. 126-127 ), Vasantaraja- 

sakuna, 1309 Manasollasa of king Somesvara Oalu kya ( 1126-1138 

1309. Vasantaraja's work on 'sakunas' was published by the Venkate- 

ivara Press, Bombay (1906 A D ). with the Sanskrit commentary of 

Bhanucandragani, who was patronized by Emperor Akbar (in the latter half of 

the 16th century A.D ) and aHindi translation by SridharJatasankaraBhatta. 

AsVasantaraja is quoted by Adbhuta-sagara which was begun in saka 1089 

(1167A.D.), it follows that Vasantaraja wonld have to be placed before 

1100 A. D. He is probably not much earlier than 700 A. D. as he does not 

appear to have been mentioned by Utpala in his extensive commentaries 

on Varahamihira's works Vasantaraja tells us (in the Introductory verses 

3-5) that he was the son of Vijayarajabhatta and Sarasvati and the younger 

brother of Sivaraja, that he was honoured by king Candradeva (king of 

Mithila, ace to the Com.). and composed the work on sakuna at the request 

of that king. He mentions (I 10) Cudamani, jyotisa-sastra, hora-sastra 

and Svarodaya and (in I. 27) informs us that Atri, Garga, Guru, Snkra. 

Vasistha, Vyasa, Kautsa, Bhrgu and Gautama were the principal ancient 

sages that declared the knowledge of sakunas for the benefit ( of human 

beings). Cudamani is rather an early work quoted in the Saravalt (5. 20 

and 39. 8 ) of Kalyanavarman in the same breath with Varahamihira. 

The Niraitta attributed to Bhadrabahu is an extensive work containing 26 
chapters and about 1460 verses. It is described in the colophon at the end as 
'naigranthe (nairgranthe?) Bhadrabahnke Nimitte svapnadhyayah'. The 
first chapter states that in the time of king Senajit at Rajagrha in Magadha 
pupils asked Bhadrabahu to expound to them the nimittas and he did so. 
He is styled (in chap. H 1 ) a digambara and the best of sramanas. The 
contents of chapters 2 to 26 are ; TJIka (meteors), halo, lightning, evening 
glow, clouds, winds and hurricanes, rain-fall, gandharvanagara (Fata 
Morgana), march of kings on invasion, portents affecting the king and the 
country due to the ripening of actions in former lives (chap XIV has 177 
verses on this), grahacara as declared by Jma (chap XV, 227 verses), the 
prognosticatory movements of Venus, Saturn, Jupiter, Mercury, Mars, 
Rahu, Kern, the Sun and the Moon ; grahayuddha ; conjunctions of planets; 
dreams. It appears that the work is later than Varahamihira. As it is not 
within the pale of Dharmasastra Literature and hardly ever describes 
a santi in the way in which the Puranas and medieval dharmasastra works 
provide it has been referred to in this work only rarely, 

805 MtsICTyqfDhaTrr.uia.fira [Ssc.ln,Ch.2Si 

A. D.)IL IS pp. 102-112, Adbhntassgaxa (which pTofasely 

quotes Tssantarsja's w &:£.), Bajanltiprakasa (pp. 345-347), 

Among these TasantaTajs-sSkina is the irsst comprehensive 

work on the subject of saknnas and has been cooled by the 

Adbknlasagara and other later works, A brief aeeonnt of the 

work WGnld not be oat of place and is given here. It is drridea 

into twenty vsrgss^ 2 ^ (sections) and contains in different 

metres 1535 verses (as stated in pa-pa U. IS) It states: it 

WGnld declare the saknnas 1211 indicated in this world ~tsy groups 

of beings viz. bipeds (men and birds), cuadrnpefis (elephanfe, 

horses &c.), sin-footed (bees), eight-footed (the mythical animal 

sarabha), beings having many feet (soch as a scorpion) ana 

having no feet (snch as snakes) : that is called ialaina which is 

the means Gf arriving at definite knowledge abont auspicious 

or inanspicions conserixences viz movement (to the left, to 

the right &a), descends or cries (of birds and beasts), their 

glances and activities. A person who is an expert in saknna- 

sastra, knowing that a certain object of his would involve 

dif£cnliies or WGnld be wiihoni difHcnlties, abandons it or begins 

it respectively. The wGrk boasts that if it be well studied it 

isniires no expounder, no mathematics and that tsr merely 

stufiving it, the reader acquires pleasant knowledge that yields 

rewards. The work repeats the view of Yara'^aTnihrra ( in Brhat- 

samhita 85.5 and on p. 55S above inn. 827) that saknnas indicate 

tomen, whether going ona jsnjnevorreridingintheirhonseSjhofW 

the conss-rcences of actions cone in past lives will certainly bear 

fruit. He answers the objection that, if no man can escape his 

fate and has io reap the rewards of his past acSons, this sastra 

is of no nse. by saying that the actions of former lives bear aaK 

only at certain rimes and places and a man can avoid ire 

results of past actions just as he avoids snakes. fire, poison, 

SSI 5S=r?jfft STil^ 1S3 "wnUJlU 12. 

1311. te-vas'-'«i , t*-*-fc'-';-' , B-*"-"K ' ^■c q-"? '"'?" 

S^BSKT'-aiEC^t^ssas'I. 6-S. 12. 1-, 21-22. 


Vasantai aja-kaltuna 807 

thorns and other ( dangerous ) things and that if fate alone be 
the deciding factor what is the use of the science of politics and 
government by following -which wise kings protect the world 
with great effort? Learned men declare that daiva (fate) is 
only the karma produced ( accumulated ) in past lives ; the liarma 
in past lives was acquired by human effort; how can one then 
say that daiva does not depend on human effort? The subjects 
in the 20 targas and the verses allotted to each by Vasantaraja 
may be briefly set down at one place: 1. Sastrapratistha, 
( establishment of the sakunasastra by reasoning, verses 31 ) ; 
2. Sastrasangraba, 13 verses ( the statement of the contents of 
ohapters and verses ) ; 3. abhyarcana, verses 31 ( how to honour 
the guru who expounds the sakunasastra and to offer worship to 
the birds.and the eight lokapalas aocording to the procedure laid 
down by sages); 4. misraka, verses 72 (general directions such 
as that the person out of several with reference to whom a 
sakuna may be examined up to what distance a sakuna operates, 
if many beings exhibit prognostications which should be followed , 
what birds and animals are powerful in what directions aB to 
§akunas; santa, dagdlia and other directions); 5. subhasubha 
(auspicious and inauspicious things and sights) verses 16; 
6. narehgtta, verses 50 (the appearance, dress, gestures, speech, 
throbbing of the limbs of men and women that are auspicious or 
inauspicious); 7. syamaruta (chirpings of the bird called syama, 
female cuokoo ) 400 verses (worship of two images of the bird 
practically as a deity, the auspicious or inauspicious Bounds, 
activities, motions with reference to invasion, coronation, peace 
and war, victory, marriage, rainfall, crops); 8. Paksivicara, 
verses 57 (prognostications from the cries, sight, glances, move- 
ments of several birds such as swan, crane, cakravaka, parrot, 
mama, peacock, kapifijala, vulture, hawk, owl, pigeon, cook); 
9. Casa (the blue jay) verses 5; 10. khanjana (wagtail), 
verses 27 ; 11. karapika ( a kind of crane ), verseB 11 ; 12. kaka- 
ruta (the cawing of crows J verses 181; 13. Pingalikaruta 
(cries of an owl-like bird), verses 200 , 14. catuspada (four-footed 
animals like elephant, horse, ass, bull, buffalo, cow and she- 
buffalo, goat and sheep, camel, musk-rat, rat, monkey, cat, 
jackal), verses 50; 15. six-footed, many footed and snakes 
verses 13); 16. Pipflika (ants), verses 15; 17. Palll-vicSara 
Uizard also called kudyamatsya and grhagodhika ), verses 32; 

18. Svacestita (barking and other actions of dogs), verses 222; 

19. Sivaruta (howling of female jackals), verses 90; 20. Sastra- 
PraWiava (the importance of this sakunasastra), verses 24. 

808 History of Dharmaiastra [ Sec. HI, Oh, 2X1 

A noticeable feature of Vasantaraja's work is that more 
than half of it (781 verses) is devoted to the sounds 1312 made by 
three birds viz. Syama (400 verses ), crow (187 ) Pingalika (200) 
and that 312 verses are devoted to the barking, movements and 
howling of dogs (verses 222) and female jackals (verses 90). 
It is remarkable that among the Saktas it is believed that a 
female jaokal is a messenger of Kali and is auspicious and on 
hearing its howl in the early morning a person should offer 
salutation and then success is in the hands of the sadhaka. The 
brief contents set out above will show that he extends the 
meaning of sakuna so as to include prognostications based on 
the actions of men and beasts. He himself says at the end 
that 1313 is sakuna, which in this world is remembered, heard, 
touched or seen or which is deolared in dreams, since they all 
yield results. He claims that the system of sakur/as is as 
authoritative as the Vedas, smrtis and puranas, since it never 
fails to convey correct knowledge. 1311 Some of his interesting 
statements may be briefly set out. If an owl hoot at night on 
the top of a house that portends 13 ' 5 sorrow and the death of the 
owner's son (VUL 40). This is in line with modern popular 
belief in India. The cawing of crows is at the head of all 
prognosticatory sounds ' The barking of dogs is the essence 
among all sakunas.' The Brhad-yogayatra 1316 provides that 
certain animals and birds are useless for prognostications at 
certain seasons viz. the rohi ta (red) deer, horse, goat, ass, deer, 
camel, hare, are useless in winter (sisira); crow and cuckoo are 

1312. wiHtjiijirfRtrilRH>iT? ^jjwyiwRHtfffl? gsfai ""*<(i-«<(rT twHf 

fiwft I TO^ 7.52-54 pp. 119-120 How an ordinary man could distinguish 
between the sound ' cihcih ' (portending gains), cici (portending danger), 
ciricin ( portending trouble ) and cUsucikn ( portending a wretched state ) is 
difficult to say. Similarly, the Fingala bird is supposed to make five sounds 
viz. Hr^, i5;i%, f§if%t%, NifeRiFSr . iqiR t Biftfii ( wsrosr 13. 27-28 ) with 
different consequences. 

1313. ^i% i%i%3rocft? g^j 5gw gar taemuft Tget. ■ WMi'tHiftMft" 
mf%w jRqrsn^arsgjsi ^iSa n to*3° 20. 2 p. 513 

1314 §3^1 vtm x^pj. nmoi si% gwrrt^ im hhwih i Ra^^ 1 "" 1 ^*" 
^iRjn^rasn swm ^isynrjifrs'P^ii ws" 20. s p. 517 

1315 CTsft iWHituR »nW>Tt gi WH iffi fltHi^ "5 1 TO^ 8. «>• p 246. 

1316. fri|ai'viM«ii5^a<s*ia^n 5151 ■ &*<*<& • ftriift ^tr <wre> 9irer- 

wira jini.i<iHiWfem : ■ni3a*w " i*^ fi"Krii #it nrnt *n wmni' 
ggafi'HI ^I (ms.) chap. 23 22-24 

When no prognostications from birds and animals 809 

useless in spring ; boar, dog, wolf and the like should not be 
relied upon in Bhadrapada; -in Sarad (autumn) lotuses (or 
conoh), bull and birds like kraunca are useless; in Sravana 
month, the elephant and cataka bird ; in Hemanta 'early winter), 
tiger, bear, monkey, leopard, buffalo and all animals rssorting 
to holes (like snakes) are useless and so are all young ones 
except of human beings. Vasantaraja in IV. 47-48 pp. 56-57 
has the same provisions almost word for word. Vasantaraja's 
work appears to have been based mainly on Varahamihira's 
Brhat-samhita section on sakuna, chapters 85 to 95 ( 321 verses ) 
in which Varahamihira devotes 47 verses in chap. 85 to the 
cries of birds in general, deals with the movements and barking 
of dogs (88. 1-20) and female jackals (89. 1-15), the cries of 
crows (62 verses in chap. 94), to horses (92. 1-15 ), elephants (94. 
1-14) and cows (90. 1-3). 

Vasantaraja states 1317 that there are five excellent ones in 
the matter of sakunas vie the PodakI bird, dog, crow, pingala 
bird and the female jackal. SarasvatI is the presiding deity of 
podakI,Yaksa(Eubera)of dog, eagle of crow, Candi of pinga- 
lika and the friend of ParvatI of the female jackaL He further 
says that all animals and birds are presided over by deities , 
therefore a person who interprets sakunas should not kill them, 
as deities presiding over them might become angry. His state- 
ments about 'upasruti* (oracular voices or words) are worth, 
citing. ' A.t the time of piadosa or about the morning twilight 
when people are hardly speaking anything, a person that is 
ready to undertake any matter (business) should consider 
everywhere oracular voices. What a child says without being 
prompted to do so would not turn out to be untrue even at the 
end of a Yuga. No such easily understood and true sakuna 
exists for men other than upasruti * Both Manasollasa (H 13, 
verses 920-926 pp. 112-113) and Vasantaraja (VI pp. 78-80 
verses 5-12) describe a curious mode of divining the future 
called ' upasruti V»« ' When all people a re asleep and the public 

&Jz 17 ' ^^ ^rqmqn^f^gr w uan, pr<mm ^ raft ' <&<^ siNntS: w?r 

Sl!!^ l8 ^l5 g 3 gra f T^raig^T&gmg i m*mem in 3-4, PP 32-33. quiS*i- 
ff , "Js™*RL*sir Strait sprain* 1 troriNrrassi gsira^ <mrn : & 

wri*'.^!?"* $* - ,w *« a * "^ te^TW** ' ^sm: *sr*- 
«fa*t'n**n^re5TfTii§raj f! , gsrm ^ ^^ „ 9^,3^ vi PP 8 o-si 
( Continued on next fage ) 
H. D. 102 

810 Histaiy of Dliarmasastra [See. ID, Oh. XXI 

road is empty of people three married women accompanied by a 

maiden should worship Gan esa (with gandha and flowers &&); then, 

after making an obeisance to Oandika they should fill a measure 

of corn like kudaw with aksata grains on which sacred mantras 

have been recited seven times; they should then place the image 

of Ganesa in that measure surrounded by the grass blades of a 

broom. They should take with them the kudava measure with 

Ganesa image inside and repair to the house of a washerman 

In front of that house they should cast white aksata grains after 

( silently ) revolving in their mind their thoughts (the matter 

they are intent on ). Then they should with concentrated mind 

listen When they hear any words coming from inside of the 

house talked by a man, a woman or a child or any one else 

uttered at pleasure ( or without restraint of any kind), auspicious, 

or inauspicious, they should consider the sense of the words 

heard and the conclusion drawn as to the future project from 

the words would not turn out to be untrue. The same method 

may be followed by approaching the house of a candala. 

( Continued from last page ) 
OTg ja ocenrs in the Rg. I. 10 3 and appears to mean simply ' com"* 
near to listen ' Vide also Eg. V11I 8 5 and VIII. 34 II ^^ 

w iq ^a 'Tmii M i ^ 1 rf s &M mtmv Hsrasr fll*ii*r* " afew ^ ? ^i 
w #tf asre*n»fit°sm3 n ■ yat<aflrt3 g»i ^ sfaSi ^n i *r? ^^°r 

ira*n*a<r*ralliTrTOterHn 13, verses 920-926 TOSjTOsr employs Blow, 
the same words It is difficult to say whether one borrows from the ot . 
Probably both draw on the same source. 53? is a measure of grain, eq 
to *of zprastha. Ace to *mvq q by Hurt? (onarrvol I. p. 57 an TO 
nnip 141). 2«ras=^fa, 2 Jigras = <§&, ,4 53^ = *w, ♦ **" 

*K*, 4 ^s = **, 16 ^nrs = ^ ?m on *X 3. 45 «»£"£** 
3*15*, ^or and wft <nr3[f3 mentions amr* and *n% » V. 1 » 
4. 101. According to ancient smrtis, a washerraanwas one "L"L— ^ 
antyajas, vide tsn5>*r*fiTC« *& 3*5 <5* <*' «BWCT3f>*3W _ ^a ^ • 
^n !«A 199 l3 n|^ (J.v I p. 554 ). *, 33 Unand f «~*J m 
While these pages were passing through the press, the author got a =W ft 
recent work • The interpretation of dreams in the ancient Near mi ^ 
translation of an • Assyrian Dream boot • by t. Leo OW«»«? 3 Societyi 
part 3. 1956. of the Transactions of the American «»to?pMe.!£ book 
New Series) He could net refer to the interesting parallels from to ^^ 
as regards dreams, but on p 211 the writer states that the us tNcar 

utterances made by unconcerned persons was known in tuc an™ 
East not only in Palestine but also in Mesopotamia 

UpsiruU in Padmapwana 811 

A pBeular mode akin to 'upasruti' is described in the 
Padmapurana, Patalakhanda, chap. 100 verses 65-166. It is 
narrated in that chapter that Bibhlsana was put in chains by 
Dravidas when the former saw Siva-linga established by Kama 
at Ramesvara and when no one could explain how it happened, 
Kama questioned Sambhu himself who explained that the 
Puranas (mentioned in verses 51-53) may be employed as 
containing prognosticate^ words. The procedure is that a 
maiden more than five years of age and less than ten years or 
any girl who has not attained puberty may be honoured with 
gandka, flowers, incense and other upacaras, she should be made 
to recite the words 'speak the truth, speak what is agreeable, 
blessed Sarasvatl' salutation to you, salutation to you I* She 
should be given three pairs of durvs grass and she should be 
asked to cast them between two leaves of the book. The verse 
between two leaves would be indicative of success in the under- 
taking. The verse should tie carefully considered and its meaning 
settled and applied to the matter in hand. This is like sortes 
sanctorum or sortes Vergilianae i. e. divination by opening at 
random the Scriptures or a book of Virgil or by pricking the 
text with a pin. Then directions are given as to what should be 
done if the leaves are half burnt or indistinct &c. and it is said 
that one should look upon the verse as sent by fate like the 
words in the upasruti method. 1319 It is further stated that this 
method should not be resorted to every day, but rarely and that 
then one should worship the Puiana the previous night and in 
toe morning should consult the Purana for sakuna ( verses 114- 
116 }. The Skanda is the best among all Puranas for this purpose 
of sakuna; some hold that the Visnupurana and the Ramayana 
ateo may be consulted, but the author of the Padma says that 
visnupurana may not be used for this purpose, since if a man 
HeToid of proper conduct honours it for consultation, then 
inauspicious indications come out (verses 122-125). Sambhu 
mmself worshipped Skanda-purana, asked the question why 
Bibhisana, devotee of Siva, had fetters put on him (verses 131- 

lttTiw ii* ! Veisss weie aeen that S ave indications (verses 
Wanjm ^ybUtx"* are cited below. At the end the 

^ 1319 ^Fialfl^s^tl^^ ^q-p^, ^ m % ^ grogHgaretgi 

"^ * ^ *** §"w* W&m tf&. i tra, intra, ioo. 77-78 

( Continued on next page ) 

812 History of Dhat ma&astra LSeo. in, Ch. XXI 

Furana says that the iLdiparva of the Mahabharata or all its 
pa) vans may be employed for this purpose of sakuna (verseB 

A similar method of finding out omens and of divination 
from the two works of the great Hindi poet and saint Tulasldas 
(born in samvat 1589 i e. 1532 A. D.) viz. Ramajna (orEama- 
sakunavali containing 343 doha verses ) and Ramasalaka is 
described at some length by G A, Grierson in I. A. vol XXII 
pp 204 ff and in Festgabe H. Jacobi pp. 449-455. 

It is worthy of note that even scientific works like the 
Carakasamhita ask the physician to notice the condition of the 
patient, of the messenger, and the actions of the physician and 
inauspicious omens They are described in Indriyasthana chap. 
12 A few notable verses may be cited here. ' That patient 
would only live for a month on whose head arises only powder 
( dandruff or the like ) resembling the powder of dry cowdung 
and that slides down ( from the head ); that patient will not live 
even for a fortnight whose ohest dries up when he takes a bath 
and anoints his body with sandalwood paste while all other 
limbs are yet wet' (verse 12) 'Those messengers from a 
patient who come to a physician when the latter is offering 
oblations into fire or is offering pindas to his pitrs, will kill the 
patient ( i. e. indicate the approaching death of the patient, 
verse 16 ) ; a woman who is in a pitiable state, terrified, hurried, 
troubled, dirty and unchaste, three persons ( coming together ), 
deformed persons, impotent persons -these are messengers of 
those who are about to die ' ( verses 21-22 ) ; ' a physician should 
not go ( to see a patient ) on being called by a messenger when 
the physician sees, while the messenger is describing the condi- 
tion of the patient, an inauspicious omen or a sorrowing man 
or a corpse or the decoration meant for the dead ' , verses 67-70 
dilate on the signs of an auspicious messenger and verses 7H» 
set out auspicious omens such as the sight of curds, whole grains, 
brahmanas, bulls, king, jewels, jar full of water, white horse &c. 
The physician is however advised not to declare an inauspicious 
omen even when he sees it that would give a shook or cause 
pain to the patient or even to anyone else ( verse 63 ). 

{Continued from last page) 
iBi gjW^ HW<nri% ^ g?t " «HT, qraig 100 133-134. The second verse « 
enigmatic and occurs in ^n^W^uM Vide Vanaparva, chap. 1 
where it occurs and H of Dh. vol 111 p 893 { for explanation ) and p 101 
for quotation from Vanaparva 

814 Histoiy of Dharmasastra [ Seo. Ill, Oh. XXI 

last are designated Maharudra and eleven Maharudras are 
called Atirudra. The Rudra may take throe forma viz. japa 
(muttering), homa( offering into Agm oblations to tho accom- 
paniment of the mantras), oiabhiselca (sprinkling a person with 
the holy water over which the mantras have been rocitod ) For 
reciting Eudradhyiya the yajamana, if ho cannot himself recite 
it, may employ one brShmana and also for Ekadasml j but for 
Laghurudra and Maharudra eleven brahmanas aro generally 
employed and for Atirudra eleven or 121. Ekadasml and 
Laghurudra are very much in voguo oven now in Maharastra. 
Rudrabhiseka is described in Baud, grhyasosasutra II. 18. 

The mantra ' Tryambakam yajimaho ' ( Rg VII. 59. 12, Tai . 
S. I. 8. 6. 2, Vaj. S. HE. 60) is called Mrtyuujaya Japa of it is 
prescribed for relief against premature death. The Baudhsyana- 
grhyasesasutra (III. 11) presoribos a somewhat more elaborate 
rite and provides that the mantras to bo rocited are ' apaitu 
mrtyuh , (Tai.Br.IH.7.14. 4), 'param mrtyo' (Tai. Br. HI. 7. 
14. 5 ), 'ma no mahantam' ( Rg 1. 114 7 ), ' ma nas-toke ' ( Tai. S. 
HI. 4.11. 2), 'Tryambakam yajdmaho't Tai. S I 8.6.2), 'Yete 
sahasram' (Tai Br. IH 10.8 2). 

It is unnecessary for the author to say what should be done 
in these days as to santis. Host of the santis except a few, as 
pointed out above in various places, are no longer performed. 
Even the few that are yet performed may cease altogether in tho 
near future, if one is to judge from modern trends. 




Origin and development of Purana literature 

The History of Dharmasastra ( vol. I pp. 160-167 ) has a 
brief chapter on the Puranas. It has heen shown therein how 
the Taittirlya Aranyaka, the Chandogya and Brhadaranyaka 
Upanisads mention Itihasa and Purana ( sometimes collectively 
as • Itihagapuranam ' and sometimes separately as ' ItihSsah. 
Puranam ' ) and how some of the extant Puranas are much 
earlier than the 6th century A D. It is further pointed out there 
that the number of the principal Puranas has been traditionally 
handed down as eighteen, 1324 that some puranas such as the 
Mataya.theYisnu, the Vayu andBhavisya contain muchDharma- 
aaatra material, that the Garuda-purana and the Agnipurana 
contain several hundred verses each that are identical with verses 
of the Yajnavalkya smrti, that there is great divergence as to the 
extent of almost all Puranas, that some of the Puranas them- 
selves enumerate minor works called Upapuranas, that the 
Puranas are divided into three groups, viz. sattuika, rajasa 
and tamasa ( as done by Garuda I. 823. 17-20, and Padma 
VI 263. 81-84 ). Details were also furnished as to the chapters 
of the Puranas in which the several topics of Dharmasastra ( such 
as acara, ahnika, dana, rajadharma, staddha, tlrtha) were 
dealt with. 

In the present section it is proposed to trace the great trans- 
formation that took place in the ideas, ideals and practices of the 
ancient Indian people owing to the influence of the Puranas 
m the first few centuries of the Christian era. 

Before proceeding further several preliminary matters have 
t obe dealt with. The menti on of Puranas as a class of literature 

92 IIT' The Matsya (53 ' 18 ~ i9) ' Agni (272 4 - 5 > and N5rada <^ 
mr * , ? merate Vay ° am0ng the ei g htfien Mahapuranas. while the Visan 

(I m « V , iS**° d ^ a ( 134 ' 8 } " K5rma ( X 1<13 } * Padma t l ' 62 2 >. L5a S a 
U 39 61),Bh a gavata(XU.7.23), Brahmava.varta (III. 133 14) substi- 

t«eSaiva£orVayu and omnVayu altogether from the list o! the eighteen 

816 Histoiu of Dhaimu&aslia [ Seo. IV, Oh. XXII 

goes back much farther than was pointed out in the H. of DH. 
vol. I p. 160. The Atharvaveda 1325 mentions Purana (in the 
singular ) in XI. 7. 24 and XV. 6. 10-11 ' The rk and saman 
verses, the ohandas, the Purana along with the Yajus formula , 
all Bprang from the remainder of sacrificial food, ( as also ) the 
gods that resort to heaven He changed his place and went over 
to great direction , and Itihasa and Purana, gathas, verses in 
praise of heroes followed in going over. ' The Satapatha 
brahmana also (XL 5. 6. 8 ) mentions ' Itihasapuranam ' ( as 
one compound word ) and states that on the 9th day of the 
Pariplava the liotr priest instructs among other matters as 
follows : ' The Purana is the Veda , this it is ; thus saying let him 
narrate some Purana ' ( XIII 4. 3 13. ). 13M The Sankhayana "» 
Srautasutra ( XVI. 2. 27 ) and the Asvalayana Srauta ( X. 7 } 
remark that on two days of the Pariplava the Itihasaveda and 
Puranaveda were to be recited. But the two sutras (though 
affiliated to the Bgveda ) differ as to the day on which they were 
to be recited. It is difficult to say whether the Atharvaveda, 
the Satapatha Brahmana and the Upanisads knew several works 
called Purana or whether there was only a single work called 

1325 =E=3" Kirnft il~$l\H mm Tjgen *rs 1 ^ rWf gi^ iffl *R !%& %^i 
f^fffSra. llawfXI 7 24;*T553Vi%5mgsij^a^| d l HUiglH ^r swt "*r 1W* 
snTBra tend^^cH I 3T«I XV. 6 10-11 . Vide Prof Hazra's interpretation 
of the first verse in ABORI. vol 36, 1955, pp. 190-203 and criticism there- 
of below. 

1326. nsngtfqt W ^m %sniT ^dWtHtt*' 8^11 ^ratarwflfiiWWiiWI 

mvt TRRWti?Pii?5 tiiwua^ i sraratxi. 5.6 8. srorefcs^i ws'nsr 
3to wte^i * ' didiw^i ra gwir I?, ahrfira i%i%tswmra?fhi i srpto Xiii 

4 3. 12-13. According to the commentary Itihasa means such cosmological 
myths as ■ in the beginning there was nothing but water ■ and Parana 
means stories such as that of Pururavas and Orvas'i Compare imWia J l 
(ed by Gaastra) I 1 21 

1327 -HHi ai a ■HHIH i a <f i% ui d 3lle7r=ft»RT ft^rq , ^»i5l1l'"'H> ^g^^ ,1 " JJ 

3rraa grni ^3ra*i g iwm-fid i- ta-w i dMQiaira i ura* ^f *fts*riSfS «?* ^J 35 ' 

3njg 4t X 6. 10-X 7 1. BJtraiS «fers to the three istls to Sa "^,T^!l 
every day in the morning, mid-day and evening; the com. of '»"*'* 11 ' 
explains : wuuiifetia Ji<^im-^Hiii mRwiwHuR #re*rcHH? »o*«siSS "J**™ ' 
The 3Jt*T. aft. connects Itihasa with the 9th day and Puranavidya witB "« 
eighth, while the ?[i & reverses this order The aw«I WTf w inl « np 

9-11 ; the ^n^rq^sna derives trtRsff 'cRRST 5" f^B™ awOTIWH5»^ 
(XVI 2 36). 

Number of Puranas in Vedic times 817 

Purana known to them. But from the fact that the Tai. Ax. 

(II 10 ) speaks of Itihasas and Puranas ( in the plural ) it would 

not be unreasonable to suppose that in the later Vedic period at 

least some works ( three or more ) called Puranas existed and 

were studied and recited by those that were engaged in solemn 

sacrifices like the Asvamedha. It is not unlikely that, where 

the singular * Puranam ' was employed in the Vedio tests, a 

class of works was meant. The facts that ' Itihasa-Purana ' is 

called the fifth Veda in the Upanisads and that the Satapatha 

employs ' Itihasa-Puranam * as one compound word lead to the 

inference that the two categories ' Itihasa * and ' Purana ' were 

similar in contents at least in several respects. The Apastamba- 

dharmasutra 132S quotes two verses each in two places from a 

Purana ( in the singular ), once cites the view of the Bhavisyat- 

purana and in another place gives the summary of a Purana 

passage or verse which says that, when a person attacks another 

i ^RHrcmw*iraw'I% I srnr. «t- %• I. 6. 19. 13; these two are the same as 
Manu IV 248-249 with slight variations , ai ' dl jjfildH^ I fir *f TSJIwH^TTs I 

^i%5t5npfror. trwrpr % ^Hiiwiw ?n§t% n arareftraw^stnat % irsjt Stftfrfr: i ^*ft- 
"nfrm: T*ara ^s^arei it ssgqra n ssc^43d-ni tngferc ' 3nr.*i ^..u 9- 23. 3-6. 
These two verses respectively say that those who lead the life of a house- 
holder performing sacrifices and desiring progeny have to nndergo deaths 
(lit. cemeteries, smasanani ) and births ( i.e. they only reach heaven and are 
born again and again), while those that do not desire progeny but remain 
celebate throughout life become immortal ( i e. are not bora again ). 
Wa^u-qw in his trpsij on Gg. sjtr VI. 2 15 quotes a 5pg® verse as follows • 
arer^tay^iuii^ftajpjBflatHPgt I ^ftorr4«nr: T«II#S^RR# it WKft II '. Com- 

Pf«>!^Rfh1NT^if3T ^fahnqj-^Rrnsc 1 ;s^g trssnsnrqrois i%srar gn ^r t f'Wi* ' 

™W"H 8. 93, sng 50. 213, 218, tr^ 124 102-3 and 107, scgnos II. 7. 
180 (first half). The third passage of Ap is jj^rf sftemF WcRtU *rifr*t- 
<3*J$ 1 samr q. II 9. 24 6 This means that those who perform what is 
laid down in the Veda serve as the seed < i e, they become Prajapatis ) of 
the new creation after pralaya (dissolution) Compare TrnjT. Ill 184-186. 

one of which is racBRRtasrrcerr g*rft ***&*: i ^^m^ *tte*&t wtet§m-. «• 

The 4 th passage of am *r % « $1 %TWHrvTiffrei Wl% ***£& **3 ^S^J* 
g»%Nta ?i^ 5^5f 1 1. 10. 29 7. On killing a brahmaaa there was a differ- 
ence of opinion. Ap probably paraphrases some verses such as Manu VIII. 

Mwsi. the latter of which is : ^nrarf^SrJrat mp&Gi men* m>m nxswszZ 

^I g'S^^a^-^ltt ll. Both verses of Manu occur in jr^t 227. 115-117, Q«g- 

^FJ" 189 ~ 190 - iFStrcia IX 349-350; <r3 V 45. 45-46 are very similar. 
Vide Buhler m I. A. vol. 25 pp. 323 ff. 

H. D. 103 

818 History of Dharmaiastra [ See. IV, Oh. XXII 

with the object of harming him and the person attacked kills the 
attacker, no sin is incurred. Brom these passages it is clear 
that Apastamba had before him a Purana called Bhavisyat and 
also that the Parana or Puranas -which he knew contained rules 
about the food to be accepted for eating, about the stages of 
householder and the perpetual student, about resisting an 
atatayin even unto death and about creation and re-creation 
after dissolution. These matters fall within the province of 
Smrtis and Puranas As the word ' purana " means ' ancient ', 
the word Bhavisyat-purana is a contradiction in terms. Long 
before Apaatamba the word Purana had come to mean a work 
dealing with ancient tales &o ; several such works must have 
been composed and they probably began to incorporate contem- 
porary events and wrote about such events in a prophetic vein. 
Hence arose the name Bhavisyat-purana. 1329 As Apastamba 
mentions a Bhavisyat-purana and also Purana, it follows that 
before 500 B. 0. several Puranas existed one of which was called 
the Bhavisyat and the Puranas then known contained the 
topics of sarga, prattsarga and smrti matters. 

This conclusion is strongly corroborated by other facts 
The Gautama-dharmasutra provides that a learned (baliusruta) 
brahmana is one who knows peoples' usages, the Veda, the angas 
(auxiliary lores ),Vakovakya (dialogues), Itihasa and Purana 
and that the king in administering the affairs of his kingdom 
and justice has to depend upon the Veda, Dharmasastra, the (six) 
angas of the Veda, the (four) Upavedas and Purana. 1330 

From the above discussion it appears that, though we are 
not in a position to make definite statements about the contents 
of the Purana or Puranas referred to in the Atharva, Sat. 
Br, TaL Ar. and the TTpanisads, by the time of Ap. and 
Gautama, Puranas approaching in contents to some extent at 
least some of the extant Puranas had come into existence. The 

1329 It may be noted that the Varahapurana (chap 177. 34 ) «pr"sly 
mentions the Bhavisyat purana. The reference shows that (in 177. 54-5 J 
Samba, son o£ Krsna. renovated the Purana called Bhavisyat and estabUsnea 
imaB e S of the Sun-gcd ,n four places v,z (1) to the south of the_ **.«». 
(2) between Yamuna and Multan. called Kilapriya. (3) at f "'»"" 
(modern Multan). (4) m Mathura. Bhav.sya (Venk. ed ) I 72 «-/ 
three centres of the Sun .mage. The Matsya 53. 62 also ment.ons th« 

1330. 3TT sr nmrrq gift t www « l¥ l'i m<> y8 &WH. ' *>• *• ^- X1, ' 

Pur ana m Kautilya 819 

Arthasastra of Kautilya states thafi 1331 ' trayl* means the three 
Yedas, viz. Samaveda, Rgveda, Yajurveda and that the Atharva- 
veda and Itihasaveda are (also) yedas*. It follows that in 
Kautilya's time Itihasa was a definite work like the three vedas. 
In another place Kautilya provides ' a minister proficient in 
Arfchasastras and bent on the good of the king should, by means 
of itivrtta (history or historical occurrences) and Puranas, 
admonish (and bring to the right path) a king led astray by 
other guides.' In laying down a time-table for the king's daily 
routine of work, l332 Kautilya provides that in the latter part of 
the day the king should listen to Itihasa and defines the latter 
as comprehending Purana, itivrtta, akhyayika (narrations), 
udaharana (heroic examples), DharmasSstra and Arthasastra 
(soience of government and statecraft). It appears that Kautilya 
meant by 'Itihasa' aMahabharata more or les3 very like the 
extant one, which describes 1333 itself as the best of itihasas, a3 
a Dharmasastra, Arthasastra, Kamasastra and as Karsnaveda. 
Among the officials 133i to be maintained by the king with salaries 
are mentioned astrologers, persons conversant with portents and 
auspicious times, PaurSnika, Suta and Magadha, who were to be 
paid 1000 (panas) as salary. The Daksasmrti, 1335 which is com- 
paratively an early smrti prescribes the reading of Itihasa and 
Purana for all dmja house-holders in the 6th and 7th parts of the 
day (divided into eight parts). The Ausanasa-smrti prescribes 
that the Vedangas and Puranas should be studied in the dark half 
of the months after Utsarjana ( vide Jiv. part I p 515). When the 

^^*T3n^rtiSrro!ra:iif!»i^3aon^'*rii^^ P 257 

(averse at end). * 

1333. gfospfoj ti^=*winrOTR3!tg fiNef*!^, ni§JirfSrt!i<m? s^St 1 
w«iw»«ni-«wi^iw*i4w<i4 WTsirewSsrreii %alfgiro: 1 sitismt 1. 5 p 10. 

T^J «m«n : 2 83, 85-86. In arri^ 62 23 the iTftHHa is called wfW 
wtjra and m«3rrra. The anfi u ^ m w ( 1 6-7 ) descrjbes the Mahabharata 
as tne sastra of all the four j^urusBrthas and as the raeans of knowing the 
proper actions for all four varnas 

S^T ' "fT* V - 3 <^WTOft^> P 2" -^^meanaTne X or knows the puranas. ace. to the sutra ' <RpJft c^ » qj. IV. 2. 59. 

**• H i$S II. 69; the Jregg^or i. 213 . 15s has the first half 

820 History of Dharma&ustra [ Seo. IV, Oh. XTHT 

Manusmrti 1326 provides that in a sraddha rito the brahmanaa 
invited for dinner should recite the Vedas, the Dharmasastras, 
stories, Itihasas, Puranas and khila hymns (such as Srlsukta), 
it should be taken as referring to Purana works closely resembl- 
ing the extant ones. The Ya]5avalkya 13j7 smrti enumerates 
the fourteen Vidyasthanas (branches of knowledge) and sources 
of dharma as Purana, Nyaya (logic), Mlmamsa (rules of Vedia 
interpretation), Dharmasastras, the angaa of the Veda and the 
(four) Vedas Those fourteen are probably arranged in the 
order of importance and authoritativeness at the time of the 
Yajnavalkya-smrti. Ya], refers to sages that expounded or 
promulgated the Vedas, Puranas, the vidyas (six angas), the 
Upanisads, the slokas (ltihasa?), aphoristic works (like those of 
Jaimini or on nyaya), the bhavjas and whatover other literature 
exists. In another place Yaj. recommends that a householder 
after a bath in the morning and worship of gods and pitrs should 
engage in japa-yajna, in which he should mutter according to 
his ability parts of the Veda, of Atharvaveda, ltihasa and 
Puranas and philosophical texts. These passages from Yajfia- 
valkya establish that ltihasa and Purana went together, that 
both were works distinct from. Vedic and that both 
had attained a status of sacredness and authoritativeness in 
matters of dharma in the time of the Yajnavalkya-smrti not 
later than 3rd century ( A. D. ). A Vartika mentioned by the 
Mahabhasya on Pan IV. 3. 59-60 provides for the formation of 
words with the affix ' thak' (Jew) in the case of akhyana (auch as 
Yavakrltika, Yayatika), akhyayika (such as Vasavadattika, 
Saumanottarika), ltihasa (aitihasika), Purana (pauranika) in 
the sense of one who studies or knows that ,33B In numerous 
passages the Mahabharata mentions Purana in the singular 

1336. www srerSfHigfr qwjHgmSr^t i$ i sTrenrRFfifirsrat** gwnfft 
fsHri^'^imgiii 232 

1337. fjf.m-n \mC\n\H rangiretr^rnfeTat. i 3?r* wraS Both itwt ** 
'33551 ii ?n?(° i 3 . *raf3?i swrnfa raa'prprcrgcrot i s^tou ^ni 3 * wot 
irm &>-*« mg<m ii ^m= Hi 189, g^toSswrrni 5mgmri 3gri% m ' 5H T'![ r " 
uf^qSi fejr ^^lirtH ^ t sm^ll 11^1° 1 101 Compare fioggWT V. 1 37-38 
with ^nfT" I 3 Sometimes the branches of knowledge are said to be IS by 
adding the four upavedas, viz sngftl, U^f?, 1Riri%? and sretalTCT, t0 *^ti* 
mentioned by Yaj Vide it<>BS« HI 6 25-26 (about 14 jtars and !Krt?) 
q. by awto P 6 and .hgMtHi ( crgr?rR° ) P 22. 

1338 atHWI*Wmffi arii h|WiiU"i« rar S^raW I *WWt oa ' tn *'f^ 
ag<g I Vt WUUfWMUti ' TT IV 2. 59-60. The wnm<nr gives the example 
cited above in brackets 

MahSbkaraia and Furanas 821 

> in S.di 5. 3, 31. 3-4, 51. 6, 65. 52, Udyoga 178. 47-48, Karna 
34.44, Santi208. 5, Anusasana 22. 12, 102. 21 ) and sometimes 
Puranas in the plural ( as in Adi 109. 20, Virata 51.10, Striparva 
13. 2, Santi 339. 106, Svargarohana 5. 48-47 ( which refers to 
Puranas as 18 ) 1339 Further, the Matsya-purana and a Purana 
proclaimed by Vayu are mentioned in the Vanaparva. J3W It is 
impossible to hold that all the numerous references to Puranas 
are later interpolations, though a few may he so. It is not 
correct to say that no Purana resembling the extant ones existed 
before the time when Purana stories were collected in the Maha- 
bharata. There 13 hardly any evidence to support any such 

Early Sanskrit authors li&a Bana (first half of 7th century 

A, D.) and commentators like Sahara (not later than between 

200-400 AD.), Kumarila (7th century A. D.), Sankaracaxya 

(between 650-800 A. D.) and Visvarupa (800-850 A. D.) leave 

us iu no doubt that in their times Puranas existed, the contents 

of which were just like those of the extant Puranas. Sahara in 

hisbhasya«« on Jaimini X. 4. 23, while discussing the question 

as to what is meant by 'devata' in relation to sacrifices, states 

feat one view was that they are Agni and others, that are 

described in the Itihasa and Puranas as dwelling in heaven. 

Bana in his Kadambarl and Harsacarita frequently refers to the 

Mahabharata and Puranas, but two passages from the 

kadambarl and one from the Harsacarita are very interesting 

While describing the hermitage of the sage Jabali Bana 

««iploya a ilesa 'there was Vayupralapita (proclaiming 

OygodVsyu; babbling due to the windy humour) in Purana 

l&at no babbling in the he rmitage) an. Similarly, in the des- 

*v- frtfRa^ra *rrei <*Kti; t?srt*u wi liig u w l s. 45-46 
53i^L^^!? ,%i,:m3Ws!lrR€fi ^ , ^"^ 187 - S7 ( = «,ed 185. 
,ratB ^^ swop^^a^ „ ^,^ 191 . 15 _ 16 { _ cr ^ 189 _ 1+ )( 

•"w Smrasar ^ta r . 1 5^ on # x. 4. 23 w«"s.™ 

"> a uS^'SI 3 ™ para S3 <**S>3>- *ha *I33*ro itseU states 
*>ut a narrated to the sages in the Naimfca forest the p ar5Qa first 

( Continued on next page ) 

8a 2 History of Dharmaiastra [ Sea IV, Ch. XXII 

oription of the palace of Taraplda Bana employs a slesa (double 
extendre) comparing ifc with. Purana (the two meanings being 
' where the accumulated wealth of the world was arranged in 
appropriate groups ', ' in which there is a description of the whole 
sphere of worlds each part of which was assigned a proper 
division') In the Uttarabhaga (by the son of Bana) of the 
Kadambarl it is stated that in all agamas (saored works tradition- 
ally handed down) such as Puranas, Ramayana and Bharata there 
are many stories about curses. The placing of Puranas firat 
shows that they were probably more honoured or popular than 
the Ramayana and the Bharata. In the Harsacanta 1343 it is stated 
that the book-reader Sudrsti treated Bana and his relatives and 
friends to a musical recitation of the Purana promulgated by 
Vayu, that was sung by the sage (Vyasa), that is very exten- 
sive, that is world-wide ( i e. known everywhere ), that is holy 
and that is not different from the career of Harsa ( to whioh 
also all the adjectives applied to the Purana are applicable) Here 
it appears that the Vayu is expressly mentioned (as Paia- 
manapiokta and Pavcaia) and it is further stated that the 
Puranas contained a description of the several divisions of the 
world. This description applies to such Puranas as the Vayu, 
Matsya ( chapters 114-128 ), Brahmanda (II. 15 ff ). It may be 
argued that the Purana mentioned by Bana may be the Brah- 
manda since that Purana says ti43a in the beginning as well as 
at the end (IV. 4 58ff) that Brahma imparted it to Vayu, from 
whom it passed on to several divine and semi-divine personages 
and ultimately suta received it from Vyasa. This latter argu- 
ment is not acceptable, since there was nothing to prevent Bana 
from expressly saying that the Brahmanda was the Purana 
recited by Sudrsti 

( Continued from last page ) 
promulgated by Vayu ( I 47-48 g^rtf H*W*nfS Tgrff »iraR»3sn I S§f J 1 *""' 
%t 5i?l4V<)^l i m* ? » > Chapters 34-49 of the JijgirjpT contain y4<jft'4Kf f 

strops 'H°r<H4 guoraupjTHTCnfgg -twi'^ireirei 5inreraT ' «niv«'» 3T **" 

HPT (gtRsirer'a consoling speech to king Taraplda on hearing of the heart- 
break of Candraplda ) 

1343 ^,tiMim-«Mi t ssf&. "fieri i<miwilHk jot irra i grsRa in > + tB 

para, the swft verse applicable to both is ' gsffi- gfifrfc lffiggg 33W artflft 
TO* ggft 1 yNfoltqfifrr gfiNim ft » gggfigt" W$° HI. 5th para H^ 
means qr3 and so ttrst may stand for 4l4<Tw 

1343 a. g<T°i HU5RTn9 ?j* TnaRxpit i g§^ gftfJi g§ ^SpfrafisRtrH' " 

*&n*gl 1 36-37 

Kumarila and PurUnas 823 

Kumarilabhatta in his Tantravartika refers in several 
places to the Puranas and their contents. A few interesting 
passages are set oat here- On Jaimini 1. 3. 1 Kumarila says «« 
'Therefore the authoritativeness of all smrtis is established by 
the purpose which they serve; whatever therein (in smrtis) is 
oonneoted with dharma and moksa (is authoritative), because 
it springs from (is based on) the Veda; whatever concerns 
•wealth (artha) and pleasures is based on the usages of the 
people. In this way a distinction is to be made. This very 
reasoning applies to hortatory passages in the Itihasa and 
Puranas. The Upakhyanas may be explained by the reasoning 
applicable to aTthavadas (i. e they have a purpose and authorita- 
tiveness just like the commendatory passages of the Veda). 
Narration of the divisions of the earth serves the purpose of 
distinguishing the regions for undergoing the consequences of 
the (actions that are the) means of dharma and adharma and 
aie partly based on personal experience and partly on the Veda. 
The orderly presentation of vamsas ( dynasties) in the Puranas 
is intended to facilitate the knowledge of the biahmana and 
ksatriya castes and their gotras and is based on aotual experi- 
ence and traditional knowledge ; countries and measures of time 
.are intended to facilitate worldly transactions and astronomical 
needs and are based on actual perception, mathematics, tradition 
and inference. The narration of what will happen in the future 
is based on the Veda, since it conveys knowledge of the variety 
of the ripening of the consequences of ( complying with) dharma 
and of adharma and knowledge of the characteristics of yugas 
that have been in operation from time immemorial.* It is 
clear from this passage that the Itihasa and the Puranas that 
Kumarila knew contained stories, geography of the earth, 
dynastic lists, measures of time and description of what will 
happen in the future. These are matters dealt with in the 
extant Puranas. On Jaimini I 3. 7 Kumarila observes : 'In the 

1344 fa wt^tiH t n-fiaH^m inwpnri%i%: i ?ra ■nwiit*Jnteiy**iC'i*" *&%■ 

824 History of niwrma&astra I Sea IV, CLXXH 

PurSnas mi it is narrated that in the Kali age there will arias 
Sakya (Gautama Buddha) and others that will cause confusion 
about dharma , who would listen to their words?' This shows 
that before the 7th century A. D. the Puranas contained descrip- 
tions of the nature of Kaliyuga and that the Puranas Kumarila 
knew did not regard Buddha as an avatSra of Vismi, but rather 
condemned him. From the facts that Ksemandra composed his 
Dasavataracarita in 1066 A. D , that Apararka ( on p 338} quotes 
a long passage from the Matsya chapter 285, verse seven of 
which enumerates the ten avataras of Visnu( including Buddha), 
and that the Gltagovinda of Jayadeva regards Buddha as an 
avatara, it follows that before 1000 A. D. Buddha had come to be 
regarded as an avatara of Visnu, though before the 7th century 
some Puranas at least had condemned him. In the discussion 
of the meaning of the word ' svarga' au Kumarila asks: does it 
mean the region of the stars or does it mean the top of the Meru 
(mountain) in conformity with Itihasa and Puranas or does it 
mean only a state of happiness? This indicates that in 
Kumarila's day Puranas contained descriptions of the top of 
Meru as 'heaven.' 

Sankaracarya in his hhasya on the Vedantasotra frequently 
mentions the contents and characteristic features of Puranas 
that are the same as those of the extant ones, though he actually 
names none of them. For example, on V. S. H. 1. 36 he remarks 
that it has been established in the Purana that there is no limit 
to the number of past and future 1347 kalpas. O n V. S. I. 3.30 . 

1345 <m$% =3 sims wfitegfStasT! i greft snrTOprcatn sbSt to*? wft- 

*&%.. Strife P 203 on% I 3 7. some o£ the Farinas such as Varaba 
113 27-28. Brahma 122 68-70. Padma VI 31 13-15 meat.on the ten 
avatiras o£ Vtsnu ( Bnddba) But these Puranas have been 
swollen by late interpolations and itts imposs.ble to 6»e a positive aaie 
for these passages. ^ 

JSffilwCT lift That gods and sem.-divme be. BgS d»eH on 

72 "" 3 47 ^^»«^ m J^l\ J ^^^S^^ 
_« nn »a II. 1 36. vide agtiog I 4. 30-33 lor ?r?<js ° "" B __ 

*" ' ^^ * Sf i^T?V59-6?and ^ 8 32-33 and repeated » 9. 
I 3 30. these are RISES' * 5 3a ^ u * ,s | 

( Coittmued on next page ) 

sSuftkarucarya and the Pur anas 825 

She Acarya quotas two verses that he designates as smrti, that are 
Visnupurana I. 5. 59-60, but are not found in ancient smrfcis like 
those of Manu or Yaj. On V. S. HI. 1. 15 ( api oa sapta ) the 
bhasya remarks that those who have studied or who know the 
Puranas declare that there are seven hells, Baurava and others, 
that are regarded as places reached for undergoing the con- 
sequences of evil deeds committed by sinners. The Visnupurana 
enumerates seven hells viz. Tamisra, Raurava and others, as 
the places for those who abuse the Veda, who cause obstacles to 
sacrifices and who give up their proper dharma. Even Manu 
( IV. 87-90 ), Yaj. ( HE. 322-224 ), Yisnu Dh. S. 43. 2-22 enumerate 
21 hells and almost all Puranas mention 21 or more hells. Yide 
H. of Dh vol. IV pp. 162-164. On V. S. I. 3. 26 and 33 the 
bhasya says that one can see from Vedio mantras, arthavada 
passages, Itihasa and Purana and popular belief that gods have 
bodies. On Y S. II. 1. 1. Sankaracarya quotes a verse whioh is 
the same in Yayupurana and on I. 3. 30 quotes in all five verses 
as smrti, four of which are the same as Yayu 9. 57-58 and 64-65. 
Visvarupa in his commentary on the Yajnavalkya-smrti has two 
interesting notes on Puranas. On Yaj. HI. 170 which describes 
theSankhya theory of the evolution of the world, Yisvarupa 13is 

( Continued from last page ) 
57-58 Only the half verse fthniilip is found in ng I 39. these verses are 
^faund m jngt 232 16-17. ssfi ^OTTOil %Wmn I^cPKtJhmfr- 

7 w* K *'' **»j"ci mhiPW. i ttHMuiHichmur: nitgsriSg i wtrt on %. ^. in. 1. 15, 
tot ^msawft <%m«{i«u) ^nr*m ^gi^i%ra?raswitsi%nft R*an-giwH- 

* ^ ™™ *r* +i«SK*iw ^ cr?f% ^jr: n %fa igtxft 1 *n<Hron 11. 1 1 This is 

WIS I 205 which reads n%sg,. for «n W[ . On % ^ I. 3 30 the *n«nr quotes 
three verses as ^t^, the nrst two of which are the same as <ng 9. 64-65 
(viz. ^Jon sro^nf^ and ^israt^gi^n^ ). It appears probable that 
5|l*rerFt quotes from the srrg most of these verses, as he expressly says 
about one of them ( vis aiaaa &c ) that it is from a gwor. 

^°^tl" 170. waft ft „,« ^3%^ *teft ftft ^^ s Zrt 

WaSTnT^T ^P ""***^ • Compare for a stnfang resem- 

{ Continued on next page ) 
H. D, 104 

826 Ihalonj of JDharmaiualm [ Sec. IV, Ch. XXII 

remarks that this theory concerning tho creation and dissolution 
of tho world is found ovorywhora in tho Puranas. On Yaj. 
III. 175 which states that tho path to tho world of the pitrs lies 
between tho star Agastya (Canopus) and tho Ajavlthi, Visvarupa 
remarks that in tho Purina s>QVoral uU/its ( i o. courses ) of the 
Sun in tho sky aro tound and that Ajavlthi 13 immediately 
contiguous to Agastya. 

From tho foregoing discussion about tho roforenco3 to 
Puranas contained in writers from Sahara to Visvarupa it 
follows that botwoon about tho 2nd century AD. and the 6th or 
7th century AD. tho Puranas exhibited tho same contents and 
characteristics as many of tho extant Puranas do. 

Before proceeding furthor, it is necessary to say here some- 
thing about tho Yuga-purana, a part of the Gargl-Sainhita, and 
ono of tho oarliost extant works boaring tho title Purana3. 
Kern in his Introduction to the Brhatsamhita (pp. 32-40) 
brought this rare Purana containing valuable historical data 
to the notice of scholars from a fragmentary ms Later on K. P. 
Jayaswal 1318 " published a test of tho purely historical material 
of tho Yugapurana in 115 half linos in Anustubh metro based 
on the fragment that Kern had got and two more mss. that were 
secured by him and added a translation and notes. Later on 
Jayaswal obtained a copy made by Prof Levi from a ms. ( in 
Bengali script) in the Bibliotheque Nationale of Pans and 
published in JBOES. (vol. XV pp 129-133) a table coinpanng 
tho readings of that ms. with tho text he published in JB VHt>. 
vol XIV. Prof. K H. Dhruva contributed a paper on the text 
of the Yugapurana to the JBOES vol XVI. pp 18-66, wherein 
he altered the proper names and gave free scope to his con- 
jectures and inferences with the result that succeeding scholars 
have not attached any weight to his emendations and wbb 
Prof D K. Mankad 13 ** published a monograph m wnion ne 
gave' the text o f the historical portion based on the ms s^uMizBa 

( Continued from last page ) 

refers to this passage of the f^g^rcr or a —7*;;^. 
£»*.**« WW »» 53-60. ms 50. 130. s^ffc xs one o the Aree 
Las of the southern path, n the ^"^^^'f 
planets move, comprehending qs, *frn3T and tjxTOtrrat mm* 

1348 a. JBOKS vol. XIV. pp. 397-421 on ■ H.stoncal data » 0* 
Gargasamh,tS and the Brahmin ■ 

1348 b. Charutar Frakashan, Vallabnavidya-nagar, 1951 

Tlie Yugapurana 827 

by Jaya3wal and a fresh ms. that ha obtained in Saurastra, 
corrects some of the leadings accepted by Jayaswal and 
considerably differs from some of Jayaswal's interpretations 
and added a few notes. 

The Yugapurana is the 113fch chapter of Gargisamhits and 
is called Skandapurana in the ms. secured by Prof. Mankad, 
probably because the Purana starts with a question by Skanda 
to Siva about the characteristics of the different yugas. The 
characteristics of Krta, Treta and Dvapara are respectively 
described in lines 11-28, 29-45 and 46-74 of Prof. Mankad'a 
text; and lines 75-235 (of Prof. Mankad's text) and lines 1-115 
of Jayaswal's text (in JBORS. vol. XIV". pp. 400-408) describe 
the characteristics of the Kaliyuga, and the political, social and 
economic history of a few centuries before the work was com- 
posed. The characteristics of the Kaliyuga in the Yugapurana 
bear a very close resemblance to the description of Kaliyuga in 
the Vanaparva ( chap. 188. 30-64), one half verse being the same 
in both.*** 

The important points that emerge are briefly these : — I omit 
the discussion of different interpretations of Jayaswal, Prof. 
Mankad and Prof. ISarain. Kaliyuga started after Draupadi 
died. In the beginning of Kaliyuga Janamejaya, son of Pariksit, 
would be a famous king but will come in conflict 1348 ** with 
brahtnanas. Tn Kaliyuga, Udayi son of Sisunaga, will found 
the city of Pataliputra on the south bank of the Ganges, which 
will come to be called Puspapura and which will last for five 
thousand, five hundred and five years, five months, five days and 
five muhurtas In that Puspapura there will be a deluded and 
wicked king called Salisuka who will establish at Saketa his 
virtuous elder brother named Vijaya. Then the valiant Yavanas, 

1348c The passage from Vanaparva 188. 30-64 is quoted in the 3rd 
«H. of Dh^ pp 1012-13 The half verse „ ^kn^WI ^ 3,,^. 

textf^i ^?, - - lme 38 ° £ J a y aswal ' stei t a»d HO of Prof. Mankad's 
an » reads iiei>W3l5qrf%si , which does not appear correct and yields hardly 
ISR *« n 6 ^ Com P are Yugapurana (lines 111-115 of Jayaswal and II. 182- 
i°o 01 Frof. Mankad-s text with Vanaparva 188. 65-66. 

On/^f ' P ° r the St0ry o£ tb,a q« a «el. vide Matsya-pnrana 50. 56-65. 
aabl,. T.WT 8V " l ° TlSIy r6ad ' dhar ° a -^t a tam5 vrddha janam bhoksyanti 
vrddM * <J a y as " a I ». 40), Prof. Mankad reads ' dharmabhltatatama 
refcrrJ a t r^ m °!: Sya,Ui mtbha * 5h ' J»jawml thinks that 'dharmamiu- 
to the Greek king Demetrius. Prof. Mankad does not agree. 

828 History of Dhur/iiaiaUra [ Soo. IV, Ch. yyTT 

Pancalas and Mathuras will attack Saketa and will conquer 
Kuaumapura which had a mud fortification All countries will 
bo disturbed (by this onslaught of tha Yavanas) Then non- 
Aryans will follow the practico3 of tba Aryas. At the end of 
Kali age brahmanas, ksatnyas, vaisya3 will dross alika and 
have the same practices. People will join heretical sects and 
will make friends for (soduciog their) wives. Sudras willoifor 
oblations into fire with the syllablo 'om* and thoy will address 
( others) with the word 'bhoh' and brahmanas will address others 
with the words 'O aryas'. The Yavanas will establish five kings 
in the city ( of Puspapura). The Yavanas will not stay long in 
Madhyadesa. When tho Yavanas will vanish there will be 
seven powerful kings at Saketa; in Madhyadesa there would be 
bloody wais. All the Agmvosya kings will perish by war and 
so will the people. 

Thereafter the greedy Saka king will undergo destruction 
against Sata, the king of Kalinga, and the earth will be devast- 
ated and Puspapura will be a wilderness Amlata called 'red- 
eyed' will secure Puspapura The Mloccba king Amlata will 
destroy the helpless people and the four varnas Amlata with 
his relatives will perish and then there will be a king called 
Gopala who will rule one year and then die There will then 
be the just king called Pusyaka who will rulo only one year. 
After two more kings, Agmmitra will be king who will wage a 
terrible battle with brahmanas for a girl After him his son 
will rule for 20 years The condition of the people will be very 
bad because of hi3 fight with Sabaras. Then Satu king will 
rule. Then there will be depredations of Sakas who will destroy 
one-fourth of the population and make the people demoralised. 
In this way the Yugapurana ends on a dismal note. UMe 

As the Pur an a stop3 with the Sakas and doe3 not dilate on 
the dynasties of the Andhras, Abhlras and Guptas, it must be 
placed earlier than all the known Puranas which deal with these 
dynasties. Jayaswal places the Yugapurana in the latter half 
of the first century B O. In the opinion of the present 
author he is right, 

1348 e %=ft gi35i TO?f3r ann^iS sfiRmmi i iisir trt «iRb^i ff&swr- 
*m% ires' si^n giwfreil it ^nra 1 88 65-66 

Wjthical beginning of Puraaas 829 

A very recent work 'The Indo-Greeks' by Prof. A. K. tfarain 
(Oxford, 1957) has an illuminating note (pp 174-179) on 
several difficult passages of the Yugapurana 1318 '. 

Several Puranas such as Matsya 53. 3-11, Vayu 1. 60-61, 
Brahmanda 1. 1.40-41, Linga 1. 2.2, Naradlya L 92. 22-36, Padma 
V. 1. 45-53 state that Purana m » was originally only one, that 
Brahma thought of it first, that after that the Vedas proceeded 
from Brahma's lips, that originally it had the extent of one 
hundred crores of slokas and that the essence thereof to the ex- 
tent of four lakhs of verses was declared in each Dvapara age by 
Vyasa. It is impossible to say whether the writers of the extant 
Puranas had any ancient tradition about this before them or 
whether all this about the original existence of a single Purana 
was purely imaginary. The author holds that the latter view 
is more likely to be the correct one. It has been shown above 
that as early as the Taittirlya Aranyaka Puranas are mentioned 
m the plural. Therefore, the extant Puranas are only the 
successors of the ancient Puranas, about which, it must be 
admitted, we know very little. 

The number of Puranas ( in later times and by some of the 
Puranas distinguished as Mahapuranas) has been traditionally 
handed down as eighteen. They are enumerated in several 
Puranas, such as Visnu 3H. 6. 21-23, Varaha 112. 69-72 (verses 
74-77 in Venk. ed. ), Linga I. 39. 61-63, Matsya 53. 11 ff, Padma 
IV. 100. 51-54, Bhavisya I. 1. 61-64, Markandeya 134.7-11, 

1348 f. Vide Appendix I on ' yavana ' and ■ yona * (pp 165-169) in 
Prof. Naram's 'Judo-Greeks.' He points out that in Karnaparva (45,36) 
Yavanas are described as all-knowing (saivajna), valiant and different 
bom mlecchas 

1349. vjaa wl^natm c =raw srgrar r -t^dM. i 3 Wd< 'g d*5»*n d«jWdw 

^r ^fe^riS aft s^t i «53a3Pinr°fa gpft gra^ *rer i a^Hrgsrat ^c*r ^jS^silfra: 
shot^R! i arerrft 3s^«»*iRn< *w«hiSMW-td<^ i a^ore *grg§ gr #a3r EftRidH i 

WTtf5 ^5ITbV ^ «bt3 diqs'M'd I *R?pr 53. 3-H, irsr ( V. 1. 45-52 ) contains 
almost all the above verses of M*m . The first verse occurs in srrg I. 60-61 
and ^grrog I. 1 40-41. The argrgtjtJT 245. 4 says ' airg ^l^lR Wnt =5 *tl- 
Srssrega^J. The fqagg^ror HI. 6. 20 states ' stri ■H^^imiHi g*iof arrgr- 
S-^ct M.' The ^.Tmi'Hd 1.3 3 put jr^T as the first. 

830 History of Dharmaiustra I Sec. IV, Oh. XS3I 

Agni 272, Bhagavata » so XII. 13. 4-8, Vayu " 51 101 2-10, 
Skanda (Prabhasakhanda 2. 5-7;. There ib aomo difference 
about the 18 namos and great difference a3 to their extent and 
contents The Matsya (53.18-19), Agni 272. 4-5. Naradlya 
I. 92 26-28 enumerate the Vayu as the 4th among the 18 
Puranas, while moat of the othora substitute Sivapurana as tbo 
4th in place of the Vayu The Skanda (in Prabhasakhanda 2. 5 and 
7 ) puts Saiva as the 1th in place of Vayu and Vayavlya as the last 
( probably meaning Brahmanda thereby). Tho Dovlbhagavata 1 ^* 
contains a verse naming the 18 Puranas by their first lotters 
in which the Sivapurana is omitted. Tho Saurapurana ( chap. 9 . 
5-12) enumerates tho 18 Puranas, places Vayu as tho 4th (and 
not Siva) and Brahmanda as the last. Tho Sutasamhitajl. 1. 
7-11 ) names the 18 Puranas omitting Vayu and putting Siva- 
purana in its place The Danasagara m its Introductory verses 
( 11-12 on pp 2-3 ) mentions both Vayavlya and Saiva separately. 
In the verses of the Kahka-purana quoted by Homadri on dana 
I. p 531, Siva, Kahka, Saura and Vahnija ( Agnoya, tho genuine 
one) are included among eighteen principal Puranas. On the 
whole I agree with Dr. A D. Pusalkar 1353 that it is the Vayu 
that is entitled to be legarded as one of the 18 prinoipal Puranas 
and not the Sivapurana Al-beruni in his work on India ( com- 

1350. The *rpTOl says ' g^qtsERRl *ng! iljgsmft WJTPH T I ' XII, 7 220. 
The late sigflqa ( IV 131 7-10) states that the five characteristics men- 
tioned in note 1365 distinguish the Upapuranas, while the ten characteristics 
quoted in note 1366 distinguish the Hgig^ots. Rogo III S. 13 uses the word 

1351 Vayu 104 is a chapter of doubtful authority Several mss, of 
Vayu do not contain it chap. 104 7 mentions Vayu as Amlapurana Vayu 
(104 2-10) furnishes a list of 18 Puranas in which Brahma and Adika are 
both included, but no names of Upapuranas are given therein. 

V*% "qwy ragl 3 - Z Jlg^r = xtm, H i&vky, v&t = TjfliJT, OTFGT, 5T5PT = 
wgr, *, & 4*S, is) i"s, ^^setf - srcra?, srrnsr, sng, wm, at, wr, t, t8, n respec- 
tively stand for «,%, w^hr, v& t j^ ^ ^ = $H, VR = TZ&i Wilson 
in Preface to tr of Visnu at p XXIV states that his ms of Varaha omits 
the Garuda and Brahmanda from the list of 18 Puranas and inserts Vayu 
and Narasimha The ms is singular in this respect. The printed Varaha 
( chap 11Z. 69 in the B. I and verse 74 in Veak ed ) only puts Suva for 
Vayu, that is all 

1353 Vide ' Studies in the Epics and Puranas of India ' by Dr. A. D 
Pusalkar (Vidya Bhavan Series, Bombay, 1955 ) chap. 2. pp 31-41. The 
Matsya (53 18-19) mentions what the Vayupurana contained. 

Al-berunis lists of Puranas 


posed in 1030 A. D. ) sets out one list of Puranas as read out to 
him from Visnupurana, which is the same as set out below, 
except this that the Saiva-purana is put in the 4th place 
instead of Vayu (Sachau's tr. vol I. p. 131, ed. of 1888) It is 
clear, therefore, that the list of 18 principal Puranas had been 
completed long before 1000 A. D. and was introduced in the 
Visnupurana many years before that date. Al-beruni furnishes 
(i&sdp. 130) another list of the names of 18 Puranas which he 
had heard, viz. Adi, Matsya, Kurma, Varaha, Narasimha, 
Vamana, Vayu, Manda, Skanda, Adltya, Soma, Samba, 
Brahmanda, Markandeya, Tarksya ( i. e. Garuda ), Visnu, 
Brahma, Bhavisya It should be noticed that in this list Vayu 
is included (and not Saiva), that some puranas described in 
other works as TJpapuranas are included ( viz Adi, Narasimha, 
Manda, Aditya, Soma and Samba ) and some works almost un- 
animously declared to be Mahapuranas ( such as Padma, Bhaga- 
vata, Narada, Agni, Linga and Brahmavaivarta ) are omitted. 
It follows that some upapuranas suoh as Adi, Narasimha, Aditya, 
Samba, Nanda (Nandi?) had been composed at least some time 
before 1000 A. D. Balambhatta (latter half of 18th century 
A. D. ) states in his commentary on the Mitaksara ( on Yaj. I. 3 ) 
that the Vayavlya-purana is also called Saiva. 

The following is a table of the 18 principal Puranas together 
with information about the number of slokas in each. 

Name of 

Number of verses 
ace. to Matsya, Vayu 
104 and some others 

Number of verses ace. to 

some other Puranas and 





10000 ( ace to Nar- 
ada 92.31 and Bha- 
gavataXU 13.4) 




25000 ace to Agni 272. 1 

The number of verses is giv- 
en from 6 to 24 thousand in 
various works. 

14000 ace to Agni (272.4-5). 
24600 ace to Devibhagavata 
13. 7. 

5 Bhagavata 18,000 


History of Bhai ma&Ubt) a [ Seo. IV, Gh. XXII 

Name of 

Number of verses 
aco. to Matsya, Vayu 
104 and some others 




Number of verses aco to 

some other Puranas and 


















12,300 ace to 
Matsya 53. 54 

6900 aec to Markandeya 
itself (134 39), 9000 aco. to 
Narada I. 98.2, Vayu 104 4 

15400 ace to Bhagavata 
XII. 13.5, 12000 aco to Agni 

14000 ace to Agni (373. 12) 

84000 ace. to Agni (372. 17), 
vide below under Sknda 

17000 aec to Narada L 106. 
3 and Bhagavata XIL 13. 8 , 
8000 aec. to Agni. 272 19, 
13000 ace to Agni 272. 20-21 

19000 aec to Bhagavata XH. 
13 8 and Devlbhagavata L 3 ; 
8000 ace to Agni 272 21 
UOOO ace. to Bhagavata 
(XII. 13-8 and Agni 273 23) 

It will be noticed from the table that the total numbor of 
\orsesin the 18 Puranas according to the figures furnished by 
most Puranas come3 to 100600 slokas This closely agrees with 
the total of four lakhs assigned to the eighteen Puranas in some 
ot the Puranas (vido note 1319 above) But sovoral of tho 
extant Puranas contain much smaller numbers of slokas than 
are assigned to tham For example, it appears from tho com- 
mentaries called VisnucittI U51 and Vaisnavakutacandrika on 

n\ Kfiwmat q«J irjp'ilPjrJir of WI.WS' on n=OTO= m G 23. the 5J1H- 
[Conttt.ucJ on naxt page ) 

Differing numbers of verses in Puranas 838 

Vismipuxana IH. 6. 23 that the estimates of the extent of the 
Visnaputaoa varied from 6, 8, 9, 10, 22, 23 to 24 thousand slokas 
and that both the commentaries comment on a text of the 
Yi9impurana that has only 6000 slokas. Similarly, the extent 
of the Karma is said to be 17000 or 18000 slokas by most of the 
Puranas that furnish the extent of Puranas, but the extant 
Kurmahas hardly 6000 slokas. The Brahma contains 10000 
slokas according to the Naradlya and 25000 according to the 
Agni, but the printed Brahma ( of the Anandasrama ed. ) 
contains about 14000 verses. On the other hand, the Skanda 
{ that has two recensions at present ) is said to contain 81000 
Slokas, but the Skanda printed by the Venk. Preas contains 
several thousands more. The Bhavisya ( Brahmaparva ) ass 
states that all Puranas had originally 12000 verses each, but 
their extent increased by the addition of tales, so that the 
Skanda was inflated to the extent of one lakh of slokas and the 
Bhavisya to 50000 slokas. The order in which the Puranas are 
enumerated is not quite uniform. Most Puranas put the 
Brahma in 1356 the first place and set out the order as in the table 
above, yet the Vayu ( 104. 3 ) and the Devlbhagavata ( I. 3. 3 ) 
begin the list of Puranas with Matsya. The Skanda ( Prabhasa- 
khanda 2. 8-9 ) puts the Brahmanda in the first place. The 
Bhagavata (XH. 7. 23-24 ) enumerates the eighteen Puranas in 
a ^aomewhat different order. The Yamana 1357 regards the 

(Continued from tastfrage) 
^m ( P. 7, verse 63 ) notes that there was a Wgjgwot at 23000 slobas and a 
WfTJOTt o£ 6000. The f^f^ntbrr says ' fa* 3 ^^ ffc mm ^ t**m 

6 ?f?? S F I * l ??* ta ^™* ppn **i "■ The *J!*Rrm passage is (p 7 verses 

W^S^ST* f ° r e ^ ple : '*** ****** *** «nw*i 

S dim sngntHUPT ^ ^Ws^HhriUi^ H 3fgl 245. 4. 

^££ou£TJ? V " SeS ^ aDd "-" > a««*l»-«th. extent and 
H. D. 10S 

834, History of Dharmaiastra [Sea IV, Oh. XXII 

Matsya as the foremost among Puranas. Notices of the contents 
of all the 18 Puianag ooour in Matsya ( chap. S3 ), Agni ( chap. 
272), Skanda ( Prabhasakhanda 2. 28-76), Naradlya (which 
devotes 18 ohapters from I. 92. 30-43 to 1. 109 to the contents of 
18 Puranas from Brahma to Brahmanda). There is almost 
complete agreement among the Puranas as to the names of the 
18 principal Puranas, except as to the Vayupurana. 

The question about the Puranas is further complicated by 
the fact that some of the Puranas themselves mention the names 
of a number of Upapuranas, though others ignore them. 3?or 
example, the Matsya ( 53. 59-6,2 ) names the Narasimha, the 
Nandi, the Aditya and Samba as Upapuranas and appears to say 
that the Narasimha extended to 18000 slokas and elaborated the 
description of the Man-Lion avatara deolared in the Padma- 
purana. The Kurma ( L 1. 16-20 ), Padma ( IV. 111. 95-98 ), the 
Devlbhagavata (L 3.13-16) set out the names of eighteen 
Upapuranas. Some of the Upapuranas bear the same names as 
those of the prinoipal puranas, viz. Skanda, Vamana, Brahmanda 
and Naradlya. Prof. Hazra* 338 states that the number of Upa- 
puranas is 100. Only a few of the Upapuranas have been 
published and those published do not differ much in the matter 
of subjects from some of the principal puranas and almost all 
l>elie the definition of Purana as ' pancalaksana '. It has been 
seen above ( note 1349 ) that the number of slokas in the 18 
prinoipal Puranas is said to be four lakhs. It must be remem- 
bered that this total does not include the number of the slokas 
assigned to the Upapuranas, and no Putana includes the verses 
of the Upapuranas in the total of four lakhs. Further, no one 
should forget or ignore the significance of the remarks of the 

13S8. Vide Prof. Hazra's paper on Upapuranas in ABORI vol XXI. 
pp. 38-62 at p 49 note His studies In ' Upapuranas, vol I ' was road by 
me while this section was in the Press I have, tborefore, been compellod 
to add only a few matters from this work, mostly in the footnotes. In note 
24 p. 13 of his * Studies • ho reiterates that ho has collected the names of 
more than one hundred Upapuranas. On pp. 4-13 ho sets out 23 sources 
f six being quotations from Kurma in different mbandhas ) of the lists of 
Upapuranas that exhibit stoat divergences and chaos Wilson in his 
Preface to tr. of the Visnu pp. LXXXVI-XCI mentions the varying lists 
of Upapuranas and offers remarks on some of them. The H of. DH vol. 
I, p. 163 gives the names of the 18 Upapuranas as contained in the Garucla 
l" 223. 17-20. Hemadri on Vrala ( part 1 p. 21 ) sets out the names of the 
,18 Upapuranas from the Kurma I. 1. 16-20 (with readings different from 
"those of the printed Kurma. some of which arc rather serious ). 

Origin of UpqpUrSyas 835 

Matsya and Kurma about the Upapuranas. The Matsya 1319 

speaks of the Upapuranas as sub-sections ( upabhedas ) of the 

principal eighteen Puranas and emphatically asserts ' know that 

whatever is deolared aa distinct from the eighteen Puranas 

came forth ( or issued from ) these ( 18 ) '. The Kurma is no less 

olear. It states that 1360 the Upapuranas are the summaries or 

abridgments of the 18 ( principal ) Puranas made by sages after 

studying them. The lists of Upapuranas given by several works, 

most of which are set out by Prof. Hazra in his paper on 

Upapuranas ( in ABORI vol. XXX at pp. 40-48 ) and in his 

Studies ( pp. 4-13 ) diverge a good deal from each other. As the 

Matsya mentions by name only four Upapuranas it is not 

unreasonable to hold that more than four were not in existence 

at the time when this passage of the Matsya was inserted in it or 

at least that more than four had not been accepted as Upapuranas 

at that time. A good many of the Upapuranas are of late date. 

Only a few of the rest such as the Narasimha, the Visnu* 

1359. gn^ra , twnffl cj^fc ^ ^MJtliiraT: i ti^ gn^t ^rabgr «w?i£i'H"T''iH; i 

iJ5l Smiw3rf-" ft ra Pu i ri » j n m^r S3. 58-59 and 63 q. by |Hn% on as part I 

pp. 21-22. These verses occur in *4i'< («*trera°3 2. 79-83 ) also; ^j. x. 5« 32 

explains ' ^ fitfrta-^l'H » *WT ^llS^iauuit^ '. Prof. Hazra in • Studies &. ' 

vol f I. p. 16 note 33 quotes qtwiqppRret P« IS ' l MHiU,u,<t a |lPt Wft**< W 

pHiaiwTriS 4t 5 l=lr+4'* H-"-' " !^^ ^i^^ j i dlQ » and remarks that this implies 

that the Upapuranas were known to Yajnyavalkya. Prof. Hazra is -wrong 

here. All that this passage means is that the Vlramitrodaya in the beginning 

o{ the 17th century A.D. ( about 1500 years or more after Yaj. ) thought that 

Yaj included upapuranas in the word Parana in Yaj. I. 3. That is Mitra- 

nusra's view. We are not bound by it and should not draw any inference 

from it, Yaj. mentions only Purana as a source of dharmabut he is entirely 

silent as to how many Puranas had been composed in his time. There is 

nothing to show that they were more than three in his day and it is impossible 

for ns to hold that he included upapuranas under the word Parana, simply 

because some upapuranas were composed before 1000 A. D. 

tg5!T: tt ^jS I. 1. 16. This verse and the following verses enumerating the 
18 Upapuranas are quoted by gfjiQ on sret part I p 21 ( seven ), by <&^^ 
111 th< s «rim«rt-rf { ]iv. pp. 792-793 ) and by i& ^ i ffl st in the trf^nqpransst 
(part of €irtrrat5^) pp. 13-14 and other late medieval works of the centu- 
ries (com the 15th onwards, except %mf% who belongs to the latter half of 
the 13th century A D. One cannot be sure that they are not interpolations 
>n Hemadn. It should be noted that Raghunandana first expressly names 
only four Upapuranas. viz. Narasunba, Nandi, Aditya and Kalika and then 
quotes the names of the 18 Upapuranas from the Kurma. 

83.6 History of Dharmaiastra I See. IV, Gh. XXII 

dharmottara, the Davl, can possibly be held to be as old as the 
7th or 8th century AD. I do not accept the view of Prof. Hazra, 
who places the period of the formation of the group of eighteen 
Upapuranas between 650-800 A. D ( m ABORI. vol XXL at 
p 50 and also in ' Studies in Upapuranas ' vol. I. by Dr. Hazra ), 
where while admitting ( p 14 ) that in the Upapurana litarature 
there are works of comparatively late dates, he boldly states that 
the age of the Upapuranas began approximately from the Gupta 
period ( p. 16 ) For this last statement there is absolutely no 
evidence whatever. A detailed discussion of the dates of all the 
Upapuranas would demand a large space and would be some- 
what irrelevant in this section. We must hold fast by the 
facts that even when the 18 principal puranas assumed 
their present form, the number of Upapuranas was small, that 
they were looked upon as no more than abridgments or sum- 
maries of the principal Puranas, that the Puranas that mention 
upapuranas do not state that they were composed by the divinely 
inspired Vyasa ( but only by some sages as the Kurma says ) 
and that originally they had not the status or authority of the 
18 puranas The Saura, an Upapuiana itself, speaks of Upapu- 
ranas as khilas (9 5). It is only the late medieval digests like 
the Smrtitattva (1520-1570 A D.) or the Vlramitrodaya (first 
half of 17th century) that were separated by several centuries 
from the Mahapuranas as well as the Upapuranas and the 
writers of which had practically lost all sense of the distance in 
time between the two sets of Puranas, that say that the mention 
of Puranas 1361 as a source of dharma in Yaj must be deemed to 
include Upapuranas also This last may be the opinion of such 
late writers as Mitramisra, but no scholar is bound to accept it. 
It is doubtful whether by the word Purana, Yaj. refers to the 
Mahapuranas now extant and whether he knows that there were 
eighteen of them. If some Upapuranas glorify themselves as 
of equal authority with the Mahapuranas, that is of a piece with 
what the principal Puranas state about themselves viz. that 
Brahma first thought of the Puranas and then the Vedas issued 
from his lips Modern scholars should discount all these attempts 
at self-glorification. Upapuranas are due to sages Upapuranas 
are distinguished from Puranas in several important respects. 
Firstly, the 18 puranas are attributed to the semi-divine 
Vyasa, secondly, according to both Matsya and Kurma, 
they were summaries of the PurSnas, thirdly, the sl okas in the 

■ifiHimiMiHH (° f qtera^fcrr) p- *»- 

Upapuranas distinguished from Pura-qas 837 

Upapuranas are not included in the 4 lakhs of verses of all the 
Puranas together; fourthly, early commentators and nibandha 
writers like the Mitaksara and the Krtyakalpataru either do not 
mention any of the Upapuranas or at the most only about half a 
dozen or so and that too rather sparingly ; and lastly, as Prof. 
Hazra himself asserts ( 'Studies', vol. I. p 33 ) adherents of various 
sects such as Saktas, Sauras, Fancaratras interpolated chapters 
in. the Puranas of the established group and in some case3 wrote 
new and independent works to propagate their own ideas and 
styled them Puranas. 

Early commentaries and digests of Dharmasastra very 
rarely refer to any of the well-known Upapuranas. The Mita- 
ksara, though it names the Brahma (on Taj. I. 3 and 45), quotes 
passages from the Matsya ( profusely ), "Visnufon Taj. IIL 6), 
Skanda ( on Taj. HI. 390 ), Bhavisya (on Taj. III. 6 ), Markan- 
deya (on Taj. I. 336, 254. III. 19,287, 389 ) and Brahmanda 
(on Yaj. HI. 30), hardly refers, so far as I know, to any 
TJpapurana. The Krtyakalpataru of Laksmidhara (composed 
about 1110-1130 A. D.), twelve parts of which published in the 
G. O. S cover several thousand pages, profusely quotes many 
oftheMahapuranas, andonly six of the Upapuranas by name, 
viz. Adi (only twice onsuddhi), ITandi (profusely only on 
dana and niyatakalika), Aditya, Kalika, Devi, Harasimha (all 
four profusely on several topics) Apararka (first half of 13th 
century A, D.) who quotes profusely from Brahma, Brahmanda, 
Bhavisyat, Markandeya, "Vayu, Visnu and Matsya quotes by 
name only the following Upapuranas and only sparingly viz. 
Adi, Aditya, Kalika, Devi, Nandi, Nrsimha, Visnudharmottara 
( seven times ), "Visnurahasya ( once ), and Sivadbarmottara 
(once). The Danasagara 1 '* 2 (written in 1169) states 'Upa- 
puranas have been promulgated, which clearly set out the 
procedure of gifts' and it expressly mentions as Upapuranas 
dealing with gifts the Adya (Adi or Brahma?), Aditya, Kalika, 
Sandi, Narasimha, Markandeya, "Visnudharmottara and Samba 
and remarks that the Visnurahasya and Sivarahasya are merely 
compilations (sangraharupa). It is not necessary to refer to 
writers later than about 1170 A D. in the matter of Upapuranas. 
The references to eighteen Puranas in about a dozen prino- 
ipal puranas and the descri ption of their contents in some of 

_Z^ ^'^wit-m^ «ran?i5i&?riS[ =51 smk grot 3?n** (*n**J) =5 

»^« $ra *ar iwasuKPi inrsraiapt^f^ti 4m-hiji< p. 3 verses 13-15, 

b$8 History of Bharmainslra [Seo.IV,(3h.XXli 

them naturally lead to the inference that these passages were 
added some time after all the eighteen Puranas assumed a 
complete form. It is not possible to hold that all the main 
puranas were composed at the same time by one individual 
author or even by several contemporary writers. Besides, most 
of the editions of Puranas are based either on a single ms. or 
on a few mss. collected at random and are not critically edited 
as is the case with the critical edition of the Mahabharata 
published in Foona by the B. O E. I. Many conclusions there- 
fore, drawn from the current printed editions of the Puranas or 
from mss of the Puranas, must be regarded as merely tentative 
and as likely to turn out to be wrong. What Winternitz said 
in his History of Indian Literature (English translation, 
Calcutta, vol.1, p 469 ) viz. ' that the date of each section, nay, 
sometimes of each single verse in the Mahabharata must be 
determined separately* applies with equal (or perhaps greater) 
force to the Puranas, particularly when one wants to use the 
section or stanza for historical or comparative purposes. 1365 

It may be conceded that the Puranas and some of the avail- 
able TJpapuranas also contain many ancient legends and tradi- 
tions , but these have been so much tampered with and inflated 
by additions intended to bolster up particular forms of worship 
and particular tenets that great caution is required before one 
can recognize them as genuine and reliable representatives for 
ascertaining the general stale of Indian society and beliefs m 
ancient and medieval times. 

In the opinion of the present writer there is no positive 
objective evidence for placing any of the upapuranas except the 
Visnudharmottara before the 8th or 9th century A.D. Even in 
the case of Puranas, there have been large interpolations such as 
verse3 about the 18 puranas, their number and contents. But 
they contain much, ancient material and are far more reliable 
than most of the TJpapuranas, having been quoted by writers 
from 8th and 9th. centuries A. D. or even earlier. 

The Amarakosa 1364 defines ' Itihasa' as ' what happened in 
the past * and ' Parana ' a3 ' what has five signs or characteristics . 
It is no doubt true that some puranas speak of Furana a3 

1363 Vide Dr. V. S. Sukthankar in Kaoe Festschrift pp. 472-487 
( about the Kama episode in the Mahabharata and the Ramayana) at p. 474. 

i36t tffepa: wars' sot * arasa^i tmzgm, 5P?i#rf 4-s - 

Five or ten characteristics of Pura-Qas 839 

'paficalaksana* and set out the five characteristics 13SS as sarga 
( creation ),pratisarga (re-creation after dissolution of the world), 
vamsa (dynasties of god3, the Sun and the Moon, and the 
patriarchs ), manvantara ( the vast periods of time that are so 
called), vamsanucarita or vamsyanucanta (deeds and history 
.of the descendants of the solar, lunar and other dynasties). 
The Bhagavata 1366 states that ten topics are dealt with by 
Puranas and that some say that they are only five The ten 
topics of the Bhagavata are sarga, visarga ( dissolution or crea- 
tion after destruction), vrtti ( modes of subsistence, natural or 
prescribed for all men by sastra), raksa (protection i. e. auataras 
destroying those that hate the Vedas), antaram (i e manva- 
taras), vamsa, vamsyanuoarita, samstha (four kinds of laya), 
hetu (the cause of creation viz. the soul that is subject to avidya 
and collects karma ), apairaya ( the refuge of individual souls, 
viz, brahman). The Matsyapurana also mentions other charac- 
teristics of Puranas viz. in all Puranas the four goals of man 
(purusarthas) are described, also the consequences of doing what 
is opposed to dharma, division of Puranas into sattoika, rajasa, 
tamasa, the sattvika and rajasa puranas respectively extolling 
the v greatness of Hari and Brahma, tamasa Puranas extolling 
Agni and Siva, the mixed one3 extolling the greatness of 
SarasvatI and pitrs. The questions addressed by Manu to Kesava 
(inMatsya 3. 32-24) indicate the subjects that would be dealt 
with by that Purana viz creation and dissolution, the zatnsas. 

13 65 ^pfa ggttrfa *at wmtroPt =ar i 35*ng^r (v. i. *fcngO %f 

«n°Tia3SSto ra iiq^4 10-11.^152 4, ^w I. 1. 13. *ri^a^ 1.2 4, m&ug« 

134. 13-14; n^pi has tnarfw s^wfg arpsTfrarimtt *?sra;i «*fsr"c5asnracit 

53 65, fisg reads *prsj " J3W^cKlw =Sf I 5H^g 3PE*Is?r 4j»a = tn<<f =^^11 
III. 6 24; grist reads ,pfer jrj^pf W j»UW. t K*<| ^ I -ttU^R ai^gT HcPTgHT- 
2^J^ B . TO? observes 'gwmsrf f% ^ ^]w4 wrat^ot: ^g- 1 33(35 tnJSr firfSlcT 
>^5t^^ira *Z5 « *PI«a • TS^oratU 3 3-4 ^n is dealt with in urgr chap 1-3 , 
*®F"3 II. 8-13. sng 4-6, ^S I. 2, 4, 7. 8. && 17 and 20 Sec. For zmtpi 
^e^sra 32-37. argnog II 7, f%B^ I. 2ff, ^511.45,^7. i^s are dealt 
with in several g^ois as in sng 99, ft m TV, srgr 8, srgrre? H 14. ^ I 20-25, 
*imn IX and XII. sriS 18. 273-75. 277-78, for n^55RS vide fSsig III. 1-2. 
*5T 4 -S. ^5 100. argnog II. chap 6. 35-38, ^ I 51. vtnpra III and VIII. 

__" 6 ^3" UK ^,,*3r^ ^aropftMsPfcrac i SPSS, ^^nrerw ifcfsrreng- 

Sn«HS5^LS!? *^ %• ' %(^i^aq *a^ »UM C >mi«wu«i T u irnracf xii. 
"^ 1( !'- VerSeS ~ 1 : 19 explamthe ten Iaksan " larffesw wft < R«ii« ,. E 

M * n^^St *tt5t^Rlii=t4l*W U *n*Ra XII. 7 18-19. 

840 History of Dharrnataslra I Bso.1V, Ch, XXII 

manvantaras, va?nsyacarila, tho expanse of the world, rules 
about danas, sraddha, varnas and asramas, iqta and purla, 
establishment of images of gods, and ovorything else. 

It is not quite clear why the Amarakosa soizod upon tho 
above mentioned five topics aa oharaotoristics of Puranas, 
Amarakosa 1367 cannot bo placed later than the 5th century A. D. 
It is likely that before that timo tho number of Puranas was not 
large, that they had not become vory inflated, and that, as 
Itihasa and Purana were often lumped together as tho 5th Veda 
in the TJpanisads, they both had certain matterB in common. 
Itihasa did not probably deal with creation, dissolution and 
manvantaras, but contented itself with tho dynasties of kings and 
with tho deeds and legends about the heroes of tho past. Barely, 
ItihaBa (Mahabharata) is called Purana and some extant 
Puranas describe themselves as Itihasa. For example, the 
Vayu 33M calls itself m the sumo context both itihasa and purana. 
The Brahmapurana calls itself Purina as well as akhyana 
( 245. 37 and 30 ). The Mahabharata 1M », though gonorally called 
itihasa by itself (as in Adi. 1. 19, 26, 54) or the best of itlhasas, 
still applies to itself tho words. ' akhyana 13M ( as m Adi 2. 388- 
89), Kavya (Adi 2. 390), Karsnaveda ( Adi 1. 264) and Purana 
(Adi 1.17). FromthiB it appears that originally tho line of 
demarcation between tho two was rather thin. In defining 
Purana as ' pancalaksana ' the Amarakosa and some of the 
Puranas seized upon such topics aa distinguished Puranas from 
Itihasa and other branches of Sanskrit literature. It has been 

1367. In ■ India, what can it teach us ■ (1882) p. 328 Max Mullcr points 
out that tha Amarakosa was translated into Chinese about 561-506 A D Mr. 
Oak, editor of tho Amarakosa with tho commentary of Ksirasvamin, assigns 
it to the 4th century A D and Hoernle ( in J R A S for 1006 pp 910-941 ) 
on rather slender and far-fetched evidence puts it between 625 A. D. and 
950 A. D. 

1368. gn *n mrgpiTt ngnfriHsm scm^nr t gg^n^gi^sri^ imrgnTroft 

103. 48, 51, vide also qrs 103. 56 (sSfcHW) and 5B <SW)i srSTTO IV. *. 
47, 50 ( which are the same as qtS 103. 48 and 51 ) 

1369 spft^ romgnflOT gftgsfr wi3migqn i gait »6 18. ^r^gjgggg 

2. 385. . 

1370. sPm^ ^HK^i vf qnn sS ^ f*aS < amt 2- 37 and 388! w 

Wliat Puravas contained in Apastamba's day 841 

shown above that the Purana and Bhavisyatpurana that existed 
before Apastamba contained not only sarga and pratisarga but 
also some smrti materials as well. From the definition given in 
the Puranas and the Amarakosa it does not at all follow that 
those five topics alone were the constituent parts of the very 
ancient, as Kirfel holds; 1371 What could be said at the 
moat is that five were the distinctive topics that differentiated 
the Purana class of works from other branches of literature and 
probably cognate works called Itihasa or it may be that the five 
are generalized as an ideal for Puranas and that the very early 
representatives of this class ( that existed before Ap. Dh. S. ) 
had not these five as characteristics 

The extant Puranas contain far more subjects than the five. 
Some Puranas barely touch these five and deal at great length 
with altogether different topics Only a few of the extant 
Puranas can be said to deal with all the five topics at some 
length. The five characteristic topics occupy less than three 
percent of the extent of the extant Mahapuranas. Of all 
Puranas the extant Visnu alone closely agrees with the definition 
of Parana as 'pancalaksana,' though it also contains a good 
many other topics. On a modest calculation the four subjects 
of vrata, sraddha, tlrtha and dana cover at least one hundred 
thousand slokas in the extant eighteen main Puranas. Several 
of them have identical chapters on several topics (e. g. Matsya 13 " 
and Padma, Vayu and Brahmanda contain long passages 
that agree v&balim with one another in many matters and 
details). It is probable, therefore, that the extant principal 
Puranas are partial and gradually inflated representatives of 
an earlier group of Puran as (not necessarily 18 in number) that 

1371. Vide Kirfel's Eiuleitung p. XX of ■ Parana pancalaksana ~ 
J. of Venkatesvara O. I. vol. VII and at p. 94 for Kirfel's 'view. " * 

1372. For example. Matsya chapters 55 and 57-60 are the same aa 
Padma V. 24. 64-278, Matsya 62-64 = Padma V. 22 61-164. Matsya 69-70 
- Padma V. 23. 2.-146, Matsya 71-72 = Padma V. 24. 1-64, Matsya 74-80 
= Padma V. 21. 215-321. Matsya 83-92 = Padma V. 21. 81-213 &c; 
Kirfel m- Purana PaScalaksana'l and vol. VII. pp. 84-86 of JVOI) gives 
a chapter concordance of Brahmanda and Vayu and remarks that Brah- 
manda I. 27 (of 129 verses) and II. 21-58 (of 2141 stokas) have nothing 
corresponding in Vayu , v,hile Vayu has 2704 slokas that do not correspond 
to anything in Brahmanda (vide • PurSna .Pancalaksana ■ p. XIEC and T. V 
u.I. vol. VII. 1946. p 87). Kirfel also furnishes a table of chapters that 
PP%~jV OI f BraW - a ^ V5JU (PP XV-XVDandVviI. 

H, D. 106 

842 History of Dharmaiastra [Sec. IV, Ch. XXII 

existed before Yajnavalkya. In the present state of our know- 
ledge it is almost an insoluble problem to find out what these 
Puranas were or contained. The number 18 wa3 probably due 
to the fact that the number is prominent in several connections 
as regards the Mahahharata. The Bharata war was fought for 
18 days, the total of the vast armies engaged in the conflict 
came to 18 aksauhinls, the epic has 18 parvans, the Glfca also 
has 18 chapters 1373 

The Puranas may be classified into several categories, viz. 
( 1 ) encyclopaedic like the Agni, Garuda and Naradlya, (2) 
those mainly dealing with tlrthas such as Padma, Skanda and 
Bhavisya, (3) sectarian, such as Linga, Vamana, Markandeya, 
(4) Historical such as Vayu and Brahmanda The Vayu, 
Brahmanda, Matsya and Visnu are probably the oldest among 
extant Puranas, though they too have received substantial 
additions from time to time. 

There are seven Puranas that contain historical material, 
viz the ancient dynasties down to the time of the Bharata war 
and from the Bharata war to the downfall of the Andhras and 
the rise of the Guptas, 1374 viz Vayu 99. 250-435, Visnu IV 20. 
12 to IV. 24. 44, Brahmanda III. 74 104-248, Bhagavata IX 12. 
9-16, IX 22. 34-49 and XII. 17, Garuda 140 and 141. 1-12, 
Bhavisya IJX 3 and 4 (this account is practically worthless). 
Matsya contains the fullest list of Andhra kings and states 
(273.16-17) that 29 Andhra kings will rule for 460 years, 
while the Vayu (99 357-358) states that 30 Andhra kings will 
rule 13710 for 456 (406?) years Both Vayu (99 355) and Matsya 
(373 16) ('Pulova' in Vayu) make Puloma as the last king of the 
Andhras. Ptolemy who published his 'Geography of India' about 

1373. Vide Otto Stein's paper on the number 18 in 'Foona Orient- 
alist 1 Vol. I. pp 1-37 

-1374. 3ig>i^ spmisa^niistarn wiufow n <idi*Mu<ti'W fa *iy" 3 

aH<feWl * B SHE 99 383, srgrpig III 74 195 (reads 3igijfT!rJjrii ^ and -Hh4*MI ). 
UTJH3 (XH 1 37 ) reads a^lg l WHH? gm iftrrfa W^fffol } W°a IV - 24 & 
reads ;? t aiaif<kri<tt^Ml(d ^? ^TPTI wsn^m *m 3*i?tlgi|tf IHII'l •i««i| 1 «"*f ""^ 
Vfeqfa i. Vide Pargiler's 'Purina text &c.' p 53 where the passage is set ont 
and variant readings are noted. Vide I H Q vol XXI pp 141-143 on 
* Pnranas on the Imperial Guptas ' by D. C Ganguly who criticizes Par- 
giter's view (pp XII-XIII in Intro to Purina texts ) and does not agree 
that the Purana accounts refer to 320-335 A. D 

1374a. "'History of Deccan* by Dr R G Bhandarkar for list oi «I3 
qrs*! tings (in Bombay Gazetter vol I. part 2, p. 168). 

Date of Parana references to Andhras 843 

150 AD. states that Ptolemaio3 was king of Baithana(Paithana)in 
his days (vide J.I.H. vol 23, 1943, at p. 84 in an article on 'Apostles 
of Kalyan*. So that these historical references to Andhras must 
be a good deal later than 150 A.D. Only four Puranas viz. Vayu, 
Brahmanda, Bhagavata and Visnu mention in a general way 
that kings of the Gupta dynasty will rule along the Ganges up 
toPrayaga, Saketa(Ayodhya) and Magadha, but no names of 
Gupta kings are specified. The passages referring to the Guptas 
are rather corrupt. 13716 It is argued by Pargiter ( in ' Dynasties 
of the Kali age"' p. XII. ) and others that Samudragupta 
was a great conqueror as his Allahabad Prasasti shows 
(Sleet's * Gupta Inscriptions ' No. 1 ). Most scholars are agreed 
that the Gupta dynasty began to rule about 320 A. D. It is 
argued that, if the reviser or revisers of the Puranas had known 
the brilliant campaigns of Samudragupta they would have 
named him at least and that therefore the revision of the Vayu 
took place between 320-335 A. D. 

There is a large mass of Literature dealing with several 
questions relating to Puranas. For those who desire to make 
a close study of them and wish to be acquainted with the con- 
troversies relating to Puranas, some of the more important works 
and papers on the Puranas may be mentioned herer H. H. 
Wilson's Introduction to the English tr. of the Yisnupurana, 
vol 1. (1864); ]?. E. Pargiter's 'Purana texts of the dynasties of 
the Kali age' (1913), 'Ancient Indian genealogies' in Su- 
it. G. Bhandarkar Presentation volume pp. 107-113, ' Ancient 
Indian Historical Tradition' (Oxford, 1922); W. Kirfel's * das 
Purana Pancalaksana' (Bonn, 1927), 'die Cosmographie der 
Inder' (1920), ' Bharatavarsa ' (Stuttgart, 1931); Vries on 
Purana studies' in Pavry commemoration vol. pp 482-487 
(applies Kirfel's method to the subject of sraddha in the 
Brahmanda, Harivamsa.Matsya.Padma and Vayu); Haraprasad 
Snastri's descriptive cat. of Mss, at the Asiatic Society of Bengal, 
vol. V. Preface pp. LXXHI-CCXXV and his paper on 'MahS- 
puranas" in J. B. O. R. S vol. XV. p. 323-340; Prof. B.C. 
Majumdar's paper in Sir Asutosh Mookerji Silver Jubilee vol. 
m, Orientalia, part 2 pp. 9-30 ; Dr. A. Banerji Sastri's paper on 

™ , ?M'«RI^!)l *ng 99. 357-358. The words mean on the decimal 
P^Uonal notation 400 + 5 (.. e 50. tens place) and 6 (i.e 456). ^ 273. 

^S^lt. It may be noticed that n^r speaks of aipgs while wpr calls 

844 History of fiharmaiastra I Sec. IV, Ch. XXII 

' Ancient Indian Historical Tradition' in J. B. O. R. S. vol XTTT, 
pp. 63-79 (supplies a useful corrective to many sweeping 
assertions of suoh scholars as Macdonell, Fargiter and others); 
Cambridge History of India, voL I. pp. 296-318; Winternitz's 
'History of Indian Literature,' English Tr. vol I. pp. 296-318; 
Prof. H. O. Hazra's * Studies in the Puranic Eecords of Hindu ( 
rites and customs' (Dacca 1940), papers on ' Puranas in the 
History of smrti' in 'Indian Culture,' vol. I. pp. 587-614, 'Maha- 
puranas ' in Daoca University Studies ' voL H. pp. 62-69; ' Smrti 
chapters in Puranas (I. H Q. voL XI pp. 108-130), 'Pre-Puranie 
Hindu Society before 200 A.D. ' (I. H. Q. vol. XV. pp. 403-431 ), 
"Puranic rites and customs influenced by the economic and 
social views of the sacerdotal class ' ( in Dacca University Studies ' 
voL XH. pp 91-101), 'Influence of Tantra on Smrtinibandhas' 
( in A. B. O R I. vol XV. pp. 220-235 and vol XVI pp. 202-211 ), 
' the Upapuranas ' ( in A. B. O R. I. vol. XXI. pp. 38-62 ); 'Purana 
Literature as known to Ballalasena ' ( in the J O. R , Madras, vol. 
XH. pp. 129-146), ' Some Minor Puranas ' in A. B. O R. I. vol. 
XIX. pp. 69-79, ' the Asvamedha, the common source of origin 
of the Purana Pancalaksana and the Mahahharata ' A. B O. R. I. 
vol.36 (1955 pp. 190-203); 'Some lost Upapuranas' in J. A. S., 
Calcutta, voL 20 pp. 15-38 ; and many other papers on individual 
■Puranas specified at the end of thiB part, Das-Gupta's Indian 
Philosophy, vol. HX pp 496-511 on 'Philosophical speculations 
of some Puranas' ; Dr. D. R Patil's paper on ' Gupta Inscriptions 
and Puranic tradition' (in Bulletin of D. O. R I., voLILpp 
2-58, comparing passages from Gupta Inscriptions and Puranas) ; 
Prof. V. R. Ramchandra Diksitar's ' The Puranas, a study ' 
( in I. H. Q voL VIH. pp. 717-87 ) and ' Purana Index' in three 
volumes; Dr. A. D. Pusalkar's paper in 'Progress of Indio 
Studies' (1917-1942) in Silver Jubilee Volume of BORl pp. 139- 
152 and ' Studies in Epics and Puranas of India ' ( B. V. Bombay, 
1953); Prof. D R. Mankad*s 13w papers on * Yugas ' ( in P. O. 

1375. Prof. Mankad's theories are sometimes extraordinary and 
advanced without any proper or objective evidence For example, in his 
paper in the B V, vol VI. he boldly asserts that Suuga is a Chinese family 
name, that Fusyamitra's ancestors were originally Chinese, that Bharadvaja 
is a family of Samavedins and that he believes that the origin of Samaveda 
is Chinese, as its peculiar total music suggests. When it is a mere matter of 
beltef without any evidence being adduced, no arguments can convince such 
a believer that he is wrong One of his astounding theories is that each 
of the kings mentioned in the Puranik texts is not a real king, but represents 
a time unit of forty years. 

Works and Papers on 845 

d VI, part 3-4 pp. 6-10 ), on ' Manvantaras* { IHQ. vol. XVHI. 

>p. 208-230) and in B. V. vol. VL pp. 6-10; Dr. Ghurye's 

'residential Address in the section on Ethnology and Folklore 

in Pro. of 9th A. L O. C. (1937 ) pp. 911-954; Dr. A. S. Altekar's 

paper 'Can we re-construct pre-Bharata-war history?' in J.B.H.TJ. 

vol. IV. pp. 183-223 (holding that the various pre-Bharata-war 

dynasties mentioned in the Puranas are as historical and real 

aa the dynasties of Mauryas and Andhras and the Pauranic 

genealogies really refer to kings who figure in the Vedic 

Literature also); Dr. Jadunath Sinha's 'A History of Indian 

Philosophy' voL 1 pp. 125-177 on the philosophy of the Puranas* 

(1956); twopapera 'on the ancient chronology of India' by 

E. Martin Smith in J. A. O. S. voL 77 No. 2 ( April-June 1957 ) 

and No. 4 Dec. 1957 ( He follows Pargiter in his texts ). 

Some remarks on the important conclusions of Pargiter and 

Kirfel are necessary. Pargiter tries to construct history from 

the earliest times to the Bharata war which he holds to have 

taken place about 950 B. O. (AlHT, chap. 15 p 182). He 

holds that there were two traditions in ancient India, viz. the 

Ksatriya tradition and the Brahmana tradition ( AlHT, chap. 5 

pp. 58-77). He harps dozens of times on the utter lack of the 

historic sense among the brahmanas in his work (AlHT), holds 

that the Puranas represent the ksatriya tradition, that there 

were three racial stocks, viz. the Manavas (orManvas as he 

styles them), the Ailas and the Saudyumnas, that respectively 

represent the Dravidian, the Aryan and Munda ( AIBT chap. 25 

PP. 289-302), that the Puranas are Sanskritizations of works 

in Prakrit ( pp. X-XI ) of ' Dynasties of the Kali age ". His 

date for the Mahabharata war has not been accepted by later 

scholars, since his handling of that subject is not judicial, 

objective or straightforward, but relies too much on his own 

prejudices and on averages. In his 'Purana texts of the 

dynasties of the Kali age (pp. 58, 74) he appears to favour the 

view that the Bharata war was fought 1050 years before the 

Nandas i. e. about 1475 B. C. The mss. and the printed Puranas 

give four different periods between the birth of Parlksit 1376 and 

H»3 IV. 24. 32, *TPPIH XII. 2. 26 reads ( sunm »i<raJ Sfsif'a^ar 3 3I& "TSB- 

*GPI 273. 33 ( reads if* «r§= ), ^tg 99. 415 ( reads H.jl%.*ttwi<hlT& ), *Bn"S in. 

"•*. 227 (reads U4H.qti?iqthWti ). sSterc commenting on Bhagavata XII.2.26 

( Contained on next page ) 

846 History of Dharmaiastf a [ Soo. IV, Ch. XXII 

the orowning of Nanda, viz 1015 yoara (Visnu), 1050 years (Vayu, 
Brahmandaandmss of Matsya), 1113 years ( Bhagavata ), 1500 
years (somo mss. of Visnu and of Matsya). Pargitor himself arguo3 
forcefully for the trustworthiness of tradition and Pauramka 
genealogies in R G. Bhandarkar Presentation volume pp. 107-113 
and in AIHT chap. X. p. 119-125 Besides, thoro is the com- 
mon experience that the total number of yoara botwoea ono well- 
known ovent and another can bo easily remembered and handed 
down even orally for hundrods of years, while handing down 
hundreds of royal names is a difficult matter and some names 
may easily drop out. Moreover, the Matsya, Brahnianda and 
Vayu themselves say that they 13 ' 7 mention only the prominent 
kings of the Iksvaku lino and the Brhadratha lino 1373 and even 
as to the Paurava 1379 line it is oloar that that dynasty had many 
names not all of whioh aro onumorated. There is therefore 
every possibility that soma kings dropped out oven in later 
genealogies also (as for example Matsya 213.16, saying that 
Sndhras were 29 and Vayu 99 357 saying they were 30 J. 
Merely counting the total of the kings actually named in the 
PurSnas would not convoy a quite accurate idea of the total length 
of years during which that dynasty ruled. Bearing in mind 
the two matters (viz. trustworthiness of tradition and Pauranika 
genealogies and the ease of remembering the time distance 
between too well-known events ) he should have endeavoured to 
find out the age of the Bharata War. Ho brushes aside the 
statement of the period between Parlksit and Nanda as unreli- 

( Continued from last page) 
states that in the 9th Skandha the Bhagavata assigns 1000 years to 20 
kings from Marjan of the Magadha line ( a contemporary of Fariksit ). then 
S Fradyotana kings ruled for 138 years, then the Sisunagas ruled for 360 
years , thus 1498 years passed between Pariksit and the crowning- of Nanda 
and therefore he supports the reading of the interval as 1500 years 

1377. tjf| fiRgft sr^ ^rSTRt ^J%i5ron. I g »»&4»W< reT. 23^2. ^^ sr - " 

H5W12 57. ^ gteng^nn^t retre; wre *gar. ' til swre t qdR«^!g5EJl!L g 
kraals » srarros in. 64. 213-214, r^ ^mg^pngt TOtra. frag. 'Ea^ ' ,f * r ' 
«tfli3dl i « srrg S8 213 ( as in agrros ) 

1378 araai^rrayniain^gTqL^q^r^i ^wi'W frftjlwn3'«"fl V&£ 

294-295. Wgnog HI 74. 107-109, JRPT 271 17-18. 

1379 aiRffcssnSm. *n&ftas samra i ;m$»ffrra 8&m: ^^J 5 !!^ 

49 71-73, 3T3" 99. 186-187 (with very insignificant variations ). 

Pargiter's method criticized 847 

able simply on the ground ( which appears to me flimsy ) that 
the figures (1015, 1050 ) are discrepant ( A. I. H. T. p. 180 ). In 
almost all passages of the Puranas there is some discrepancy or 
other. Therefore, he should have made an endeavour to find out 
which one of the three periods ( 1015, 1050, 1500 ) is supported 
by the best and oldest mss. and should have stuck to them, parfc- 
oularly when the Sanskrit equivalents of the three periods 
(pancadasa, pancasat and paiicasala) are so much alike that 
scribes might easily have been confused and made their own 
readings. Even taking the least period of ( 1015 ) years, the 
MahabhSrata War would have to be placed at about 1440 B. O. 
(adding 1015 to the date of Nanda*s enthronement, viz. about 
425 B. 0. ). Most Western writers and Prof. S. N. Pradhan ( in 
'Chronology of ancient India", Calcutta 1927, pp. 249ff ) find fault 
with Pauranika statements and brush them aside as practically 
worthless. Prof. Pradhan takes the kings actually named in the 
three lines, holds that 28 years are the average reign period of 
each and multiplying the number of kings hy 28 arrives at the 
conclusion that the Mahabharata war was fought about 1150 B.C. 
It is not possible to deal at length with his arguments. 
But he ignores the express words of the Puranas that they enu- 
merate only the principal or important kings. Besides, there are 
scholars like Pargiter who regard 17 or 18 years a3 the average^ 
reign of a king in other countries ( and in India also ). The 
author cannot accept Prof. Pradhan's reasoning. Most Western 
writers are loth to assign old dates to matters Indian. Pargiter 
is no exception. Instead of straightforwardly accepting one of 
the three periods that was strongly supported by mas, he in- 
dulges in some devices that appear like tricks of jugglery ( A. 
I. H. T. pp 180-183 ). His method requires some explanation 
and examination. 

Vyasa is said to have been alive when the Bharata battle 
was fought at the end of the Dvapara age and he is also held to be 
the author of the 18PuraDas. The kings before the Bharata war, 
the Pandava heroes and a few descendants of them and of some 
contemporaries of them are treated by the Matsya, Vayu, 

^v^ manda and otlier3 as P asfc (citita). Adhisomakrsna or 
Adhistaaakrsna, who 1380 was 6th in direct descent from Arjuna 

^1380. The genealogy of 3TtSrefra^ror is as follows: sign-son 3rf^nraj-son 
TOl^ratson Jsptfepr-son ^ wl ^ w . then s ^Hn^-d , then arf^sftu^ror. Vide WI3 
. 249-258, the last verse being, 3T ni-Hi^uu ft fcl+fom KlUdl^ H5TO5TOI ■mRh< 
*i"*"^ *ff 3 B Hrf*iR<JHl£tM.U>; topi 50. 55-67 has almost the same words as 
vayu. but states that ari^H^mr was son of srapffal 

848 Ht3toru of Dltarmaiaslia [Soo. VI.Cb.JXXH 

( excluding Arjuna) is said to have boon alivo when the Puranas 
were narrated to the sages at the saltta. Both Vayu (99. 282) 
and Matsya (271. 5) state that in the Iksvaku line king Divakarai 
6th Cor 5th in Matsya) in descent from Brhadbala, was alive at 
the time when the Puranas wero narrated. Then the same 
Puranas (Vayu 99. 30, Matsya 271. 33 and Brahmanda HI. 74. 
113 ) state that in the lino of Jarasandha (ruler of Magadha), 
who was a contemporary of the Pandavas and whose son 
Sahadera was killed in tho Bharata war, there was Senajit who 
was a contemporary of Adhislma krsna and Divakara and who 
was 7th in descent from Sahadeva Those three are desonbed as 
vartamana kings in the Puranas and all those that came after 
these three are described as bhamsya. Pargiter first (AEHT 
p. 180) takes the total of the kings of the three dynasties. 
Aiksvaka, Paurava and Magadha that are actually named 
( ignoring what the Puranas say viz. that only the principal or 
important kings are named and not all) and the total of the re- 
igns of all these ( 1408 years), finds that tho average of the reign 
of each king in the three lines works out at such large figures as 
47, 50, 31, which he regards as impossible when tested by real 
historical averages But he forgets that the Puranas say that in 
the Aiksvaka, Magadha and Paurava lines and also generally 
only the prominent kings are mentioned and also that the 
extant Puranas are only fragments left of the originals, since in 
the Brahmanda (1IL 74) all Paurava and Aiksvaka kings are 
altogether lost. Then he takes the total number of kings in ten 
kingdoms up to Mahapadma and arrives at the average of 26 
kings for each kingdom ( AIHT p 181 ). Then he says that the 
average of fourteen series of kings in Eastern and Western 
countries which he examined comes to 19 years for each reign 
and, holding that the average in eastern countries is less than 
in western countries, he arrives at the average of 18 years for 
each reign (pp. 181-182), which he regards as fair and rather 
liberal. He then multiplies the average 18 ( of length of reigns ) 
by 26 ( the average number of kings in ten countries which he 
supposes to be the only kings in those ten ) and arrives at the 
figure 468 years. He adds these to the date which he assigns 
to Mahapadma Nanda 382 B. O. and thus arrives at 850 B. 0. as 
the mean date of the beginning of the reign of Adhislmakrsna, 
Divakara and Senajit, who were lartamana kings. Thanhs 
takes five as the average of the kings between the vartamana 
kings and Yudhisthira and assigning about 100 years to these 
5 kings, arrives at the date 950 B. O. for the Bharata war. n» 

Fargiter and the Bharuta war 849 

discards ( AIHT p. 180 n 3 } the astronomical evidence contained 
in the Puranas ( and the Mahabharata ) about Bharata war in 
a single sentence viz. that astronomical statements can have no 
scientific precision and can only have been formed by estimate 
at the close. The probable date of the Mahabharata war has 
been discussed by the author at some length on materials 
supplied by the Mahabharata, the Puranas, Varahamihira, 
Aryabhata and Inscriptions in vol III. pp. 895-923 and there- 
fore he does not go into that question here. But he strongly 
disapproves of the methods of Pargiter and the date he deduces. 
Later scholars like Kirfel have not accepted the conclusions of 
Pargiter about two separate traditions and about the Puranas 
being Sanskritizations of originals written in Prakrit and 
Kharosthi script ( p. XVI. of Intro to ' Purana Texts &c. ' }. The 
importance of another independent source has not been taken 
proper notice of by Pargiter and even by Kirfel. It appears 
that about 300 B. C. Megasthenes was supplied with a list of 
kings from Bacchus to Alexander's time (153 or 154 in number ) 
covering by their reigns a period of 6451 years and three 
months. Vide 'Ancient India as described by Megasthenes and 
Arrian' by MoCrindle (1877) p. 115 and Cambridge History 
of Ancient India, vol. I. (1923, p. 409). Even supposing for 
argument that the account of kings is not trustworthy the fact 
remains that about 300 B. G Indiana claimed that they had 
luts of kings that reigned before that date for thousands of 
years ( and not for a few hundred years as Pargiter would have 
us believe). 

It has been shown above that Apastamba mentions a Bhavi- 
iq9^T r§,m and quotes four verses from a Purana (p. 817, note 

«8). That Bhavisyat-purana was probably so called because 
"contained in a prophetic vein the names and other details of 
«ngs that flourished after the Bharata heroes and after a few 
generations of descendants of them and their contemporaries 
and probably purported to have been composed by some sage or 

7 Vytsa. As the Kali age is said to have started after the 
bharata war, as Parasara, his son Vyasa and Vyasa's son Suka 
were regarded as more or less contemporaries of the Pandavas 
mat lived i n the Dvapara age and as all the 18 Puranas are 
aeemsd to have been composed by Vyasa 1381 in the Dvapara age, 
waaatoq ^of the king s of the Kali age from the descendants 

>ECT M?70. 3 ' BRPit ^ TDlfiSt ^^ ^^SH X <IT MHmH * <fa# =5^5 Hgqi%iqil 
H.D 107 

850 History of Dharma&astra I Sec. IV, Oh. XXII 

of Adhislmakrsna and his contemporaries downwards has 
been furnished by the Puranas in the form of a prophetic 
style It has not been oleaily noticed by both Pargiterand 
Kirfel that the so-called future kings are divided into two groups, 
viz. the kings of the Aila, Aiksvaka and Magadha lines from 
Adhislmakrsna, Divakara and Senajit to the last scions of these 
lines (such 1382 aa Sumitra in the Aiksvaka line, Ksemaka in 
the Aila line) form one group and later kings in the lines of 
Pradyotas, Sungas, Andhras, Sakas and others form another 
group and further that the first group was most probably dealt 
with in the ancient Bhavisya-purana or some other Purana 
if we rely on Apastamba, but the other group not having 
been in existence when the Bhavisyat was composed (before 
500-400 B C ) was dealt with by the extant Puranas from 
information received by them apart from the ancient Bhavisyat. 
This is clear from the passages of the Matsya and Vayu 
quoted 1333 below. The Matsya says ' After this I shall proclaim, 
those future kings in the Aida (Alia), Aiksvaka and Paurava 
line3 and those with whom those three benign (or virtuous) 
families will come to an end and I shall enumerate all of these 
kings that are narrated in the Bhavisya Other Jungs different 
from the preceding that will arise, such as Ksatras ( ? of the 

1382. 3rerrgfeP fc6t-iii4 nwwgk^rt ' trwi ji" f w4 $s smgrefr vm<mft ■ 
grew sp*r iRiM ?rbi uremia $ ^«5t n *rrg 99 292, tree? 271, 15-16, Eigws in 
74 106, 3ranj*5i^si^frrf^nft i^- g^rre?. > ^srenrFi m *mSNfi ^fros^a. ' 

.jjsi* mcq <mm gfQT motqig *T ggtU 3rg 99. 278, =jgnogIII 74 265, tfWI 
31 88 There is so s^isisf^fci about the last soon of the third line, 

1383 313 g^f n-mwH vtftinn z( ^ure n ni i£*n-*i~t*! ^ *n& -^m% 
swr i %g *resire*n* ftm t&H ig &g gjT^. ii di-mfa 3fraft**rrr3 HRgfr ^Pmr- 

4sni: i s?rm: ( spin ' ) 5TnT: gra^a* -jj5--fi '' i^siRasn i Ijnranfnsprei ^ ^n»*r 
*ri-^{«*-«rai • Tqrag. asm iffi srragJ rr di^K i sira?nw{?ftn , )s ,ro f ,i ^ t i I 

3J<rsi sra&^il l dMl'iHl^ qynw *rfgsfr qiratnt gTRC.ll *E?q 50. 73-77 Com- 
pare 313 99.266-270 ( the only important variants being )#i^ T( 3dK . TOrara. 
for DTrnja and ithb% ami ^TRt). UK^WI. { qifRt or q^pp ) probably stands 
for a warlike tribe called Parsus Vide ' v&ilT$4M*IlT<i*'iW ' JI& l ' IT V. 3 117, 
from which it appears that Parsu was an 3Tr<r=I5friW^f lite wit in 'he 
times of Panmi. Parsus were ancient Persians, as appears from the 
Behustnn Inscription of Darius (522-486 B C ). Vide 'Select Inscriptions' 
vol. I. pp. 1-6 ed by Dr 0. C. Sircar where Pars occurs as the name of a 
country. The other sense given above does not suit the context Fulindas 
were in the Vindbya region and are associated with Andhra in the 13th Rock 
edict of Asoka The STfroTrei says : ' ^. nHltW-Hii (?>'■*! *&=nJ3TTtPT. "'• 

PurUnas divide futui e kings in two groups 851 

Ksatriya class), Parasavas (the Parsi tribe or parsons born of a 
sudra father and brahmana mother ? ), Sudras ( as kings ) and 
others that are foreigners, the Andhras, Sakas, Pulindas, Culikas, 
Yavanas, fishermen, Abhlras and Sabaras and others born of 
Mleoeha ( tribes ) — these kings I shall proclaim one after another 
in order and by name. Ont of these (two groups) the first is 
Adhislmakrsna who is now alive and I shall speak of the kings 
of his line that are narrated in the Bhavisya '. This passage 
"makes it perfectly clear that in the ancient Bhavisyat kings of 
the three lines of Alia, Aiksvaka and Paurava to the last of 
them were enumerated (vide note 1382), but that the later kings 
like the Andhras and Sakas were not enumerated therein I 
agree with PaTgiter (p. VUL in Intro to 'Purana Texts' &o. ) that 
the words ' Bhavisye kathitan' in Matsya ( 50. 77 ) or ' Bhavisye 
pathitan ' in Vayu (in 99.292) refer to the descendants mentioned 
in the Bhavisya and that they do not 3imply mean 'mentioned 
in future.' I fail to understand, however, why he regards 
'Bhavisyat' as a perversion of 'Bhavisya'. Bhavisyat is as 
good a word as Bhavisya, being employed in several passages 
such as Varaha ( 177. 34 ), Matsya ( 53. 62 ). 

Pargiter probably wants to identify the Bhavisyat of Apa- 
stamba with the Bhavisya of later times. There is no evidence 
except the name to identify the two It, therefore, appears that the 
extant Puranas base their narrative as to the three lines of 
Aila, Aiksvaka and Paurava kings on the materials contained 
in the ancient Bhavisya and as to other lines and compara- 
tively later kings they relied on other materials or oral traditions 
that they could collect. This inference receives support from 
otner circumstances. The extant Puranas quote verses called 
anuvamsa slokas or gathas about ancient kings, such as Karta- 
vlrya (wjayu 94.20, Matsya 43, 24, Brahmanda HI 68-20, 

SSt T } ? nd ***> about tha last acions <* the Aila and 
Aitavaka hues, vi z . Sumitra and Ksemaka. But so far as kings 
of comparatively later dynasties such as those of the Andhras, 
2oMiTi^ &7B concerned, no such gathas or slokas are 

TpalL ; ^T^r Th8re i3 abs0lut ^ n ° eviden °e to hold, 
BhSS! "£? P - ? m of ' Pur5 * a Texte ' & °->. t^t the ancien 
SvSaZcT a * 6f f enoe *° ^e Guptas. The ancient 
orTtt b O r/r dbef0leApaStamba f Ul *» the 4th 

reference to the Gunr 06 / T SlnaUy 00nld haVe Gained no 
The M»L a Ptaa (whosa mle be san about 320 A D ) 

The Matsya does not refer to the Guptas and mentions onfy the 

852 History of Dharmaiaatra [Sec. IV, Oh. XXII 

downfall of the Andhras. Therefore, the Matsya should be regard- 
ed as composed or revised about the middle for end) of the 3rd 
century A. D., though the possibilities of some chapters or verses 
being added after that date cannot be ruled out. When the Vayu 
(99.383), Brahmanda (HI. 74.195), Visnu (IV. 24. 18) and 
BhSgavata (XII. 1 37) mentioned the Guptas as rulers the first 
two probably added these passages just about the time when 
Gupta rule began and the Vianu and Bhagavata ( which present 
a corrupt text) might have borrowed the information from mss. 
of Vayu or Brahmanda. It is clear, however, that the first two 
( out of the four ) Puranas were composed or revised about 
330-335 A. D. and the other two later still. 

Kirfel's work 'Purana Pancalaksana ' is one of fundamental 
importance so far as the Puranas are concerned, since it adopts 
a new method for the treatment of Pauranika material The 
German Introduction of this work has been reproduced in 
English in the Journal of the Shri Venkatesa Institute at 
Tirupati, in vol. VH. pp. 81-121 and vol VEX pp. 9-33. Kirfel 
disagrees with many of the views of Fargiter. His main con- 
clusions are: Apart from the abridgement in Agni and Garuda 
as well as the prose paraphrase in Visnu, there are only three 
complete groups of Purana texts viz. Brahma and Harivamsa, 
Brahmanda and Vayu, and that of Matsya, all other Puranas 
containing only smaller or larger parts of the same. Of the three 
groups, Brahmanda and Harivamsa are the oldest ( and not Brah- 
manda and Vayu as Pargiter in A.I.H.T. p 78 says). Kirfel holds 
that the Brahmanda and Vayu must have originally been a single 
Purana, particularly because the largest parts of both agree with 
each other, that Pargiter is not right in thinking that the 
additions in Vayu and Brahmanda were borrowed from the 
ancient Bhavisya ( Kirfel p 18, vol VII. of J. V. O. I. p 92), but 
that the borrowed material goes back to an independent text. 
Kirfel does not accept Pargiter's theory that the Puranas were 
Sanskritizations of Prakrit texts, that the Visnu in its existing 
form is a younger Purana than the Vayu or Brahmanda in spite 
of the fact that it most faithfully observes the basio arrangement 
of the five characteristics of Puranas. The division of Puranas 
into 18 and the distribution of Puranas into sattuka, rajasa and 
tamasa are not original items but are applicable only to the last 
definitive texts of the Puranas Pargiter thought that there 
existed an Ur-Puxana which had treated of the five topics ( of 
sarga &c ) in ideal completeness and clear disposition. Kirfel 

Kirfel and Pargiter 853 

says that this is saarcely mora than an arbitrary assumption 
(p. XLVHI of Kirfal's Intro, and J. V. O. I: vol. VIII. p. 31 ). 

The present author may tentatively accept most of the con- 
clusions of Kirfel, but he differs as stated above from Kirfel's 
view that the five characteristic topics ( sarga &c. ) are the oldest 
constituent parts of the whole Purana Literature. 

A lengthy discussion of the age of the Puranas is not very 
relevant to the subject of this section. But it would not be 
entirely out of place if the author said a few words thereon. 

The author's position about the Puranas is as follows: We 
know hardly anything about the Purana mentioned in Atharva- 
veda, the Satapatha and the ancient Upanisads ; but this much 
is clear that Purana had attained a status of sacredness like 
the Vedas and was closely associated with Itihasa even in "Vedic 
times. This is the first stage in the evolution of Purana Litera- 
ture, but we know nothing about the contents of the Purana in 
those ancient times. The Tai. K. mentions Pura^ani ; therefore 
in its time there must have been three Puranas at least. As 
Ap. Dh. S. quotes four verses from a Purana and expressly names 
Bhavisyatpurana, it follows that by the 5th or 4th century B. C. 
at the latest there wa3 in existence a Bhavisyat-purana and 
other Puranas or a Purana, that contained sarga and pratisarga 
and some Smrti material This we may regard as the 2nd 
definite stage of Purana Literature, of the contents of which we 
have some traces at least. 

The Mahabharata quotes hundreds of verses ( called slokas, 
gathas, anuvaihsa slokas ), some of which have a bearing upon 
Pauranika subjects and have a Pauranika ring. Some examples 
may be cited. The Vanaparva 1381 quotes two verses about the 
spiritual prowess of Visvamitra and about his assertion that he 
was a brahmana. The Anusasanaparva 1385 quotes certain 

<jia4Wi> qn*3rga ^i»}*u^tHRfriju r ;cre chtRfr* » ass snirararanfl?; ^i^m"i-wiut 

■«u»MiH,tl •HmS 87 - 17-18 Brahmanas alone were entitled to drink soma in 
a Vedic sacrifice and not Ksatnyas Vide H. of Dh vol. II. p. 1179. 

^ 1385 JTTSITS(tC3r=r *trap?! (55»frav SWrarc I 4i<ic$<4Kl *PHT*3W 4fm*<t«n«ld II 

a *^L a-? ^ 'frra reft 3r ?auri<n^ih3: i «t«g w5 ««•*■ iito ^raoira^ i anSnr 

*ra%SW vm 3^1 ssg^nSPT 88. 11-14. Compare Ro^go III 16 17-20, 
sJSn"3 HI 19. 10-11, ^ng 83. 10-12, all of which have the half verse 3Ti5 sr:"* 
^K as in 3*35tKPr wss and =rgn"3 add one half verse ' anff e m-asti"*"^ * 

854 History of MarmaiSslra I Sea IV, Oh. XXII 

g&thaB said to have been sung by the pitra about the importance 

of a son or sons, which agree in letter and spirit with verses 

on the same subject in the Puranas. In the Udyoga-parva 1386 

Bhlsma is said to have addressed a verse to Parasurama that 

was sung by Marutta and declared in a Purana. In the Puranas 

also there are frequent quotations of slokas, 1387 gathas and 

anuvamsaslokas sung by people described as PaurWmka (in 

Vayu 70. 76, 88. 114-116, 88. 168-169, BrahmSnda III 63. 69-70) 

or as purUeidah or purUvajiiah in Vayu, 83. 171 and 95. 19, 

Brahmanda HI. 63. 171). Vayu (93. 94-101) mentions several 

gathas as sung by Yayati, most of which occur in the Adiparva 

75. 50-53 and 85. 12-15, Brahmanda III. 68. 96-103 and in other 

purSnas also. It is quite possible that these gathas and slokas 

said to hare been declared by those who knew Puranas were 

taken from the Purana or Puranas known to Apastamba. As 

Yaj. I. 3 regards Purana as one of the sources of dharraa, it 

follows that some Puranas containing smrti material must have 

been composed a good deal before that smrti i e. before the 2nd 

or 3rd century A D. at the latest. This is the third stage in the 

evolution of Puranas. It is difficult to say when the extant 

Matsya was originally composed but it was revised about the 

middle ( or close ) of the 3rd century A D., since it speaks of the 

downfall of the Andhra dynasty, but does not refer to the Guptas. 

But it is possible that the original kernel of the Matsya may be 

earlier than this by a few centuries. The same applies to Vayu 

and Brahmanda. The Vayu and Brahmanda also were compiled 

or added to about 320-335 A. D., since they refer to the Guptas 

but do not name any Gupta king. These two in their present 

form may also be referred to this third stage. Most of the Maha- 

purSnas were composed or completed in the period from the 5th 

1386. 3TT =srri5 itgsTtWJC jwn qji& Q»ft i Jw€f iwig# *ifci' sshfif 

178 47-48. Thecr ed has a wavy line below gtio} and reads ' qjr$ *TCJ^ 
frlRHK » with a wavy line for trR •••Jiff. This verse ' Jjft &c, i is frnPtW 
140 48 and is also ;iri% 57. 6-7, where it is said that it occurred in 
^■Wkt^d 3HT%t# 140. 54 has this verse but reads the last <ng as ><n<if »raiS 

wm-m i. 

g^iftrcrsg (f*r^) i 3 if «jwi**tf sgsriS <3fi$ <*iiiiaia<r «jt i s* j«ii =sr Hsriff asar^ 

?P3^ Qf •. U HcCT 50. 41-43, srrg 99 238 The verse^ if contains a popular 
etymology of the word 5Fctg. The word vnifinr should mean only *(f5<nr- 
trnw, since it is the ^jf who says this and 5l»ag was a king anterior to qjj 
by some generations. 

Stages m the growth of Puratias 855 

or 6th century A. D. to the 9th century A. D. This represents 
the 4th stage in the evolution of Purana literature. The TTpa- 
puranas began to be compiled from about the 7 th or 8th century 
A D. and their numbers went on increasing till about the 13th 
century A. D or even later. This is the last phase. Thus there 
is enough evidence to hold that the Puranas began to influence 
Hindu society a few centuries before Christ, that their influence 
continued in full force till the 17 th or 18th century A. D. and 
that it continues to some extent even now. After the 9th 
century no further Mahapuranas appear, but additional matter 
appears to have been unscrupulously inserted in several Puranas, 
the worst example of the kind being the third part of the 
Bhavisya, which contains stories of Adam and Eve, of Prthvira j 
and Jaicandra, Taimur, Akbar, Caitanya, Bhattoji, Nadirshah 
and so on. 

The word 'purana' occurs over a dozen times in the Bgveda, 

is an adjective and means 'ancient, old*. The Nighantu { III. 

27) mentions six Vedic words as having the sense of 'purana' 

viz. pratnam, praduah, piaiayah, sanemt, pui oyam, ahnaya. 

Yaska (Nirukta in. 19) derives the word 'purana' as 'pura 

navam bhavati * ( what was new in former times ). The Rgveda 

does not contain the word 'puratana' (ancient). Purana may 

be a very old form of 'puTatana' through the intermediate form 

puiaana' From meaning ancient the word ' purana ' came to 

mean a work dealing with ancient tales , it became a noun and 

was applied in the times of the Atharvaveda, the Satapatha and 

ths i TTpamsads to a class of works containing ancient tales 

When purana came to mean a work dealing with ancient tales, 

to speak of a Bhavisyat-purana was apparently a contradiction 

in terms That contradiction was probably not minded or was 

ignored by the thought that works that narrated old tales 

gradually came to include comparatively recent ones and had 

tetteSttar a Pr ° Phetic Style of eom P°sition with reference 

ancwJ^r dMiveS th6 WOTd tp ^*a' f rom ' pura ' ( in 
and Th n T S ' f0Imerly) «"*«»«,«* 'an' (to breathe or live), 

which M ° r COTdiDg *° tt tbe word litar ^ means 'that 
winch hvas in the pas f or 'that which breathes ancient times' 

S v^LZS^-^ ** * ^' ** v a 53: tbe *™°z I ™ 



856 History of Dliarmaiaslra [Sea IV, Oh, XXR 

The Padmapurana propounds a slightly different etymology, 
viz. "it is called Purana because it desires or likes the past" 
from * pura ' and the root * vas * ( to de3ire or to like ). 

The question why the extant Puranas do not narrate the 

traditions about the dynasties of the Guptas and their successors 

cannot be satisfactorily answered. One reason may he that the 

original kernel of some Puranas like the extant Matsya were 

compiled before the Guptas rose to power, while others like the 

Vayu and Brahmanda were compiled while the Gupta rule was 

in it3 infancy. Another reason may have been that in the 5th 

and following centuries when many of the extant Puranas were 

compiled northern India was vexy much disturbed by the 

invasions of foreigners like the Hunas, rm Toramana and 

Mihirakula, numerous sects and schisms had arisen, Buddhism 

had become powerful and therefore the first task of the intelligent 

and devout followers of the Yeda wa3 held to be to wean the 

common people away from schisms like that of Buddha, to lay 

down the foundations of a new ideology among the masses and 

to emphasize and assimilate as many of the doctrines of the 

Eect3 and schisms as possible with their ancient traditions 

and practices. The intelligent classes, therefore, emphasized 

the importance of 3uch virtues as ahimsa, satya, bhakti and of 

vrata3, pilgrimages, sraddhas and danas and were probably not 

in a mood to record the names of foreign conquerors or of small 

chieftains fighting with each other and unable to repel the 

cruel invaders. For the absence of references to the dynasties 

of the Guptas and their successors, Pargiter blames the 

brahmanas in the following characteristic passage (AIHT 

chap, i p. 57) 'the absolute dearth of traditional history after 

that stage is quite intelligible, both because the compilation of 

the Purana had set a seal of tradition and because the Purana 

soon passed into the hands of brahmanas who preserved what 

they had received, but with the brahmanic lack of the historic 

sense, added nothing about the later kings'. Supposing for 

argument that brahmanas lacked the historic sense, Pargiter"s 

opinion appears to be entirely one-sided. He assigns no reason 

why the sufias, whose business was to record and preserve historic 

tradition (as he himself Bays onp 58 of AIHT), did not stick to 

their business and did not continue to compose genealogies of 

1339. For the history of the ruthless Hcna invader Mihirakula, vide 
Gupta Inscriptions pp. 143-143 and 149 S ( Mandasor Inscription of Yaso- 
dharman J and pp. 924-25 note 1783 a, of vol. Ill of H of Dh 

Pargiter's theory criticized 857 

later kings and to add further items of history to already existing 
tecorded tradition, nor does he explain how the sutas could 
' ie ousted or allowed themselves to be ousted from their age-old 

vocation by the brahmanas. It is probable that foreign dynas- 
ties like that of Kaniska and the HQnas did not encourage the 

utas who had sunk low in the social scale and the sutas 
irobably became Buddhists, as Buddhism with its Jataka stories 
jave to all persons following a bardic profession sufficient scope 
for earning their livelihood. 

The legends about Vyasa and Suta may be briefly considered. 
The Puranas declare that Vyasa was the son of Parasara, was 
also called Ersna Dvaipayana and was an incarnation of Visnu 
( of Brahma also in Vayu 77. 74-75 and of Siva in the Kurma 
H. 11. 136 ). He was called Dvaipayana 1390 because he was 
born on an island ( dvlpa) in the Yamuna river and Krsna be- 
cause he was of dark complexion. His mother was Satyavatl 
and son was Suka. He was called Vyasa because he is supposed 
to have divided or arranged the one Veda into four parts ( from 
the root 'as' 4th conjugation 'to throw' with the upasarga * vi ' ). 
He instructed four disciples in the four Vedas, viz. Paila, 
Vaisampayana, Jaimini and Sumantu respectively in B.gveda, 
Yajurveda, Samaveda and Atharvaveda. His 5th disciple was 
Suta Bomaharsana to whom was imparted Itihasa-Purana. 
Ihe son of Suta was Sauti who narrated the Mahabharata to 
Saunaka and other sages in the Naimisa forest. It was believed 
that whenever dharma and Veda declined Vyasas were born 
tor the benefit of men (Brahma 158. 34). The Kurma (I 52 

XX nl\°l t% l DameS of diff9 «>nt Vyasas, while Vayu (23^ 
115-319 ), Brahm anda ( II. 35. 116-125 ), Visnu i» (HI. 3. H_19) 

va H-S^Vl K&maI 51 48 ' Padraa V. 1 43. Bhl^ 

Niriya,; TheSl T" "* N5radI * a * *• « identify him W fth 

3. 5-6. »*W^f =51 SiTPr^nSyireT h&i&H. wrfn% W. U ftrar Hi- 

H. D. 108 

858 History of Dharmaiaatra I Sec. IV, Ch. XXU 

enumerate the names of the 28 Vyasas of the 28 Dvapara ages 
of the Vaivasvata Manvantara (which is the current one). How 
Vyasa put together the Purana3 is described in several Puranas 
* He who wa3 an adept in the meaning of Purana composed a 
Purana-samhita from ( the material supplied by) tales, episodes, 
gathas { stanzas ) and correct ascertainment or descriptions of 
Ealpas ". U92 This shows that, while the Vedio text3 were pres- 
erved with unparalleled care by the brahamana3, the very 
ancient Itihasa-purana, though called the 5th Veda, was not 
kept intact with care similar to that bestowed on the four Vedas 
and that this fifth Veda was allowed to be inflated by fresh addi- 
tions from time to time. 

In connection with Vyasa's legendary role a3 an arranger 
of the Veda, Pargiter has a theory of his own which must be 
briefly noticed and examined. He develops that theory on 
pp. 9-10 of A. I. H T. He refers to the Rgveda as the greatest 
brahmanical book, says that it is a compilation of hymns com- 
posed by many authors and is arranged according to certain 
principles. His words are ' It ( Rgveda ) must manifestly have 
been compiled and arranged by some one or more persons, yet 
Vedio Literature says absolutely nothing about this. The 
brahmanas cannot have been ignorant about it, for they pres- 
erved it and it3 text with unparalleled care. "'Vedic Literature 
professes to know and declares the name3 of the authors of near- 
ly all the hymns and even of single verse3, yet it ignores all 
knowledge of the person or persons who afterwards compiled and 
arranged these hymns To suppose that when it preserved the 
earlier information it wa3 ignorant of the later work in so vital 
a matter i3 ridiculous. ' Prom this silence in the Vedic Litera- 
ture about the persons that compiled and arranged the ifrgvedaj 
Pargiter at once jumps to the positive and emphatic conclusion, 
as 13 usual with many western writers on Sanskrit Literature 
and Indology to aTgue from Bilence, that ' Vedic Literature has 
deliberately suppressed all information on these matters' (AIHT 
p. 9 ). He Tefera to the fact that the Mahabharata and Puranas 
are full of Vyasa and repeatedly declare that the Veda was 
arranged by Vyasa and points out that Vedic Literature is 

1392. 3?re^iWiE3crF5*nWrariH: wcrgf^Pr. i ^noranfrf '^Hsr gnrisS- 

MSIKc} : a fiss m 6-15. 35H<^ II. 34. 21 (read3 g^d3ni%[i?0, iI3 60 2l 
(reads ^t4-.r.*f ra- ). =S5T5fif%r3: would mean 'words or descriptions rela- 
ting to Kalpas (vast periods of time)'. The com, on f? c"i!i<l u 1' explains 

Pargiter k s theory criticized 859 

remarkably reticent about Vyasa Parasarya ( who is mentioned 
as a pupil of Visvaksena in the Vamsa list at _the end of the 
Samavidhana Brahmana and in the Taittirlya Aranyaka ) and 
then he reiterates his charge of the conspirary of silence about 
Vyasa ( AIHT. p. 10 ). Pargiter is ready with, a reason for the 
supposed conspiracy of silence viz. ' the brahmanas put forward 
the doctrine that the Veda existed from everlasting ; henoe to 
admit that any one had compiled or even arranged it struck at 
the root of their doctrine and was in common parlance to give 
their whole case away ' ( ibid. p. 10 ). 

Several objections can be raised against the positive asser- 
tion of deliberate and fraudulent suppression inferred from mere 
silence. In the first place, Pargiter ia very loose in his statement 
of facts. Pargiter totally ignores that even in the Rgveda itself, 
rk verses, yajus texts and saman chants are differentiated. To 
give only a few references, vide for Rks ( Rg. II. 35. 12, V. 6. 5, 
V. 27. 4, V. 44. 14-15 ), in both verses of the last rk and samans 
being separately mentioned ; for yajus tide P»g. V. 62. 5, X 181. 3 ) ; 
for saman chants vide Rg. IX 43. 2 ( udgateva sakune sama 
gayasi), VIII. 81. 5 (sravat sama giyamanam), VIII. 95. 7 
( suddhena samna). 

The epic and puranio texts indicate that Veda was thought 
to be originally one, but was arranged into four groups, that 
the four groups of texts were entrusted for preservation and 
propagation to four different disciples of Vyasa. The Rgvedahas 
two arrangements, one into maqdalas and suktas and the other 
into astakas, adhyauas and vargas. The Taittirlyasamhita and 
Aiharvaveda are arranged into kandas. Not a word is said in 
any of these accounts to which Pargiter refers about picking up 
hymns already existing or their being arranged in mandates or 
adhyayas or kandas by Vyasa. Further, the reason assigned for 
the supposed deliberate suppression of the name of the arranger 
of the Veda is quite flimsy, not to say ridiculous. Every hymn 
of theggvedaor every mantra has a rsi who by the ancient 
indian tradition was not the author (as Pargiter puts it) but only 
the s&r. ft is clear from Brahmana texts, Upanisads and smrtis 
tha tftoravery'^ anoian t timeg it was & yery fa^^.^ 

^^flSn^TOTm^TO S*:n WW ia his Introduction to the wp*r oa 

( Continued on next £age ) 

$60 History of Dliarmasasto a [ Sec. IV, Ch. XXII 

that no one should teach or repeat in japa or employ a mantra 
in a sacrifice without knowing the rsi, the metre, the deity and 
the use ( viniyoga) of it and dire consequences were declared to 
follow for him who was remiss in these matters. Hymns and 
mantras were arranged in different groups for different religi- 
ous rites and solemn sacrifices or for other purposes (such as 
santis). It is not necessary to remember who arranged the 
required mantras for rite3, sacrifices and other purposes. The 
Brahmana texts and srauta sutxas prescribe the manner of the 
employment of the same mantras for various purposes and the 
Anukramanls contain the names of the seers, metres and the 
deities of hymns and individual mantras also As every mantra 
of the Veda was supposed to be only seen by a sage and as 
eternal, the mere compilation of them in one or more series or the 
mere arrangement of mantras or hymns in different groups for 
different purposes did not at all affect or interfere with the 
eternality of mantras or hymns. Pargiter's so-called reason for 
suppressing the name of the arranger of the Veda is simply no 
reason at all. 

Pargiter did not stop to consider possible explanations. One 
of the most plausible is now put forth. The Mahabharata and the 
Puranas ( a very extensive literature ) were attributed to Vyasa, 
who, as shown above in n. 1390, had come to be looked upon as 
Visnu or as an avataia at Visnu. The four Vedas and the 
several different sakhas (recensions) of each Veda were well 
known. By a sort of post facto explanation, the distribution of 
the Veda into four mam groups was claimed to have been 
brought about by the divinely inspired Vyasa, whose Puranas 
are, as will be apparent from note 1349 above and as will be 
shown in more detail later, glorified as even anterior and 
superior to the Veda The eternality of the Veda had to be 
maintained and at the same time Vyasa was to be glorified. 

( Continued from last page ) 
This is Ug3nf»hnfre5*f*r I 27 quoted also by |mn? on ga vol I p. 247. 
i il^tl-M P? m bis hurt on <Mg|y&=| I. 3 30 quotes the following as a Vedic text 
which occurs several times in the Alt Br ' -qt ? srf 3iQiHiditiMii'til4'i<irt\&it\*i 

^sjtt v vide also sn^xitMwq^ I 3 8-io ' ^ m**n ^afaqspjnreawto' 
wt^i - <<<oi^fe siting *iqi«F4 a^fa *ii %romfiigtm*t< n Hcn tsrararoiS^i ^*» 

gr^HT ^B^spmmjs? 3TT«lta[ '. Vide note 1276 for the § sfT passage 
which requires that the mantra employed should reler to the rite that is 
being performed. 

Sow Vyasa was proclaimed as Veda-arranger 861 

The easiest way was to proclaim that Vyasa, the author of the 
great Epio and of the distribution of Puranas into eighteen, was 
also responsible for the division or arrangement of the Veda. 
If all this glorification of Vyasa occurred in the centurieB 
immediately preceding and following Christ, how could the 
supposed arranger of the Veda be mentioned in the early Vedic 
Literature, which, most scholars agree, was closed some centuries 
before Buddha ( i e before the 6th century B. O.)? No body 
claims that the arrangement into mandalas or astakas or kandas 
is eternal It is only the hymns or mantras that are claimed 
to be eternal. Even the padapatha of the Bgveda is declared 
to be non-eternal and is ascribed to Sakalya whom the Nirukfca 
criticises in VL 28. Visvarupa on Ystj III 243 expressly states 
that the pada and ki ama arrangements of the Veda are due to 
human authors. 1394 This theory explains all matters and has 
faT better claims to be accepted than Pargiter's bold ascription 
of fraudulent suppression inferred from (a supposed) silence. 

The Puranas do not speak with one voice about their own 

origin and transmission. After declaring that Vyasa entrusted 

the preservation and propagation of the Puranas to Suta, the 

Vayu and other Puranas contain a somewhat different version. 

The Vayu narrates (61. 55-61 ) : Suta had six disciples, viz. 

Sunlti Atreya, Akrtavxana Kasyapa, Agnivarcas Bhardvaja, 

Mitrayu Vasistha, Savarni Saumadatti, Susarman Samsapayana. 

Three of these, viz. Kasyapa, Savarni and Samsapayana prepared 

new Purana-samhitas and Suta's own was the 4th and the 

original one. All were divided into four kandas, contained the 

same sense (matter), but differed in their readings as the iakhas 

of the Veda differ. All had four thousand verses except the 

samhita of Samsapayana. These four are said to be the basic 

samhitas (in Brahmanda H. 35 66) or original samhitas(in 

Vayu 61. 58purvasamhitas). The Brahmanda (II. 35 63-J70) 

/m^/^t aC0ouni! in almost in the same words. Visnu 
(HI. 6. 16-17), Agni 271 (11-13) are briefer but agree in the 
mam with Vayu. The Bhagavata ( XE. 7. 4-7 ) differs from all 
these to some extent That there is some substance in this story 
appears from stray passages in several chapters of the VSyu 
{56. 1, 60. 33-34, 62. 1, 89. 16 ) and the Brahmanda (II 34 34, 

*n in 242 s^PPnftstcsrtis^t^^., ^^ 343 ^ 103 ( =cr 

«J 330.37 ) states the vm^s waS due to wan* *ra«r 

862 History of Dharma&cisti a [See. IV, Ch.XXIt 

II. 36. 1 &o. ), where Samsampayana is the inquirer and Suta 

The personality of Suta is somewhat of an enigma in the 
Mahabharata and the Puranas. Suta is called Komaharsana 1395 
or Lomaharsana because he made the hair (roman or loman) 
of his audience bristle or stand erect by his touching and eloquent 
speech. In the Skanda it is stated that he was so called because 
his own hair stood on end when he was being instructed by 
Dvaipayana One meaning of the word suta is 'chrioteer' and 
another meaning is ' a person of a mixed pr&iloma caste born 
of the union of a brahmana woman with a ksatriya male' and 
the cognate word 'Magadha' means 'one who is born of a 
pratiloma union between a vaisya male and a ksatriya female ' 
(vide Manu X. 71. Yaj I 93-94). The Arthasastra of Kautilya 
says 1396 the same thing about suta and magadha, but adds that 
'the suta and magadha mentioned in the Furanas are diffe- 
rent from these, because he ( the suta ) is distinguished from 
(ordinary) brahmanas and ksatriyas '. Kautilya means that in 
his days suta and magadha were pratiloma oaates, but the suta 
and magadha mentioned as the first reciters of the Furanas are 
a category apart, that they do not belong to the pratiloma castes 
and are both distinguished from brahmanas and ksatriyas (i.e. 
suta of the Furanas is treated more or less as a great sage or semi- 
divine person). The Yayu (1 26-33 and 62-147 ff), Padma (II 27. 
65-87, V. 1.29-32), Brahmanda (II 36 158-173), the Skanda 
(Prabhasakhanda 1. 8) say 1397 that in the sacrifice of Pitamaha 
( i. e Brahma) Suta sprang up as a partial avatara of "Visnu on 

Stjoi i qig 1. 16. ircr § q&lwiu i srg^n ?iqan% ^ i fpT W M^ ra ^ Hra cfty 
gtHUPT: n **»c{ ( Jr*nran3°s ) l. 6 

1396 ^«4i»ni»w33<s4S i %tf=nm^jt i 'rfctPigrsspf. ^y wrass astsrar- 

IgftqcTtll WJfttreUI 7. p. 165, Pargiter translates (A1HT p 17) 'but the 
suta who is mentioned in the Furanas is different and so also is the 
Magadha who »s mentioned there from brahmana -ksatriya offspring by a 
real distinction. ' This is not accurate There are no words in the 
Arthasastra corresponding to ' who is mentioned there' and for ' offspring '• 
This idea about the origin of ^jj and win is very old. Vide aft t?H3^ IV 

15-16 ' ufdritai'td <ifiHwm*ri«w^5w-^3s* i ^ u aiai: i srrgiTafisrfSi^i^ ww 

1397. ijdiwS«i sura ^ ifr thnn% fjfc i ^jft gc^rr wa^ra* sfNtswre hit- 
nia. n gftaita *iwni5f srir iisftsi witsm «rrg 63 i35-i3e, wgr4 sosi it 
is popular etymology to derive the word ^ from the root ' su ' 5th con j . 
to extract 

The origin of suta and Magadha 863 

the day when soma juice was extracted and magadha also thus 

arose It is further stated in the same Puranas that the haus 

(offering) meant for Indra (symbol of the ksatriya class ) got 

mixed with that meant for Brhaspati ( symbol of hrahmana class 

and learning) and that the suta was born just at the time when 

the mixed-up offering was presented to the gods. From this the 

suta (in later times) had duties similar to those of the original 

suta and it was said that the suta is offspring of the mixed 

union of brahmana (woman) with ksatriya (male) Then 

another story is grafted on to this ( in Vayu 62. 147 ff, Brahmanda 

IL 36. 170-173 and in others) that the original 1393 Suta and 

Magadha sang the praises of king Prthu, son of Vena, who 

being pleased, made a present of the country of Anupa to Suta 

and the country of Magadha to Magadha and since that time 

sutas and magadhas sing the praises of kings and awaken them 

in the morning with blessings. The Vayu itself, 1399 however, 

says (1. 33-34 ) that suta was born at the time of the extracting 

of soma juice in the sacrifice of Prthu Yainya. 

The authors of the extant Vayu and other Puranas are 
conscious that the suta and magadha in their times had no 
adhikara for Veda, that the business of the suta was to note the 
dynasties of god3, sage3 and kings that are found in the Itihasa 
and Puranas. They felt scandalized by the fact that great sages 
like Saunaka were said to have learnt Puranas from the suta 
who in their times belonged to a pratiloma caste, about which 
Gautama, Visnudharmasutra and Kautilya himself lay down 
that pratilomas are like sudras, are condemned by aryas and are 

1398. ga. q fl'U*) s^ra: £g ii< t\«tt S > »qre 1 a i^jij^i gar? wni ■wim^ =5 n 

147-148. ^gnog II 35 171-173. The 3tif%ql (59 112-113) refers to the 
gift of 3ig^ and niiq to ^3 and HPW, ^TglS' 4 67 also does so. The Padma 
V 1. 31 says that Prthu made a present of the Suta country to 133. It is 
popular etymology to derive the name uprsr from jpiet SI^JT means a watery 
or marsh country. Padma (II. 27 86-87) mentions other countries as gifts 
to 53 &c. 

^1399 gjt 3?jre » "^TOn <pi 55rfpr «f^is. stra^ i %*rai*n^ii<JTT ==r *tm 
MiRrttU'HiH.M %rat w>t *sHr aarai ^ t kjkhhi ^i g1d^i-H^<i^g fterr ^ wgr- 
*nf%i^ u «r i% l%s^fhjn Sflf^^ii^r S5*ra 1 t«re*r it >raN^r ^ott^ h^ichw. i 
StTnrrmr^tga. hsih qi^^r. t sngi 31-34, tr^rv 1 27, vide ^anu ^ II 36. 

158-173 for the birth of ^jf and gift of arqjRfst to ^3 and of mra to mm* by 

5^^ sifasfun^ «i£#to 1 ^ ItwtTti^ (iv. 20),gp unitster ^*m?uii5ni3ri?r: 
^"^t> " " ^S^wnnii ?ir 3?m=r *gwgr3KT. « shsj^iri III. 7 p. 165. HOotm- 
nm^Rjii^dt: 1 fingsufeg 16. 3. 

864 Htatory of Dharmaiastra [ Sao. IV, Ch, ZXII 

beyond the pale of the usual duties of brahmanas and ksatriyaB 
( such as upanayana, "Veda study, teaching &c. ) Learning by 
a brahmana from a ksatriya was considered even in TTpanisad 
times a3 contrary to the natural order of things. Vide the 
words of king Ajatasatru to Gargya Balaki 11M quoted below. 
Therefore, to account for the position of Suta as instructor in 
Itiha3a and Purana of great sages like Saunaka, the story of 
Sata's birth v/as invented and he was placed m a separate 
category by himself. This must have occurred some centuries 
before Kautilya who was aware of the low position of suta and 
magadha and differentiates the PaurSnika suta from the prati- 
loma suta and magadha. One need not accept the divine 
character of Suta, one has only to understand that in very 
ancient times brahmanas could, without any qualms and with- 
out loss of prestige, learn about legends from a suta, but that 
in the times when the extant puranas were compiled the 
position had entirely changed. 

Next to Pargiter and Eirfel, one must mention the name 
of Prof. R. O. Hazra who has bestowed much labour and thought 
on the puranas in general and on individual puranas One 
cannot but feel high admiration for Prof. Hazra's industry, 
patience and enthusiasm One regrets, however, to find that he 
has developed a tendency to assign rather more ancient dates 
to the extant Puranas and TJpapuranas than the available 
evidence would warrant. Besides, he has been so much engrossed 
m the study of Puranas that he sometimes scents a reference to 
Puranas where none in fact exists. ]?or example, in'Puranio 
records on Hindu rites and customs' (p. 6 ) Prof Hazra observes 
that Vijfianesvara tells us of Harlta's reference to the opinion 
of Puranas in prescribing penance in normal circumstances 
to those who eat the food dedicated to the patriarchs. The 
words of the Mitaksara 1101 of Vijnanesvara are quoted in the note 

1400 wsTTreinmreqr qfiUiiu %aa^ snsw Jgra qaQ-m^ 3gr h swtfiia ' 
1?. ^r. II. 1 15 Vide Hgtq laf^ai r "7. IV. 18 for almost the same words 

1401 The MdKUl has a long discussion on Yaj III. 289 about the 
expiations for eating food tainted by various defects About eating food 
in sraddhas of various binds it quotes several authorities as follows : 

35^i^qa^ii ^ia i nenrflicg^BH i m m iM ^jarrft i : spim RpnRTn a 5? *aw 
iiti^i sjfnri^ a — ' ^rs^piqi snrerrg m-rfiurf g ingrai n-nia^S arrng ! " 3ni " 

( Continued on next page) 

Prof. Hazra on Puranas criticized 865 

below and clearly show that there the word 'puranesu' means 
'Sraddhas called purana' and has nothing to do with Purana 
works. Another defect noticed in Prof. Hazra's writings is that 
he sees too much meaning in simple words and phrases and is 
not cautious in his conclusions as a scholar of his standing and 
experience should be. In a recent paper on « the Asvamedha, the 
common source of origin of the Purana PaScalaksana and the 
Mahabharata' in ABOPJ.vol. 36 (1956)pp. 190-203, he cites the 
Atharvaveda Terse quoted above (p. 816, n 1325) in which rk 
and sama verses are mentioned separately and ' purana '( pura- 
nam yajusa saha) is associated with yajus, and says this colloca- 
tion seemed to him highly significant and that he felt fully 
convinced that the Purana pancalaksana and the Mahabharata 
owe their origin to the Asvamedha sacrifice and especially to 
its Pariplava akhyanas. Reasons of available space preclude 
a detailed examination of this paper. But a few fundamental 
objections and matters must be mentioned. The words ' puranam 
yajusa saha' should ordinarily mean ( as in passages like 
Devadattah saputra agatah ) no more than * Purana and 
Yajus'. Ta] 1. 101 provides 1402 that after the daily bath, 
a vedio householder should undertake every day the japa of 
portions of the (three) Vedas, the Atharvaveda, Puranas together 
with Rihasa and of adhyatmlki-vidya ( TJpanisads ). There is 
no special meaning here in the association ' puranani setihasani' 
beyond 'Puranas and Itihasa'. One, therefore, fails to under- 
stand how the words 'puranam yajusa saha' are highly signi- 
ficant for arriving at the conuclion that Asvamedha is the 
origin of Purana and Mahabharata. Then on p. 202 of the paper 

( Continued /ram last page J 
Sraddhas are of three kinds, ^ras?rg ( up to ten days after death ), fxrsr or 
^3t^3T ( performed after ten days up to one year ) and g^im ( those performed 
after a year from a person's death ). The word gn^ig means u<iu?j^ »ll-5t^ . 
5RHJ provides sjntf^rT for eating the food in the three kinds of STTgs, spj, 
W«I and jjonr. The -word g^ioirg in that verse of ^1-Ori has nothing to do 
with Purana works. Vide H of Dh vol IV p. 262 notes 591a and 593 for 
more details about the three kinds of sraddhas 

1402 > ^gwlgtronr^ jnagrqrfa srilra: ' 'spra^raren^pS ftsrt ^rctrianifif 

5^11 TfqT. I 101. Compare also ^ II 46. 129 HtvHsj S-umiR ftldsjm iffi 
H. D. 109 

866 History of DhurmuiVtalra \ Soo. IV, Ch. XXH 

in question Prof. Hazra quotes a passage from 1401 Sankara- 
carya's bhasya on Chandogya HL 4. 1-2 and completely misun- 
derstands the great acarya when ho obsorvos "Sankara's 
use of the word ' ratri ' in tho plural (in 'ratrisu') shows that 
in his opinion the Ililuha and Puiunaweia employed eieiy nirjkt 
during the Pariplava and not met ely on lha nth and Oth myitis 
respectively, as the Satapatha Br. and Sunkhayanasrautasutra 
say" (Italics author's). Tho Asvamodha sacrifice lasted for 
a year and listening to the Pariplava wont on for a year, 
eaoh Pariplava heing a oyclo of ton days ( or rathor nights, as 
the recitation by the hotr priest was to take placo after tho 
morning, mid-day and evening istis to Savifcr woro finished). 
The texts to be recited and the nature of tho legends to bo 
narrated on each of tho oyclo of ton days aro fixed and Itihasa 
and Purana are to be recited only on tho Sth and 9th nights. 
Ab eaoh cycle was of ten days, thoro would bo 36 oyoles of 
Pariplava in a year and Itihasa would bo recited on 36 nights 
in the year and Purana also would bo recited on 36 nights in 
the year. It is for this reason that Sankaraclrya speaks of 
•PariplavaBU ratrisu' in tho plural, but ha does not say that 
Itihasa and Purana were to be reoited on ' all ' nights (saivasu 
ratrisu ), while Prof. Hazra represents him as so saying. There 
is absolutely no warrant in the ancient texts for saying that 
on eaoh day ( or night ) of tho Pariplava Itihasa or Purana was 
to be recited or that Sankaraoarya said anything of the kind. 
The testimony of the Vedantaaiitra 1101 is completely against this 
view of Prof Hazra. Vedantasutra HI 4 23 rofers to certain 
stories mentioned in the TJpamsads suoh as ' Yajfiavalkya had 
two wives, Maitreyl and Katyayanl' (Br. Up IV. 5. 1), 
'Pratardana, son of Divodasa, went to Indra's abode '( Eausl- 
taki Up. HI. 1 ), ' Janasruti Pautrayana was a pious donor 
giving much wealth to the people and keeping an open house for 
distributing food' (Chan. Up IV. 1.1), and remarks that suoh 
stories were not to be recited in Pariplava, since the stories to be 
recited therein are expressly specified beginning with the story 

1403 The vnzn passage quoted is ' gi&qrtTJJWT gnp* I tPTte&Riiil'H!4<l u I- 

1404. mRtritw-Mq Tra-gnt Hi ns^r ' a^frocft xfm ' gt^ror^ii^ gjiO - 

T&H I WW qiR W Hu ft qm 3Il ! IsTnTgir'»: I W<nT on ^ q;. Ill 4 23 ( qiRkWHN 

§i3 %w wSiiqtMirj.) 

Prof. Hazra and Prof. DiJcshitar on Purams 867 

ofkingManuVaivasvata (which was to be recited on the first 
night of the Pariplava ). 

Prof Hazra has recently published ( in 1958 ) ' Studies in the 
Upapuranas' vol. I pp. 1-400 on Saura and Vaisnava Upa- 
puranas (in the Calcutta Sanskrit College Research Series 1958 ). 
This would be briefly dealt with a little later. 

Prof Eamchandra Dikshitar also has written a good deal on 
the Puranas. His writings are beset by the same infirmity that 
attaches to Prof. Hazia's work to some extent. Eor example, m 
a paper published in the Proceedings of the 13th Indian History 
Congress (pp. 46-50 ) on the VisnupuTana he first states ( p. 46 ) 
that he is mote concerned with the extant Visnupurana and 
after pointing out that the topics of vratas, of fasts, of tlrtha, 
are absent from the extant Visnupurana he concludes that the 
extant Visnupurana can safely be placed m the 6th or 7th 
century B. G. Hardly any modern and critical scholar would 
accept such a date for the extant Visnupurana. Instead of relying 
on the absence of certain topics he should rather have relied on 
what it actually contains to find out the probable date of the 
extant Visnupurana. 

In connection with the Puranas the author must refer at 
some length to the Introductory remarks of Ballalasena, king 
of Bengal, in his Danasagara, edited in the B. I. series 
(1953-1956) by Mr. Bhabatosh Bhattacarya (three paTts of 
text pp. 1-7 22 and 4th part an Introduction in English with 
Indices ). Those remarks evince a bold critical faculty rare in 
our medieval Sanskrit ■writers. He mentions, besides the 
Gopathabrahmana, the Ramayana, the Mahabharata, the smrtis 
and dharmasastras of Gautama, Manu, Yajfiavalkya, ( count- 
ing Sankha Likhita as two ), Dana-Brhaspati and Brhaspati 
(as separate), Vasistha and others (in all 28), the Chandoga-pari- 
sista of Katyayana, thirteen principal Puranas viz. Brahma, 
VaTaha, Agneya, Bhavisya, Matsya, Vamana, Vayavtya, 
Markandeya, Vaianava, Sawa, Skanda, Padma and Kaurma and 
the Upapuranas named in Kurma and £.di Puranas as contain- 
ing the procedure of ( various ) danas, viz. Adya, Samba, Kalika, 
Nanda ( v. L Nandin ), Aditya, NaTasimha, Visnudharmottara 
( declared by Markandeya ) and the Sastra called Visnudharma 
( eight in all ). He mentions that he drew upon all these for the 
production of his work on danas, 1375 in number (verses 11-20 

868 History of Dharma&ustia [ Seo. IV, Ch. XXII 

pp. 2-3 ). Then he mentions certain Puranaa and UpapurSnas 
which he discarded in his work on danas for various reasons. 

Some of these remarks are very important and the original 
verses are set out in the note below. 1105 He states that he did- 
not draw upon the Bhagavata, the Brahmanda and the Maradlya 
as danas are absent therefrom. He did not rely in his work 
upon the Lingapurana, though it is a large work, because its 
essence, he decides, is the same as the treatment of Maha- 
danas declared in the Matsyapurana , the Bhavisyapurana has 
been assiduously utilised by him only up to the ( vratavidhia 
of ) 7th tithi, but he discards the procedures of the 8th and 9th 
tithis ( of the Bhavisyapurana ), since they are overwhelmed 
( tainted ) with ( the doctrines of ) 11M heretical sects ( Tantrikas, 

1405, 5^gf5 iasffs^pJT ^t^u^uTi nftw^rgA. i srraiv g?*rarrc ?fi- 

"tesa^ri^a &^ gwnm trot i q faiiiiti H ituMUdjii*h*''Wi gi^r « ^<iiM$iid"«ii<3 : 
«ft«i»*ii*'t<'iiiciw. i aRifxnR'JWtrrHtRRTi'ra. « orrnbraairgbn ^"dMwe- 
fei^iwi alqi^aiiriRS^r -twftMMtiiKtNji trac5^iairi3<ri'Rn?rprraB5a *$«*■ 
^OTminrj TW35traTgna R<sm ^-tlaiiui f Pi-^aMst ii 67 p 7 The com. 

ft«9Si%^V on R5yj,<J<piT remarks that the fqcnjg^ioj has six recensions viz. o( 
6000 verses, 8000, 9000, 10000, 22000, 24000, while the ^ronr* speaks of a 
f?N5!PT<T of 23000 verses which it discards irenfiiiw on ng IV. 200 re- 
marks that each asrama has some peculiar signs of its own such as the 
girdle, deer skin, ( palasa ) staff of a Vedic student, the householder has a 
bamboo stick, ear-rings &c, a forest hermit has tattered garments and 
matted hair while a sannyasia wears kasaya ( reddish ) garment &c Those 
who maintain themselves by wearing these peculiar signs though they do not 
belong to that order incur sin. q^t. wr I, 2 p 386 explains ilrif^H: as 

1406 Both tha thgHtHi on aa pp. 274-308 and §H|Q on aa vol I pp. 
921-956 contain several vratas on the 9th tithi from Bhavisyapurana in 
honour of Durga ( under various names such as Candika, Nanda ) which 
have a s&kta flavour. For example, as regards the Ubhayanavamlvrata 
(Kalpataru on vrata pp 274-282) it is provided that the eight-armed Durga 
called Tryambika is to be honoured with red flowers and the naivedya of 
buffalo flesh (p. 275) Similarly, as regards Namanavami vrata {tbtd. p 
283-288 ) provision is made for a naivedya of fish and flesh and in the 
Mahanavami vrata pp 296-298 a naivedya of payasa and flesh for Mangala 
is provided In the Nandanavami Durga is called Nanda and the mantra 
( Continued on next page ) 

The Danasagara am Purwyxs 869 

Bauddfaaa, &o. ); both the Visnurahasya and Sivarahaaya , 
bhough well-known among people, have not been accepted in 
this work, since they are considered to be mere compilations ; the 
Bhavisyottara ( Purana ) which is followed in peoples* practices 
and is not in conflict ( with orthodox views ) has been excluded 
from this work, since no indications ( evidence ) of its autho- 
ritativeness could be found ; the following are ignored in the 
Danasagara for reasons stated : three khandas, viz. those con- 
cerned with the tales of Paundra, Reva and Avanti of the 
Skanda apart from a part of it that is prevalent ( among people ), 
the Tarksya ( i e. Garuda ) purana, another Brahmapurana, 
another Agneya ( i. e. Agnipurana ), a Visnupurana containing 
23000 verses, another Lingapurana containing six thousand 
verses ; all these have been discarded for various reasons such 
as the procedure of dlksS ( initiation of a disciple by a guru in a 
cult like the Tantrika or Pancaratra or Pasupata ) or of the 
establishment of an image, heretical reasoning, testing of jewels, 
atories of the doings of (persons of) false genealogies, treating of 
such matters as dictionaries and grammar, containing incohe- 
rent tales and contradictions, because they lead to the misleading 
of people by the description of or reference to Love affairs, to 
those who are buffoons, or are heretics or make their livelihood 
by displaying some sign ( such as matted hair ) , the Devlpurana 
has not been utilized in this work, because it is not included 
in the enumeration of the number of Puranas and Upapuranas 
( in various works ), because it contains delusive acts 1 **" 1 and 
because it approves of heretic sastras. 

( Continued from last $age ) 
•s ' om NandSyai namah ■ (p 304) and in the Mahaoavamivrata ( otf 
Asvma-sukla 9 ) worship is commended (p 308) with plenty of wine andBesb 
and with the heads o£ buffaloes, rams and goats All these Navamtvratas 
provide a dinner to maidens which is a peculiarity of sakta worship. TSntrik 
practices must have affected people in Northern India long before the Hth 
century as the Kalpataru mentions the Sun's mantra • Khakholkaya 
namah \ vide ^^ I. 315 . i_ 5 for the basic mantra ( Mula-mantra ) and 
■tea^uncts. some of which are .eij^gffiS ^ , ^ ^^ ^ ^ ^ 

^=TO:l> (3^= onsmp. 199) it may be noted that the Agnipurana 
\UZ. 3 ) speaks of the gift of the Visnupurana containing 23000 verses. 

«^r 14 ^L .T: m ^ or ** acc - t0 ^"^ '^ 3 <**& *Wf*ni- 

WR3 <ns^>. In the^ro^n II. 2 we have 'ga^r t^ffij f^ ^^. 
W> where it should mean *,. If we prefer the variant read . 

then the meaning would be „f§R ( dark ) or b^rt. **** ' 

870 Htatorv of Dharmainstra ISoc. IV, Ch. XXII 

Sorao important conclusions can l>o drawn from tho abora 
montiouod romnrks of BaU\la=ona in huDiiMi'i^ia Noxt to 
tho Mitaksara, tlio Krtyaknlpatarn and Aparlrk.Va commentary, 
tho Danasagara is among tho oarhodt axtant mbandha worl.j tho 
dates of which aro noarly eortaiu. ,W7 if doCJ not montiou thu 
Mitaksara, nor Kityukalpataru nor Aparirka Mr Bhabatosh 
BhatUclurya is right m hid contention tho wordj ' Kalpa- 
drumo jangamah' in tho 3rd opening vor^u ha%o nothing to do 
with Knlpataru of Lakwnldhara and that I'ruf liangkxwimy 
Aiyangar id wrong in thmkin-j that tho \ur=o rufer-i to tho 
Knlpataru (vido Mr. Bhntt icharya'd Introduction to D-na-iagara 
p. XVUIandnotJl) 

Tho principal pointi that umurga from Ball-tlasona'd remarks 
on Puriinaa aro that ho included both Viju and Siva among 
tho principal Puranas (<>oniotimuj c.dlud Mahipurano-i), that 
thoro woro two Purinas called Linga, Br-hmu, Agnoya and 
"Visnu, that tho four countorp irt4 bearing tluao ilium 'Aero not 
troated as authontativu (ona pdoudo-Lirgapurai a ha%ing 6000 
verses and ono Visnu having also 23000 loracj being uuautho- 
ritativo }, that ho abhorred Tantrik riUd and thoroforo totally 
discarded tho Dovlpurana and parts of BluiYteya, that ho did not 
utilizo throe named sections of tho Skanda, that ha did not 
regard tho Garuda U3 authoritatn o. It may bo stated horo that 
ace. to tho (printed) Kurma 1. 1. 17-20 bomo Upapurinos such 
as Skanda, Vamana, Brahmandu and Naradlyn boar tho soma 
names as tho Mah.lpurana3 Prof Haara rohos upon a pa-sago 
quoted from tho Bhavisyapurina 1 ^ by ivalpataru ( JBrahmaciri- 

1407 The pedigree of ^TlfFra 1 ! gathered from ai HI and ttfutpK ■* : 
JfanHW { in Hfcnsr ) - '»•» son f) jura-l - his son JjjTraRJT - hu toi JRK^H* 
The 3rg3*rPTt was begun in £aka I0S9 ( 1 107 V D ) -nd was finished 
by his son yRi i m ft H ( p 1 31 HI ) Tho gnnriTC »!■ composed b/ MrJinifR 
in saka 1091 (1169 A. D. ). vtdo Mr B, Bhau.-icUirjVa Introduction to 
^ ■mi'K PP. XXV-XWI. Ho composed three more works before the ^ni- 
■HUK via the adW*K ( mentioned on pp. 53 and 59 of the ^hhi<I<)i s{331" 
WI'K and 3)i^KWI'K (in verses 53-50 p of <{nrHPH). So ytJIrltS^'* 
literary activity should be placed between 1155 to HS0 A D. He mentions 
3ri^j^r»Tir, author of g uadl and wgijpi aii as his guru to whom he shows 
great reverence for his learning, high character and attainments in the 
41-WHK ( P- 2 verso 6) and states that he learnt tho essence of all Puranai 
and smrtis from him (verse 7 )■ Vide H of Dh, vol I ( 1930) pp 340-341 
for Ballalasona 

1408 *rilir<j5flnt i 3tct?5i g*tonm v&vt <gfta autt ffgau^rQwmri 5 * 
f?Rtr3t5j vrRa » 5Ki<io? ^ o/awt t?t ■^jreihiw 5Ega^,i nta** vjj?? jra** «W- 

( Continued on ntxt $a&») 

The Danasagara on PurSyas 871 

kanda p. 25 ) wherein it is said that the appellation Jaya is 
applied to 18 Puranas, Ramayana, Visnudharmadisastras, Siva- 
dhaxma, Mahabharata, Sauradharmaa and Manavadharmas 
(Manusmrti?). I shall discuss the question of Yisnudharma- 
purana later. But I have serious objections against the antiquity 
and authenticity of this passage. Being quoted in the Kalpataru 
it may be earlier than 1050 A. D. That is all. In order to glorify 
the 18 Puranas the meaning of Jaya is extended. Jaya is 
applied only to the Mahabharata in the latter e. g. Udyogaparva 
136. 18-19 and Svargarohanika 5. 49 and 51 quoted in note 1369 
above. Hence this passage was inserted very late after all 18 
Puranas had been composed i e. after the 9th century A. D. 
Besides the plural 'Visnudharmadisastrani" shows that many 
works are meant and not one, i. e. the meaning is that all sastras 
dealing with Yisnudharmas and the like. If a single work were 
meant, one expects ' Visnudharmadisastiram ca' and that would 
have not spoilt the metre. Besides, the Kalpataru itself indicates 
that this verse about *Jaya' was cited by some authorities as 
' Smrti '. Therefore, it is doubtful if it is a genuine Bhavisya 
passage. Ballalasena mentions only eight Upapuranas on danas 
by name ( including the four mentioned by the Matsya). 

In spite of the very admirable and praiseworthy efforts of 
Dr Hazra in the matter of the place of the Upapuranas, their 
contents, the search among numerous mss to find out what the 
text of the several upapuranas has been, the present writer must 
say here once for all that he does not at all agree with most of 
fee dates that he assign to the Samba, the Visnudharma, the 
Visnudharmottara, the Marasimhapurana, which are the 
principal Upapuranas he has dealt with in the first volume of 
Studies in Upapuranas \ His dates for the four Upapuranas are ; 

{Continued from last page) 

?J^Zg n ° ngp,T ^ ( ^™ in « x > ^ "Wto^"i^i wranj; I TOT 
_]^^^'W5p^iW^^ra%f%3s^ig f5I nRr(^grgri^= P 25-26). The 
%><ivii4K reads tHji^tPiW-M^eRuft ' before ^ps^o and thereby clearly 
'tuns that the propounder of this passage (cited as from Bhavisya) was 
unknown, ace. to the ^ro=n^ and also ^c^, hut, as some authorities 
h!l a ??!f lt " " WaS re 8 arded as "HIT and even ,f cited as smrb it would 

5SLS^3S5«' occu »«g ^ a quotation from *&<*, on p. 24 (o(Z 
^IRWOS ). The above verses are quoted by *$. *. p. 30. 

872 History of Dharmasastra [ See. IV, Gh. XXII 

Samba between 500 and 800 A, D. (p. 91), the Visnudharma- 
purana between 200-300 A. D. (p. 143), the Visnudharmottara- 
purana between 400 to 500 A. D. (p. 212) and the present 
Narasimha-purana between 400 to 500 A. D. To examine all 
his leasona the present writer would have to write another book. 
Therefore, he proposes to give only a few illustrations of the 
way in which Dr. Hazra arrives at his dates. But beforo this is 
done it is better to mention some of his own findings on the 
Puranas and the four Upapuranas mentioned above. On p. 27 
he observes that the text of the extant Mahapuranas which aie 
the results of innumerable changes, modifications and interpola- 
tions made at different times and by different sects is scarcely 
reliable and can be used with great caution and careful 
discrimination. I agree with him. But the same or perhaps worse 
is the case with the Upapuranas. Prof. Hazra himself says 
( ' Studies ' vol I. p. 23 ) that after the group of 18 principal 
Puranas had been compiled many sub systems and sects like the 
Saktas and Sauras came into prominence and their adherents 
interpolated chapters in the 18 established Puranas and wrote 
new and independent works styled Puranas in order to propagate 
their own ideas and that some of these latter came to be called 
Upapuranas. The result is that, unless wo have critical editions of 
the Puranas and the principal Upapuranas on the model of the 
critical edition of the Mahabharata at the BOB! in Poona, all 
chapters and often single verses are suspect. But the task of 
preparing critical editions of even the principal Puranas and 
some of the Upapuranas based upon ancient and medieval mss. 
collected from all parts of India would be far more colossal and 
costly than even the critical edition of the Mahabharata. 
Therefore, most chronological conclusions about the dates of 
Puranas and Upapuranas and about the borrowings of one 
Furana from another are 3ust tentative at the most and likely 
to be set aside by new evidence as long as critical editions of 
Puranas and Upapuranas are not available. 

Let us now turn to the four Upapuranas dealt with at 
length by Prof. Hazra About the Samba ( which is one of the 
four Upapuranas expressly named m the Matsyapurana 53 
60-63) Prof. Hazra observes ('Studies' vol. I p 68) that the 
present Samba-purSna consists of different units mostly belong- 
ing to different countries and ages and after analysing in his 
own way the several chapters of the Samba he arrives at the 
conclusion ( on p. 93 ) that chapters 17, 22 and 23 of the printed 

Late of the Samba Purana 873 

edition were added later than 950 A. D , that chap. 44-45 were 
inserted between 950 and 1050 A D and chap 39-43 and 47-83 
were added between 1350 and 1500 A. D. There is at present 
only one printed ed. of the Samba viz that of the Venk. Press in 
84 chapters based probably only on one ma Out of these 84 
chapters Prof Hazra himself finds that 47 chapters are later than 
950 A D., of which 43 were added between 1250-1500. A.,D. 
Prof. , Hazra has himself examined several mss of the Samba, 
but they do not come from all over India, many .being from 
Bengal and almost all seem to be late ones (p 33 last line), 
being copied in saka 1764 i e 1842 A D When more than half 
of this Purana ranges between 950 to 1500 A D according to 
Prof Hazra, how can it be usefully employed for chronologioal 
purposes? Nobody can say when the verses about the four 
Upapuranas were inserted in the Matsya, but one can affirm that 
it was done about the 9th century A. D or even later. Two dates 
about Upapuranas are certain, viz that Samba is mentioned 
by Alberuni (Sachau.I. p 130) who wrote in 1030 A. D. and 
that the Danasagara (verses 13-15 on p. 3), composed in 1069 AD. 
mentions eight Upapuranas on danas of which four viz. Samba, 
Narashnha, Handi and Aditya are the same as are mentioned in 
the Matsya. Therefore, an Upapurana called Samba must have 
been composed a century or two earlier than 1000 A. D. On 
p. 91 he holds that the Samba cannot be dated later than 800 
A. D. It is difficult to fall in line with all the assumptions 
on pp. 90-91 for arriving at this date. What the Samba named 
by Matsya contained beyond the words * story of Samba ' is not 
at all known. Prof. Hazra himself has given up at least half of 
the printed Samba as later than 950 A. D. and there is absolutely 
no reliable evidence to hold that the remaining portion of the 
Bamba is earlier than 800 A D or even earlier than 950 A. D. 
The next Upapurana is Visnudharma dealt with by Prof 

SSIV^S"" ? ! J pp - 118 - 155 - There i9 n ° V™*** 

edition. Prof Hazra (p 119) I6 f ers to six msa. but he has chiefly 
used only one ms viz. Bengal Asiatic Society's ms. No. 1670 
ins Furana has 105 chapters and over 4000 verses. Prof. Hazra 

IriH ( X > U t ) * hat !t has Very little of the Principal charac- 
terises f a Purana and deals exclusively with the religious 

hutZt **?„ 7 J**"— ■ ^^ »«- Visnudharma 
Wtt the verses that he quotes therefrom are found in the Visnn- 

aw, ttaia Bu ^ er pointed out long L ^nu 

Se^to Vp V i d ^ table *™ by Pl0f ■ Ha55Ia °* P- *°8 comparing 
toe two ). Prof. Hazra holds ( p. 116 ) re l ying on two verge * * 

a. d. no n 

874 History of Dliarma&uslra [ Sec. IV, Ch. XXII 

ed below from Visnudharmottara 1MSfl that the Visnudharmottara 
18 only the latter part of Visnudharma and that, as he holds 
that the former was composed between 400-500 A D , the date 
of the Visnudharma falls between 200 and 300 A D ( p 143 ). 
The other arguments that he advances are practically worthless 
In the present author's opinion those verses can be interpreted 
in two other but different ways, viz. that the first section of the 
•present Visnudharmottara is called Visnudharma or that the 
•Visnudharmottara is so called because it was composed after 
the Visnupurana, which contains the greatness of Visnu and the 
dharmas of Vaisnavas He often trot3 out the theory that, if a 
work is free from Tantric elements, it must be an early work be- 
longing to the 3rd or 4th century A D ("see p. 142), The Sarvada- 
isanasangraha of Madhavacarya (which was composed in the 14th 
century ) make3 no reference to the cult of Sakti or the system of 
Tantra, though it devotes a good deal of space to the views of even 
Carvaka ( a thorough-going atheist), Bauddhas and Jainas. The 
Sarvasiddhantasangraha also does not refer to the Saktas or the 
'Tantfas But no one can argue that Madhava is earlier than 
4th or 5th century A D. There may be various reasons for silence. 
One may abhor a thing and may not refer to it or use it at all 
as the Danasagara says about the Devlpurana. The argument 
from silence is a slippery one I challenge the whole basis of 
Prof. Hazra's date for Visnudharma, viz the date of the Visnu- 
dharmottara. This last is a vast work in three sections It 
would be proved later that portions of the latter Purana dealing 

1408 a 3TE?irt hHr v«j it=g^iffHH g»T5 1 racspwrrerc 1.143 16 , ^nmwr 
ir*»i r »ji=rw=n<i'iii ^ i tTrri Scorn spn tm*lcicw-4ificid<4.u nieoj'ajifa'c i 74 35. 

These verses are not clear enough for holding that the present racgjtrHfrrc is 
only the latter part of another work called f^corEpr That verse uses the word 
sjjl which refers to the first section of the present ftcarsreFtTC and refers 
only to one who studies the first section and also the following sections The 
word ^sj cannot be proved to refer to Rcor^sfsji^, which is nowhere ex- 
pressly mentioned as a jipt in the ffcart| iji\t< To take -jh as referring to 
fj mi fcM , a separate work, would be equal to assuming what has to be proved. 
Albernni mentions Visnudharma as a short form of Rcoprsfftrt and nothing 
more. Similarly, in the 2nd passage it is expressly stated that in the first 
section the essence of Vaisnava duties is given along with the following two 
sections The Matsya (53 16 ) speaks of the Visnupurana as one in which 
Parasara proclaimed all the dharmas with reference to Varahakalpa, 3TCIS=ne°/' 
. i* \ «ium &zt TtrsR I mttn y-JWIWrilWa-rfj ~hm fig. ll irepr 53 16 The word 
HHfc is used la the sn?T with reference to four Puranas. Vayu, Visnu, Naradiya 
and Skanda, out of IS. The Visnu is full of the characteristic qualities of 
Vaisnavas e. g vide III 7. 20-33, III 8 9-19 &c. 

The Vtsniidharmottara 875 

with prognostications from dreams cannot be placed esrlier 
than about 600 to 650 A D. For the Visnudharma we have to 
rely on what Prof. Hazra quotes. Chap. 66 quotes the famous 
word3 of the Glta ' whenever there is decline of dharma &c. ' 
( p. 143 n 94 ) and then the same chap, mentions the incarna- 
tions of Visnu including Buddha ( p. 125 ). Therefore, the 
mention of the ten avataras in the context of the words of, the 
Glta is natural and should not be regarded as spurious 9imply 
because it comes in the way of one's pet theories. On p. 144 he 
quotes ten verses from chapter 66 in which Buddha 13 described 
as son of Suddhodana and his doctrines are stated. Prof. Hazra 
(onpp 145-146) gives four reasons which are quite unconvincing. 
The Puranas mention the avataras of Visnu in several places.' 
The Bhagavata in I. 3 names 22 avataras On p. 150 Prof. Hazra 
himself quotes a long passage about the evils of the Kali age 
from the Visnudharma in which occurs a significant half verse 
' utkocah saugatas-oaiva Mahayanaratas-tatha. '. Here not only 
are the followers of Buddha mentioned but also those who are 
of the Mahayana persuasion. On p. 124 Prof. Hazra states that 
the Visnudharma (p 1-24 n 45) mentions by name 33 authors 
of Dharmasastras, besides the Saptarsis and others. Yaj. (I. 4-5 ) 
mentions only 19 promulgators of Dharmasastra (including 
himself and holding Sankha-likMta as one ). Both the Visnu- 
dharma and the Visnudharmottara are not mentioned by the 
Matsya. Therefore, it must be held that they were not reco- 
gnized as TTpapuranas at the time when the verses about Upa- 
puranas were interpolated in the Matsya and were not so recog- 
nized till at least the 8th or 9th century A D The Visnudharma 
is opposed to what is stated hy all writers from the Grhya and 
Dharmasutras, by Mann ( HL 128-186 ), by Matsya, Kurma and 
otHer Puranas about the qualifications of the brahmanas to be 
invited at a sraddha dinner ( vide H. of Dh. vol IV pp. 384-387 ) 
L7f' BaSl7 It YB ih&t s ^ int - e y d, hunch-backed, impotent, poor 
and di S e as9 d brahmanas should be mixed up at a sraddha along 
Wmil ° T are dee P lv ™ s ** in the Veda. ™ This does not 

nbanLS r r ydat !- °? P' 138 Prof Ha Z ra refers to several 
nn to SS 3S <3 F° hng from Vls ™dh a rma such as Gadadhara 
caXSS f T' A P aiaika a *«l Krtyakalpataru. These do not 

oSatil 6 T d 100 ° A> D aDd besides an ^mination 
°£q ^ionsmonlyo n8 ^ r kUjpara rka) will show th at the 

8Y6 History of bhcu niasasti a I Sec. IV, Ch. XftTl 

Visnudharma was an hotch-potch bringing together passages 
from several sources ( vide note ). uw Prof. Hazra himself holds 
that the original Visnudharma was appropriated and recast by 
Bhagavatas and that many verses quoted from Visnudharma 
by Raghunandana, Govindananda and the MadanapErijftta do 
not ooour in the present work ( pp. 154-155 ). 

Then we come to the Visnudharmottara. The only printed 
edition is that of the Venk Press. It is a vast work divided into 
three sections. The firBt deals with geography, solar and lunar 
dynasties, astronomy and astrology, gotra and pravara, sraddhas, 
Manvantaras, Bharata's fight with Gandharvas and Satrughua'a 
with Lavana. The 2nd section deals with various aspects of Raja- 
dharmaandthe third seotion of the Purana deals with Citrasutra- 
vidhana and contains several topics such as painting, dancing, 
music, song, rasas, riddles, dramaturgy, metrics, figures of speech, 
construction of images, building of temples, symptoms of 
approaching death, gifts of various kinds, law and justice, hermits 
and sannyasins. On p. 212 Dr. Hazra places this Purana bet- 
ween 400-500 A. D. Reasons of limitations of space preclude 
any detailed criticism of Prof Hazra's treatment. In III. 351.54 
Buddha is mentioned as an avatara which Prof Hazra says is 
' most probably spurious' (p. 212) and advances no reasons for this 
summary judgment. He puts in his usual argument of its non- 
Tantric lm character and frequent use of the word pradurbhava 

' 1410. 3tn<|jj on pp 368-370 quotes about 20 verses from fltroj^i 
some of which may be examined here . qf§ n i fndfln? i S*f TOJ^ IjfttfS ■ 
3»-*k» ^Id^^ l ^ ?tr«hr *H% 5%tl>l This very verse ts q by SprCPfi on p. 370 
from 3t if ^ i<i^<|ut This verse is stated to be derived from mira a°d "3 ' n 
E. I. vol 12 p. 135. The ^g^Tl frl l tti< p. 517 quotes it from g^wi it, while 
^^Wltl^lT) (Xnan. collection ) verse 29 has the latter half of it. On p. 369 
the verse ^ l 5nfSd<^<ic) inT is quoted from f^rorcp? but the same is quoted 
by 3<mhh himself on p 370 from m^J and it is verse 7 of gtiWitUU^i and is 
also 3<a»IHf)*l 62 19 and ■KwauJittfl 29 16 Then at the end of that long 
passage is verse 34K l hU<lPcl fhrc: (3TW>& P 370), which is «Iijtm'3t*iO 17 
and tRrg^uj VI 33 17. 

1411 I fail to understand what Prof. Hazra definitely means by non- 
Tantrik character He admits ( on p 218 ) that bijas and kavaaas are 
found in Visnudharmottara of which section I chap. 226 names over 100 
niga, some of whose names are tfinSir, H^ranst, anrctt^m, *ld£<fif f £*ni 
gTCKST, ^WltfT, Ww-41 &c.. chap. 237 of rerortrffira<C (verse 20) refers to 
t fiW'h'Jti and at the end we have purely Tantrik formulas, 
some of which quoted as specimens are : ' aff 335ft iit*idlc*i f3«n^" 
( Continued on next page) 

The Visnudharmottara &77 

and not 'avatara* which latter, heaay3, occurs in two places only. 
Prof. Hazra often attaches undue importance to insignificant 
details Whether the word ' pradurhhava ' is used or ' avatara '• is 
used matters little. The same Purana uses both words promisc- 
uously e. g. Narasimha ( 36. 1, ' avataranaham vaksye ') begins 
with the word ' avatara ' and in 39. 1 employs the word ' pradur- 
hhava' ( atah param Hareh puny am pradurbhavam ) and in the 
colophons of all chapters from 36 to 53 the word ' pradurhhava ' 
is used. The Matsya 247 1 starts with ' pradurbhavan pura- 
nesu Visnoramitatejasah '. In 247. 19-21 the Matsya employs 
the word ' avatlrnah ' with regard to Vamana and Nrsimha and 

in 246.4 ' avatirno jagadyonih Varaaneneha rupena &c. '. 

Padma V. 13. 182 speaks of twelve avataras ; Visnu V. 16 also 
uses the word. ' avatara '. On p. 199 he gives a table of passages 
that are common to Manu, Yaj , Narada and Visnudharmottara, 
on p. 200 another table of passages common to Bharata's Natya- 
sastra and Visnudharmottara, and on page 202 a table of 
passages common to Matsya and Visnudharmottara and holds 
that the Matsya borrows. This is a most astounding proposition. 
The Matsya does not even mention the Visnudharmottara as an 
Upapurana; the only sure and earliest date is that the latter is 
mentioned by Albeiuni. That does not carry the matter beyond 
900-1000 A. D. The Matsyapurana might have been tampered 
with. The reasons assigned for his opinion by Prof. Hazra are, 
to say the least, flimsy and unconvincing. It is further to be noted 
that there are twelve verses that state that some phenomena 
are not to be held to be utpatas, that are common to Matsya 229. 
/ « 25, Visnadharmott aia ( II. 134. 15-26 ) and the Brhatsamhita 
(45. 83-94), which are quoted by the Adbhutasagara pp. 743-744 
as occurring in all these three and in Barhaspatya. I have dealt 
with this matter above on p. 768 n 1240. Varaha states that these 

( Continued from last page ) 

!?f , . y^ ^ ' *ft % ^ $ % R*frW3*w»dwihi!tet »rratrei vac <& \ an {3ftftft 

^UM^v»llriJ*W« l «|*Wrt«lw t4 g^aV m , a}} f^^^g i3fi|5fftR5 ^5©^ 

'nwnrcmnri't raqin^tg *=rniT <?ret<»rat vgi>. if this is not taatncum I 

should hke to know what it .s In ftngEpiKre II 165 there is great eulogy of 
tte-Gayatri (or Savitrl) mantra Thereu, verses 55 ff of the same Purana how Gayatri can be used against one's bad enemy A few verses 

878 History of Bharmasastra [ Sec. IV, Ch. XXII 

verses axe the summaries ( rsiputrakrtaih slokair-vidyad-etat 
samasoktaih ) of the slokas of Rsiputra Therefore, the view that 
they are borrowed by Varaha from the Matsya or Visnudharmo- 
ttara would ba out of question The two Puranas do not say 
whence they have taken them Therefore, it would not be 
unjustifiable to hold that in both Puranas the verses of the 
Brhat-samhita were inserted. There is another circumstance 
that strengthens this last view. The Adbhutasagara on 
pp. 493-494 quotes seven verses from the Brhad-yatra of Varaha 
alone. These verses are quoted by Utpala on Br. S 47. 22 
(where Varaha says ' sadasat - svapnanimittam yatrayam 
svapnavidhir-uktah ) from ' Yatra * These verses ( 8 in all) are 
Varaba's own (as he says) and not taken from any other source. 
Three of these verses on dreams occur in the Visnudharmottara 
( II 176 9-11 ). They are quoted above on p 776 note 1254. 
Prof. Hazra does not appear to have carefully gone into the 
several works of Varahamihira and is not right when he says 
( on pp. 201 and 211 ) that ' the Visnudharmottara does not refer 
to or utilize the works of Varahamihira'. The Visnu- 
dharmottara is an encyclopaedia, while Varahamihira was a 
great astronomer and astrologer He would turn to his 
predecessors in his own subject if he wanted to borrow and he 
expressly mentions numerous predecessors (vide pp 591-594 
above) and not to an Upapurana (which in my view did not 
exist or at least was not recognised as an authority when Varaha 
wrote in the first half of the 6th century AD.) Besides, the 
presumption to be drawn from the nature of the Upapurana is in 
favour of holding that it borrows. 

Prof Hazra deals with the XTarasimha-purana on pp 219-266 
of his 'Studies' vol I The only printed edition is that published 
in 1911 by Gopal Narayan and Co. (Bombay) in 68 chapters based 
on three mss about which no information is given. This Purana 
appears to have been composed solely for the glorification of Mara- 
simha identified with Narayaria. Prof Hazra has used several mss., 
two, the oldest, being dated m saka 1567 ( i e 1645 A. D ), some 
of the others are not dated and a few are dated so late as 1798 
A. D. and 1810 A D ; and some are written in Bengali script 
On p 322 Prof. Hazra says about one ms. in Eggeling's cat of 
India Office mss that it was copied about lpOO-1600 A D and its 
last five folios were supplied m 1789 A D. No reasons are given 
why this ms. should be regarded as being copied between 1500- 
^ 1600. This is probably a guess, so all the msB consulted are not 
'earlier than the 17th and following centuries Moat mss. do not 

The Vi&nudharmattaia 879 

agree with the printed edition, in the number of chapters and 
also lack certain chapters of the printed edition. Prof. Hazra holds 
(p. 243) on -various grounds, all of which cannot be examined 
here, that the ' present Narasimbapurana is to be placed between 
400-500 A D. ' One or two of his characteristic arguments will 
be noticed here In chap 36. 9 ( kalau prapte yatha Buddho 
bhaven-Farayanah prabhuh ) Buddha is mentioned ; Markan- 
deya promises in chap 36 to narrate stories about eleven avataras 
(among whom Balarama, Kisna and Buddha are included) 
and in chapters 37-54, the stories of all avataras except Buddha 
aTe given and it is added l412 in chap. 54 that ' I have spoken 
of the ten incarnations of Visnu. The devotee of Nrsimha who 
always listens to these attains Visnu'. It may be noted that 
Balabhadra is mentioned in a half verse (36. 8) which is found 
only in ms. 'ga' of the three mss. of the printed edition. In 
ohap. 53 a few exploits of Balarama and Krsna are narrated in 
.the same chapter and so the half line was inserted later. A3 the 
story of Buddha is not given Prof Hazra holds that the verse in 
.36 9 is undoubtedly spurious (pp 230 and 249). It never occurred 
to Prof Hazra that the sectarian zeal of a bigoted Vaisnava 
might have never cared to give the life of Buddha who was not 
concerned with ( but was antagonistic to ) the varna system and 
the Vedas or might have omitted the story of the life of Buddha 
even if it occurred in the ms from which he copied The present 
author thinks that 36.9 is a genuine verse and enumerates 
Buddha as an avatara following the universal belief held in 
•lnd la at least from the 9th or 10th century A.D. that Buddha 
was an avatara, but probably bigotry led to the omission of the 
details of Buddha's Me. Besides, the verse is capable of another 
mterpretation. It is only the stories of ten avataras ( excluding 
Buddha) that lead a devotee to Visnu. A devotee may worship any 
one of Nrsrrnha, Eama or Krsna, and Teach Visnu, but hardly any 
orthodox work has ever stated that worship of Buddha alone (an 
avatara) will lead to attainment of Visnu. Therefore, it is 
proper to hold that the story of Buddha's life might not have been 
given at all or was purposely omitted. On. p. 239 Prof. Hazra puts 
lorwardapeouliar argument. Accordingto theNarasimha-parana 
™ap.53 31, says Prof. Hazra, Krsna embodies only a part of 
Visnu s sakti m» and therefore 'the IJTarasimha is to be dated 
1412. ^irhto ssftare&r 3*ferr -ni&t vm<® i n* ^jT^ #^ : 

1^13. ^ngnSt ^ „^=v ^n^ qraiVra. 1 -Brit: ferr =* Xtifn»T 

88Q History of Dharma&Ualra [ Sec. IV, Oh. XXII 

earlier than the present Bhagavata in which Krsna is called 
bhagavan himself (Bhagavata I. 3 28). As the present Bhaga- 
vata is to he dated in the 6th century A. D the Naraaimha is 
to be placed not later than £.00 A D.' Great controversies have 
raged over the date of the Bhagavata. The present author 
holds that the Bhagavata-purana does not belong to the 6th 
century A. D. It will be shown below that while Ramanuja 
quotes more than a hundred verses from tho Visnupurana, which 
he regarded as one of supreme authority over other Puranas 
(in Vedarthasangraha pp. 111-142 of D G. edition) ho does not 
quote the Bhagavata at all in his bhasya on tho VedantasUtra. 
A bigoted devotee of Narasimha may say that Narasimha 
avatara is the perfect avatara of Visnu, while Kcsna is only a 
partial one. But surely that cannot determine tho dates of the 
respective puranas. What bigoted devotees are capable of 
saying may be seen from Brahmanda III 36. 18-20 quoted 
later in this section, where it is asserted that the reward of 
repeating thrice the thousand names of Visnu is yielded by 
repeating one name of Krsna once. Tho strongest argument 
against the authenticity and early date of the present Nara- 
simhapurana has not been properly and adequately emphasized 
or appreciated by Prof. Hazra The Matsya ( 53. 60-63 ) gives 
meagre details about the four Upapuranas expressly named by 
it, but about the Narasimha it makes one definite statement 
*vlhat it contained 18000 verses (53 60) The present Narasimha 
contains only about 3400 verses im Therefore, the old Nara- 
simhapurana exists no more and in its place a new one has 
been substituted, probably containing some of the topics and 
chapters contained in the old one. We do not know the extent 
of the Narasimha mentioned by Alberuni For ought we know 
he might have referred to the old extensive purana or the new 
stripling substituted in its place. Even some of the mss copied 
in comparatively recent times drop several chapters of the 
printed purana; on p. 249 Prof Hazra holds that chapters 
34 verses 43-55, and chapters 61, 65 (on 68 holy places 
for Vaisnavas), 66,67 are genuine parts, though dropped m 

1414 Even a late writer like ^HrHtRrsi^PpJ. patronized by the Gajapati 
king Mukundadeva ( 1559-1568 A. D ) says in bis filc^ l^K M j lT ( B. *■ ed. ) 

vol I p is ' uR^'iKHifi't'J 3^eicj*wi^m=<fi mm ^tad*4() Rii3i< skis- 

shHIi.jjHffiffci nffivni^ I >. It further says that the Nandi or Nanda purana is a 
part of Skanda and that, since Laksmldhara say3 that the Kalika is an Upa- 
purana, those that say that by the word Bhagavata the Kalika is meant are 
wrong and then enumerates the 18 y4U<iu|s 

The Nardstmhapuraya 881 

some msa. Frof. Hazra's judgments on various matters are 
most liable to be challenged; tut considerations of space 
prevent any detailed treatment. On p. 252 he holds that 
in chap. 6 the story of the birth of Vasistha and Agastya 
aB the son3 of Mitra and Varuna, the story of Yam a 
and YamI are comparatively late additions. The story of 
the birth of Vasistha from Urvasi and Mitra and Varuna is 
alluded to even in the Bgveda ( VII 33. 11 ) ' and in the 
previous verse ( 10 ) of the same hymn Vasistha, Agastya and 
Mitravarunau are brought together. The story of Yama and 
YamI occurs in Eg. X. 10. The Narasimha itself states ( in 
chap. 14 1 ) that the story of Yama and YamI is Vaidikl. The 
Purana may have added some fringes and embellishments, but 
the main theme is the same in both. On p. 254-255 and note 
330 Prof. Hazra was constrained to admit that the Narasimha- 
purana had been revised more than once, remarks that HemSdri 
bad a more extensive purana before him than the printed one 
and that a comparison of the verses quoted from the Narasimha- 
puranaby the Madanaparijata pp. 301-302, Smrtitattva on 
Shnika ( vol. I. p. 411 ) and Nityacarapradlpa (vol. I p. 617) show 
that the text of the Narasimha used by Eaghunandana and 
Narasimha-vajapeyin agrees more with the printed text than 
the text used by Madanapala ( about 1375 A. D. ), less than 200 
years before Eaghunandana. 

The extant Naiasimhapurana is an insignificant one as 
compared with the principal Puranas like Vayu, Matsya, Visnu • 
the Samba is not quoted at all by Apararka, the Visnudharma 
only twice and even the Visnudharmottara is quoted by 
Apararka only 7 times for about 25 verses in all The very ex- 
tensive digest Kalpataru ( first half of 12th century A D ) 
omteoubudlr any quotation from Visnudharmottara on vratas 
(tooughthe latter devotes about 1600 verses to vratas ), nor is 
tt quoted in the sections on brahmacari and other kandas, while 

i™„.j j * »"«uu««i auu onuer Kanaas, wuile 

hundreds of verses are quoted from Matsya, Brahma, Bhavisya, 
Markandeya and other Puranas. Apararka in his huge 

tes the Narasimhapurana 

oi, j.1- u ~ "* **"■ auuuu "0 verses only, of which 

t^^ll^^l^^ **? *•_ Brahmapurana 

ZT^«. ° ther PuraDaa - ^arka in his huge 
orfv q f P ? nted pages quot83 tne Narasimhapurana 

only 9 times and m all about 30 verses onlv. of wMoT, 

over 50 times for several hundred verses. The TulasI plant is 
jow sacred to the devotees of Visnu, but it does not figure in 
early Pauramka or other literature. It is mentioned in oTaJteS 

H. D 111 

882 History of Dharmaiastra [Sec. IV, Ch. XXII 

31. 87 ( in a prose passage ) and 34 ( 19 and 23 ) of the printed 
Narasimhapurana. As usual Prof Hazra holds these references 
are due to later revisions and should not be held to suggest a 
late date for the extant Narasimhapurana ( p. 255 ). Tulasi- 
ma.h3.tmya is very much in evidence in the Fadma e. g. in IV. 
94. 4-10, V 58 109ff and V. 59, VI 24 2-43. The very late part 
of Padma VI ( ohap 98-107 ) contains the story of Jalandhara, 
whose wife Vrnda is said to have become TulasI Frof . Hazra 
fails to realize the full force of his own admission that the 
Narasimha was revised several times and that writers of the 
16th century had a version before them different from that before 
the writers of the 13th or 14th century In the author's opinion 
the whole Furana becomes suspect and that by mere diplomatic 
criticism one would not be able to support beyond doubt any 
chronological conclusion derived from the present truncated 
and garbled version of the original Narasimha. 

So much space had to be devoted to an examination of Prof. 
Hazra's work on the Upapuranas for cogent reasons. His is 
the latest and most elaborate treatment of Puranas and parti- 
cularly of Upapuranas, on which he has bestowed immense 
labour. His opinions, particularly about the dates of the 
Upapuranas, are likely to be taken as the last word on the 
subject and even his unfounded surmises are likely to be taken 
as well-established conclusions. Modern Sanskrit scholars have 
sad experience about such matters. Max Muller, working back 
from the date of Buddha and assigning arbitrarily two hundred 
years each for three periods viz. the Upanisad period, the 
Brahmana period and the Samhita period, inferred that the 
composition of the Vedas was to be assigned to a period about 
1200 B C. He no doubt said that his periods were the 
minimum and that his was a- pure surmise. Yet most writers 
who have not themselves made a deep study of the Veda assign 
the Vedas to about 1200 to 1400 B G. even after the lapse of 
about one hundred years from the time when Max Muller 
launched his surmises. For example, Prof. Toynbee in the table 
of the time spans of the growth phases of civilizations on p. 758 
of volume IX (1954) gives the dates of Epiphany and of 
breakdown of the Indie civilization as 1375 B. G. and 725 B. O. 
respectively. The present author does not at all agree with the 
dates assigned to the Upapuranas by Prof Hazra and with the 
methods and reasoning adopted for arriving at those dates. He 
had to perform this painful duty even in spite of his regard 
for Prof. Hazra. 

Works and papers on Puranas 883 

There are numerous works, translations and papers on 
Furanas. A few alone are mentioned here. Eugene Burnouf 
translated the Bhagavata Parana in French m five volumes in 
1840 and later years. The translates of Visnu and 
Markandeya were made respectively by H. H. Wilson and 
Pargiter; Prof. Kirfel's Introduction to ' Parana pancalaksana 
(1927, Bonn) was translated in the Journal of the Shri VenkateSa 
Institute, vol. VH pp 81-121 and vol. VIH pp 9-33; Kirfel in 
Festschrift Jacobi pp. 398-316 ; K. P. Jayaswal on Chrono- 
logical tables in Puranic ohronioles' m J. B. O B. B. vol. -LU 
pp 346-262 ; « Puranas and Indus Aryas • and ' Study of ancient 
Geography in Agnipurana ' in X H. Q. ( 1933 ), vol. 18 pp. 461 
and 470; Prof. Bamchandra Dikshitar's studies on Vayu and 
Matsya and Index to (five) Puranas in three volumes ; J. E. A. S. 
1941 pp. 247-256 and pp. 337-350 by W. Buben for 
' Puranic line of heroes ' ; J. A. S. B. for 1938, vol. IV. Article 15 
pp. 393 ff; 'Puranas on Guptas' in I. H. Q. vol. 21 pp. 141 ff and 
• Gupta Inscriptions and Puranas ' by Dr. D. B. Patil in B.D.C.E.I. 
voL II. pp. 148-165; H. O Bayohaudhuri in a paper in the Pro. 
of the 10th Oriental Conference, pp. 39 Off for discrepancies of 
Puranic accounts with epigraphic records ; paper by Mr. B. O. 
Majmudar on ' Origin and character of Purana literature ' in 
Sir Asutosh Mukharji Silver Jubilee vol. HE, Orientalia, part % 
pp. 9-30; a verse from p. 30 of ' Inscriptiones Sanskrites de 
Champa et du Cambodge ' refers to the provision made by a king 
of the 6th century A. D. for the daily reading of the Bharata,, 
Bamayana and Puranas; 1414 " the Penukonda plates of the early 
Ganga king Madhava H, ( E. I. vol. 14 p 338 ) speaks of him as 
knowing ' the essence of many sastras, Itihasa and Puranas ' 
(probably in 6th century A. D. ); Puranas ara mentioned as 
studied in 578 A. D. ( in E. I. vol. 28 p 59 ) 

In the following notes on individual Puranas and Upapurauas 
the author adds a few notes based on his own study of the Puranas 
and ( printed) digests ( nibandhas ) of an early age He desires 
to emphasize that the earliest works that can be called digests 
and are available in print cannot be placed earlier than about 
1100 A. D. Though there is difference of views among scholars 
about the exact dates of composition, the Mitaksara, the Ertya- 
kalpataru (which is a regular Digest of various kinds of 
materials on Dharmasastra) and Apararka's work (though in 

1414 a The verse is tim-nm;j,-<a"n-mm? i q ^ma ^3^1 34&dl*4<|*Wsiil t ^r 
^ aST^ritttiaHH, vide I H. Q vol. 22 pp. 321-223. 

884 History of Mat maiUati a [ Soo. IV, Ch. XXII 

form a commentary on Yajfiavalkya-smrti is still in the naturo 

of a Digest ) are three printod works more or loss contemporary 

and composed between about 1100 to 1140 A. D. T ho Krtya- 

kalpataru on Vyavahara montions by name Prakasa, Hala- 

yudha, Kamadhonu and Parijata. Bosidos, Krityakalpataru 

( Niyata p. 280 ) oites tho explanation of Pararlka ( in Ap. 

Dh. S. I. 17. 26 ) by the Smrtimafijarl ( of Govindaraja ) 

and also on sraddha ( pp. 4G and 259 ). It has boon shown 

in H. of Dh. vol. I that Prakasa ( pp. 306-308 ), Parijita 

(pp. 308-309), Smrtimaiijarl (pp. 312-314 ) woro works 

of the digest genre. Tho Kamadhenu of Gopala also appoars to 

have been a digest (H ofDh. vol. I. pp. 293 ffj. Tho author 

Gopala was a friond of Laksmldbara ( vido Introd. to Danaka- 

nda p. 49 ), but, since the latter employs tho past tense (athre) 

with reference to Gopala's work and tho presont tonso ( lanyale 

kalpavrksuh) as regards his own work it follows that the 

Kamadhenu was composed at least a few years boforo tho Kalpa- 

taru. As no mas. of the Prakasa, Parijlta and Kamadhonu are 

available it is impossible to say anything about thoir oxhaus- 

tiveness or otherwise But from tho summary at tho ond of tho 

ms. on the Prayasoitta seotion of tho Smrtimafijarl ( H of Dh. 

vol I. p. 312 note 71 i) it appears that it must havo boon fairly 

large and was composed on tho same lines as the later Kitya- 

kalpataru, since it began with Panbhasakanda and Brahmacari- 

section, then dealt with Grhasthadharmas, Dana, Suddhi and 

Asauca, Sraddha, then with Vanaprastha and Fravrajya 

(corresponding to the moksakanda of Kalpataru) and onded 

with Prayascittas. These predecessors of the Kalpataru wero 

superseded by the extensive work of Laksmldbara, who himself 

receded into the background when the works of Hemadri, 

Candesvara, Madanaratna, tho Vlramitrodaya, the Mayukhos 

of Nllakantha became popular. Even before the Kamadhenu 

and probably the Smrtimafijarl also, Bhoja ( about 2nd quarter 

of 11th century A. D ) composed ( or patronised tho composition 

of) several works such as the Bhujabala and Rajamartanda 

which exhaustively dealt with the astrological requirements of 

samskaras from pumsavana to marriage and also of vratas, 

yatra, santis, pratistha (vide the author's paper on 'King Bhoja 

and his works on Dharmasastra and astrology ' in JOB, (Madras), 

vol. XX7TI for 1953-54 pp 94-127 for five works of Bhoja). 

So there was nothing very novel m the Krtyakalpataru except 

its exhaustive and logical treatment of all topics and profuse 

quotations from the Epics and Puranas. The Mitaksara does 

Works and papers on Puravas 885 

not quote much from the Furana3, but Apararka and Kalpataru 
luote them profusely. The Kalpataru quotes about 600 verse3 
from Devlpurana, over 200 verse3 each from. Kalika, Aditya- 
ourana, iTandipurana and !Narasiriihapurana ( all Upapuranas ) 
while it quotes none at all from Visnudharmottara. The 
Kalpataru did not prohably regard it as authoritative, 
though Apararka and the Danasagara utilized it to some extent. 
The learned editor of the extensive Kalpataru, Prof. Aiyangar, 
has made great efforts to identify the quotations therein from the 
Puranas, and laid all workers and scholars under great obliga- 
tions. But many quotations have eluded him as will be shown 
later on. He has been assiduous in pointing out how Hemadri, 
Candesvara and Mitramisra have copied wholesale from the 
Kalpataru. It is not impossible that even the Kalpataru might 
have done the same to some extent as regards its predecessors 
such as the Parijata, Prakasa, Smrtimanjarl, and Kamadhenu. 
But as those works are not yet available, no positive conclusion 
can be drawn about its borrowing for the present 

The present author edited 286 verses from the Eajamartanda 
(containing 1462 verses) on tithis, vratas and utsavas in 
ABOEItoL36, parts m-IV, 1956, pp. 306-339 J. It describes 
several vratas and utsavas like Indradhvajotthapana and the 
work is about 75 years older than the Kalpataru. The Kalpataru 
is studiously silent as regards Bhoja, though it mentions Kama- 
dhenu, Govindaraja, Prakasa and Halayudha and it hardly any- 
where mentions the vratas described by the Eajamartanda. 
JLne Mitaksara does mention Dharesvara Bhoja. Probably 
Laksmldhara did not like that a comparison should be instituted 
between his treatment of vratas and Bhoja's. 

Alberuni's work on India translated by Sachau furnishes 
us witnsome data about the chronology of Puranas. Onp 130 fof 
Sachau s tr ) he says he heard the following as the Puranas viz 

Banda, Skanda, Aditya, Soma, Samba, Brahmanda, Markandeya 
nTT* a( A 9 Galuda >. V * 3 ™> Brahma, Bhavfeya It will be 
noted that he mixes in this list Puranas and Upapuranas He 
tother states that he had seen only portions of Malya, Aditya 

Hst JhS w, 9n ^ P ^ 131 ^ (0f SacWste -> *« * anotSr 
ast which was read to him from the Visnu ( viz the 18 principal 

™>as,Saiva being substituted for Vayu). Then on n 229 

Son^af ^ h9 t 3 ° U i ft ° m ^ s ™ deta'L abo P ut tK 
re ions below the earth and shows how Tayu differs from it and 

886 History of Marmaiustra t Sec. IV, Cb. XXII 

on p. 248 he sots out details about Mora from Visnu, Vayu and 
Aditya. As ho wrote his work in 1030 A. D. one has to conclude 
that Puranas having the names oitod by him oxistod somo time 
before 1000 A. D. at the latost. 

Some of the papers of Prof. Hazra and others on the princi- 
pal Puranas and on somo of tho Upapuranas are brought together 
in one place by Dr. Pusalkar in his work ' Studios in Epics and 
Puranas ' pp 218-225 , a few of thorn are montionod hero. About 
sixteen papers of Prof. Hazra contributed to various Journals 
from time to time woro included in his work ' Studios in Furuiiik 
Records of Hindu Rites and customs ', which is roforrod to as 
PRHR here and H. stands for Prof. Hazra and U. for Upa- 


Brief Notes on individual Puranas and Upapuranas 

Agnipurava — ' Present Agni ' ( by H. ) in I. H. Q. vol XII 
pp. 683-691: 'Studies in genuine Agneya alias Vahnipurana' 
by H. in « Our Heritage * voL I part 2 pp. 209-245 and vol. II 
part 1 pp. 76-109 ; ' Discovery of genuine Agneyapurana ' by H. 
in J O.L (Baroda)vol V (1956) pp. 411-416 (shows that 
present Agni published by Anan. Press is not the original 
Purana, that this was compiled late, while the original Agneya or 
Vabni is not yet printed ) ; the Danasagara p 7. verse 63 speaks 
of an Agneya which it has discarded apart from one which it 
has utilized ( p. 2 verse 11 ). As usual with most Puranas, the 
printed Agneya glorifies itself by saying ( in chap. 272. 13 and 
17 ) that in that Mahapurana Hari resides in the form of diffe- 
rent lores and the Agneya is a great purana full of Veda and 
all vidyas. 

Adipurava ( U. )— B. V. vol VI ( 1945 ) pp. 60-73 ( H. postu- 
lates an earlier and a later version ). Vayu 104.7 mentions an 
Adika among the 18 principal puranas ( including the Brahma ). 
Alberuni's list_( which mixes up Puranas and Upapuranas) 
mentions an Adipurana; an Adipurana is published by' the 
Venk. Press in 29 chapters. H. in « Studies &c. ' vol I. pp. 
2<9-303 deals at length with this and tries to establish that there 
was an earlier Adi Purana of which no mss. are yet available 
(P. 211) and holds that it is to be dated between 1203 to 1525 AJ>. 
( Studies • p. 288 ). Adi and Adya mean the same thing. But 
Kulluka on Manu H. 54 quotes some verses from Adi which are 
ascribed to Brahma by G. B. p. 314. The digests make a con- 
fusion between Adi and Adityapurana. Vide H. in 'Studies* vol 
i. pp. ,$02-303. The printed one is a late compilation and none 
of the verses quoted by Laksmldhara and Apararka occur therein 
( vide Studies vol I pp. 286-289 ). 

Adityapuraya— Mentioned by Matsya 53.62 as U. and Al- 
berum(SachauI.p 130, 229,248); quoted by Krtyakalpataru 
?ab5STVf ° ut2ver , aea) ' ^m* (about 125), SrSddha 
Shmka and Sraddha from both Adi and Aditya and quotes both 

888 History of DharmaiOstra {Sac. IV, Ch. XXIII 

separately on ' sauca ' on the same page ( I p. 94 ). Apararka 
also quotes many verses from both iLdi and Aditya. The Dana- 
Bagara quotes about forty verses from both the Adi and Aditya 

Ekamra ( a work of Orissa ) .— H in P. O. vol. 16 pp. 70-76 
and * Studies &c. ' vol. I. p. 341 ( assigns it to 10th or llfch 
century A. D.) 

Kaliku — (an U. in 93 chapters pr by Venk. Press, 
Bombay); vide H in A.B O R.I vol. XXII pp. 1-23; Sharma in 
I. H. Q. vol 23 pp 322-326 (holding that Kalika was completed 
during the reign of king Dharmapala of Klmarupa ); H. in B V. 
vol. 16 (1956) pp 35-40 questions tho view of Sharma; 'Date 
of Kalika ' by Prof. Gode in J. O. R. (Madras) vol. X pp. 289-294 ; 
Dr. Raghavan m J. O.K. (Madras) vol XII. pp. 331-360 (shows 
that there are three separate recensions of the Purana). H. 
distinguishes between an earlier version and the extant one and 
places the latter in the 10th or 11th century , on the words of 
Matsya 53. 60-64 ' tad-etebbyo vmirgatam ', the Kalpataru 
explains ' vinirgatam * as ' udbhutam '( sprung from ) and gives 
the Kalika as an illustration (Brahmacan p 30)ofanUpa- 
purana sprung from Mahapuranas, the Kalpataru quotes from it 
about 100 verses on vrata, on dana, 14 on grhastha, 12 on 
vyavahara (about witnesses and ordeals), 5 each on niyatakala 
and tlrtha and 2 on brahmacirm ; Apararka quotes it on pp. 15, 
226, 377 (15 verses on marriage and house settlements for 
brahmanas), 924; the Sm. O II, p. 442 quotes one verse from it 
on sraddha. The Danasagara quotes many verses from it. 
The Venk ed mentions Visnudharmottara in chap 91. 70 and 
92. Z laib ; the extant Kalika would have to be placed before 
1000 A D. Vide p 809 n 1317 above for the Kalika saying that 
the howl of a female jackal is auspicious 

Kalktpurana— Vide H. in ' Studies &c ' vol I. pp 303-303 
There are three editions, all from Calcutta, H remarks that it is 
a late work not quoted by any writer ( p 308) and that it is, not 
to be placed later than the 18th century A. D 

Kurma — (Venk. Press ed.); is divided into Purvardha 
( 53 chapters ) and Uttarar dha ( 46 chapters ) ; vide H in * Puranas 

1414 b. eRiiS^i 192 2 says f^corerfiifcrc tl^ sng^4 *rfa. S* ] i^b"h«I 
H?rarir ' 41=1°^ IW im&t' » and then narrates the story of ifcnfJ and jftr who 
required a son. 

Kurmapwana 889 

in history of Smrti' I. G. vol.1, pp. 587-614 and in 'Smrti 
chapters of Surma* in I. H Q. vol. XI. pp. 265-286 and P.R.H.B 
pp 57-75 , H. holds that it was. originally a Pancaratra work, 
but was altered to make it a Pasupata one. In several passages 
the Kurma speaks of God as one (IE. 11. 112-115), but divided 
into two, Naray ana and Brahma ( in I 9. 40 ) or as Visnu and 
Siva (in I 2. 95) or in three (as in 1. 10. 77). The Sm. O. I. p. 199 
quotes verses from I 2 94, 95, 97-99 whioh allow a parson to 
worship either "Visnu with the mantra ( Rg I. 22, 20 or X. 90 ) 
or Siva with Rudragayatrl, Rudras ( Tai. S. IV. 5. 1-11 ) or 
'Tryambakam' (Rg VII 59 12, Tai S. I 8. 6. 2.) or with 'Om 
namabSivaya'. The Sm C quotes from Kurma about 94 verses 
on ahnika and 19 on sraddha In I 1. 21-22 it states that there 
were four samhitas of the Purana viz Brahmi, BhagavatI, Saurl 
and Vaisnavl and that the present one is the Brahmi in 6000 
verses, the Naradiya (1.106 1-22) furnishes a summary of 
the other three samhitas. Padma f Patalakhanda 102. 41-42 ) llu ° 
expressly names the Kurma and quotes a veTse from it. 
Kalpataru (on sraddha p. 119) quotes two verses from it! 
Apararka (pp 201,204,207) quotes three verses from Kurma 
( all in relation to fast ). 

Ganesapui aya~ Vide H. in JGJRI. vol. 9 pp. 79-99. 

Ga?u4a— Vide p. 769 above for Ballalasena discarding ifs- 
H m ABORI vol 19 pp 69-79, PRHR pp. 141-145- A. P* 
Karmarkar on « Brhaspatinltisara ' in Siddha-bharatl' vol. f 
pp 239-240; Dr. L S Sternbaoh in ABORI. vol. 37 pp 63-110 
on 'Ganakyarajanltiaastra and Brhaspati-samhita. of Garuda- 
purana'; the Garuda is quoted by the Sm O H p 357 
(on Ekadasi); vide H. of Dh. voL I. pp. 173-175 which show how 
toe traruda either reproduces or summarizes verses from Yaj I 
andlK.; chap 107 of the present Garuda gives a summary of 
ttie Parasarasmrti in 39 verses ( vide H. of Dh vol. I d 191) 
The extant Garuda will have to be placed not later'than 950 
A D and not earlier than the 6th century A. D. 

Devipui ana-(U.) Vide H. in !NIA vol. V. pp. 2-20 (assigning 
it to the lat te r half of the 7th century A. D. ). ^Vide p 769 aWe 

H. D. 112 

890 History of Dhai maiasti a { Seo. IV, Ch. XXIII 

for the reasons for which the Danasagara refused to utilize 1413 
it ; it is quoted by Bhujabala-nibandha ( about 1040-50 A. D. ) 
on how Sankranti when occurring at different parts of 
the day affects different people. uu Kalpataru quotes Devl- 
purana in several kandas viz. about 210 verses in Bajadharma 
( 88 verses on fortified capital ) , 37 verses on worship of Devi on 
Asvina sukla 9 with the bait of goats and buffaloes, 52 on 
raising a banner in honour of Devi, 10 verses on gavotsarga on 
Kartika-amavasya &o ; in Vrata-kanda about 80 verses ( on 
DurgastamJ, 25 verses on Nandavrata, 44 verses with a prose 
passage ) ; 245 verses on dana ( such as 28 on Tiladhenu and 
Ghrtadhenu pp 147-151, 56 verses on Vidyadana pp. 201-207, 
98 verses on the construction of Icupa, vapi, diryhiLa &c. pp. 
289-299, 27 verses on laying out a park and planting trees pp. 
300-303, 10 verses on building a rest-house for ascetics &o. pp. 
312-313 ) ; in Tlrthakanda 103 verses ( 20 verees on sraddha at a 
tlrtha without examining character and learning of brahmanas ), 
Niyatakalakanda quotes 30 verses; Brahmacari-kanda quotes 
only a few; Grhasthakanda quotes 6 verses; Sraddhakanda p. 21 
quotes only one verse on MaghSsraddha. AparSrka quotes about 
34 verses ( 3 of which on qualifications of a sthapaka are inter- 
esting, p. 16 ), as they require that he should possess a knowledge 
of the Varna and Daksina paths, of the Matr cult, of Pancaratra 
and Saiva sastras. 

JJevibhagavata (pr. by Venk. Press in 12 skandhas) — Vide H. 
in JOB (Madras) vol. 21 pp. 49-79 (tries to prove that it is 
younger than the Bhagavata); 'Devi-bhagavata and Bhagavata' 
by Mr. Tadpatrikar in ABOBI vol. 23 pp. 559-562, IHQ vol. 27 
pp. 191-196 ( Mr Bamchandran says that the relief in Deogarh 
of Nara-Narayana is based on Devlbhagavata IV. 5-10 ) , H in 
IHQ vol. 29 pp. 387-392 does not agree with Mr. Bamohandran. 

Nandipurana (TJ). Vide H. on ' Brhan-nandikesvara and 
Nandikesvara' in Dr. B. C Law Presentation vol. part H pp. 
415-419 and in JGJBI vol. II pp. 305-320; Prof. Bangaswami 
Aiyangar in NIA vol. IV. pp. 157-161 on ISTandipurana (holds 
that the original Purana is probably lost, that verses quoted from 
it by Laksmldhara are almost all on gifts of variouB kinds ). 

1415 Vide above p. 328 for Nandavrata for the mulamantra and 
p 425 of the Vratakanda ( o£ Kalpataru ) for other Sakta mantras 

1416 g?i|r'flsi^^Rnirein^=5ii^hmi:i a?qxi#i«ii^n!^3i^reri^ 

*S » gSTTO p. 337 quoting ^Jgour 

NandipWaya $9i 

Kalpataru on dana quotes over 200 verses from it on dana ( of 
which 140 are on Vidyadana pp. 207-222, 12 verses on .Srogya- 
dana, which provide for the establishment of an hospital with 
a physician knowing the eight angas of ayurveda and provided 
with drugs &c), Apararka (pp. 396-403) quotes about 100 verses 
on vidyadana agreeing with those in Kalpataru and also quotes 
(pp 365-366) the same verses on Arogyadana; Kalpataru on 
Niyatakala quotes 13 verses from thi3 purana advocating total 
abstention from flesh-eating (p. 323) and abstaining from flesh 
at least on the 4th, 8th, 12th 14th and 15th tithis, on Sadaslti and 
sun's passage from one rasi to another &c. (pp. 353-360). As this 
is one of the four upapuranas expressly named by the Matsya, as 
Alberuni mentions a Handa-purana which ( appears to be the 
same asNandi) and as it is largely quoted by Laksmldhara, 
Apararka and Danasagara it is one of the earliest TJpapuranaB 
and may have been composed in the 8th or 9th century A.D. 

Narasimhapurana (or Ursimha). This IT. has been dealt with 
above on pp. 878-882. Kalpataru on vrata quotes 29 verses from 
it (22 on Ganesacaturthl pp. 84-87 almost all of which are found 
in the current work, chap. 26. 2-20) ; Kalpataru on Tlrtha quotes 
66 verses from it, almost all of which are in chap. 65. 2-31, 66. 
1-9, 20-45 of the current work; Kalpataru on Niyatakala quotes 
65 verses almost all of which are found in chap 58 ; Kalpataru on 
Moksa quotes 57 verses, which can be traced in chapters 17, 58, 
59, 60, 61; the Danakanda of Kalpataru quotes 13 verses (found 
m chap. 30 27 ff.), and Brahmacarikanda quotes four verses; 
ApaTarka quotes about 40 verses from Nrsimha, of which 16 
concerns ( pp. 951, 965 from chap. 60. 12 ff. ), 17 verses deal 
I P. 140 ) with arghya to the Sun ( from 58. 91-93 ) by the employ- 
ment of the 16 verses of the Purusasukta for nySsa on the 
different parts of the body and also the sixteen (from chap 62. 
/k-L- °? ai \ fl ° m aYahana (invoking to come) to visarjana 
(bidding adieu) in worship. 5 verses on Narasimha-pSja with the 
mantra Om namo Narayanaya ' ( 63. 3 and 6 ). Out of 3 i verses 
on p^35 dealing with evening sandhya and homa attributed to 
ttiis Parana two are the same as Daksa-smrtI (H. 28-29) Sm 

Lr^ I™ 3 * 68 ° D ****** iam ^a^ka. I* appears that 
both Kalpataru and Apararka had a much longer version before 
them than the present purana. It may be noted that Ksemaka 
who was the last king of the Aila-vamsa (ace. to Vayu 99. 432 and 

son Sn S T ib8d iQ ^ *«"*«***«*» C •£. 23) as the 
son of Naravahana and grand-son of the famous ancient couple 

892 History of Dltarmuiaaru [ Sec. IV, Ch. XXJIi 

Udayana and Vasavadattl Tho oxtant purana may bo aligned 
to about Otb. contury A. D. 

NSradapurSna — (Vonk. Fran) Vido H. in I O. \ol. III. 
p. 477-188, PEIIR pp 127-133 on ' Brhau-nlradly a and 
Nuradlya' and ' Studios &c.' vol. I pp 300-3 i"» The Brhan- 
niradlya was published by tho Calcutta Asiatic Socioty and by 
tho VangavJsi Proas in 33 chapters and about 3 jOO VGrnOJ II. hoick 
that tbo Brhan-naradlya is a purely toctarlan Vni:n.Lva v.orl:, 
is wanting in tbo characteristic of a purana, Hi it tho Nradiy.i 
noticed by tho Mat<.ya (53. 23 ay containing 2JU00 vnt^o-t and 
in which Narada proclaunod tho dhnrma : t of Bilmti>.ahri) and 
by tho Agni (372. 3) is different from tho pro>ont N it idly a and 
that tho oxtant NaradJya borrows from tiio Urhan-n jradlya 
(pp. 336-311 of 'Studio-i &c ' vol. I). Tho Naradrj » ( Vonk. 
Press) is divided into two parks, tho first in 123 chapter? and tho 
2nd in 82 chapters (and about 5513 vor<«_> in all). Out of tho 5513 
verses of tho 2nd part 3100 doal with variout tlrtbas and moat 
of tho remaining aro coucornod with tho story of Rukiulngada 
and Mohinl. Tho firat part deals with buvoral matters such aa 
praiso of Visnu and blnkti. Geography of India, story of 
Sagara, Bhaglratha and Ganga-mlh ttmya, a few vrat.w, Varra- 
dharmo, Asramadharma, p-italcod, wlScum and briddha. Nara- 
diya I. 9.10 ha3 a vorso whiuh echoes a K iratarjuiiiya vora0 1,,7 and 
proclaims that a brahniana who enters a Bauddha temple ovon in 
a great calamity cannot get rid of tho sin by hundreds of 
•expiations, sinco tho Bauddhas aro heretics and rovilors of HU 
Veda. Tho fir3t part speaks of Vaibnavjgaraa (37, 1) and 
Pancaratra proccduro { 53. 9 ). Tho Sin. C. quotes many vorso J 
from the extant Naradlya on Ekadasl and tho story of Mohinl. 
One characteristic passage may bo quoted hero. 1119 Rukmlngada 
proclaimed that any porson more than oight yoars of ago and 
below 80 yoars who would oat food on tho day of Visnu in hw 
kingdom would bo liable to corporal punishment, fino or banish- 
ment. Apararka also ( p. 205 ) quotes two vorsos about fast on 

1417. 3imqfr nj a^rcrnr?! <rw >r?^ i ^iPRfiv i o so, compare 'wren 
fWfia t ftramfSss* twii^t <np* i ' Rroai» II 30 

His. 4r^raf fitnng sJifrraR ^ f5=f! i iot rasantset ^nrfinTsra^ 
• '^r^i i n^i "ii.t urair iar q^RR^snn: u ^n?nr i 15 50-52 

1419 3?BTOi8rBt ar5 arsfini irjto (')i -4i g?fj aia§> *ii£ neufrcqrfsi <m- 
^i ■& ft ?iw«9 ^"S^ 3 * pniwl mrnrfi? '■ iHCres* q m ^gra^ n p 3SS - 

in the printed ?»r<5 (3tW3"3) chap 23 41 the words are ' vt n Spiral Sra 

Ma} adapilrana 89 3 

tekadasl. The above ciroumstances lead to the conclusion that 
the present Naradiya was compiled between 700 and 1000 A. D. 

Padtnapuiaiia-- H. in I G. vol. IV. pp 73-95, Mr. M. V. 
Vaidya in Kane presentation vol. pp. 530-537 ( holds that the 
tlrthayatra section of Padma is older than the tlrthayatra section 
in the Mahabharata), Dr. Belvalkar in ¥. W. Thomas Festschrift 
(pp. 19-28) holds that Padma is baaed on the Mahabharata; 
Prof. Ludars tried to prove that the Rsyasrnga legend in Padma 
is older than the same legend in the Mahabharata ( vide LHQ, 
vol. XX. p. 209 for Luder's view); H. in PRHR. (pp. 107- 
129 ) states that there are two recensions of the Padma the 
North Indian and the South Indian, that the former is in five 
kandas and the latter in six, that the South Indian recension 
alone is published in the Anandasrama and Venk. Press editions, 
though the arrangement differs in the two editions. H. in PRHR 
( p. 126 ) states that the UttaTa-kanda ( of the Padma ) is later 
than 900 A. D. and earlier than 1500 A. D. One remarkable fact 
is that hundreds of verses are common to Matsya and Padma and 
some writers like Hemadri quote long extracts from the Padma, 
which others quote from the Matsya. In view of the vast smrti 
material in the Matsya and the fact that thousands of verses 
therefrom are quoted in the medieval nibandhas the present 
writer is inclined to hold that it is the Padma that is the 
borrower. There are no materials to assign a definite date for 
the borrowing, but it is likely that it was before 1000 A D 
Padma ( IV. 102. 40-41 and rv. 110. 483 ) mentions the Kurma 
( and a verse is quoted from it ) and IV. 5. 32-43 contain suoh 
alankaras as Slesa and Parisankhya The Kalpatara quotes 
from Padma about 55 verses on vrata, 50 on niyatakala, 50 on 
dana, 12 on tirtha, only a verse here and there on other kandas 
Apararka quotes only about 12 verses from it, the Smrticandriks 
only about 25. In the Anandasrama edition of Padma there are 

BodhjsattvaCSrshkhandaSS. 16) and mentions a place called 
Vanasthala in Gurjaradesa ( II. 51. 36-37 ). 

an De SfrC 5 ^T The °? Print6d at the Anandasrama 
appears to be a late compilation. Vide H. on 'Apocryphal 
Brahmapurana' in I C II pp. 235-245 and PRHR pp 1^157 
H. states that numerous quotations from the Brahma occurring 
0^1°^ J f^ avta . A P^a- Ballalasena, Devanna 

tle~t ^ X ^*V m n0t f ° Und in the printed Brah ^, a** 
VfenTv- tBrahm * b <f°*s <*apters &om the Mahabharata, 
V 1S nu,Vayu and Markandeya and that the present Brahma 

894 History of Dharmaihstra lSeo.rV,Ch.XXIH 

was composed between 10th century and 12th century A. D. 
H. Otto Sohrader states that chapters 236-244 of the present 
Brahma dealing with SSnkhya and Yoga are borrowed from the 
Mahabharata (I C vol. II pp 592-93). The Danasagara refers to 
two Brahmapuranas one of which it did not utilize (p 7 verse 63) 
The Kalpataru quotes at least about 1500 verses from the 
Brahmapurana ( 600 in ruyalakala section, 66 on tirtha, 60 on 
moksa, 78 on rajadharma, 21 on grhastha, 20 on vyavahara, verses 
15 on vrata, 15 on brahmacarm of which the editor has traced only 
9 in the printed text) The Kalpataru on sraddha quotes several 
hundred verses from the Brahma, the number of quotations 
being laTger than the quotations from any other Purana, the 
next being Vayu and Matsya On p 388 of the sraddha section 
the Kalpataru quotes from Brahma-purana a few verses about 
showing honour to Buddha and Bauddha monks on a certain 
tithi The printed Brahma contains 245 chapters and 13783 
verses Chapters 70-175 deal with various tlrthas in 4640 verses, 
chapters 28 to 69 dilate upon several tirthas such as Konaditya, 
Ekamra, Avanti, Purusottama-tlrtha. The whole purana or at 
least a section seems to come to an end with chapter 175 and 
from chapter 176 it is Vasudevamahatmya that is set forth up 
to chap 213 and the narrator is Vyasa and not Brahma as in 
the chapters up to 175 Many of the verses from chapters 42 
onwards are quoted by the Tlrthacintamani ( e. g. chap. 43. 1-13 
in T. C. p 58-59, chap 45. 52-89 in T. O. pp. 61-64, chap 49 in 
T. O pp 65-72) As Vacaspati flourished in the latter half of 
the 15th century A. D. (vide H of Dh. vol. I. p 405), the first 
part of the present Brahmapurana cannot be placed later than 
the 13th century A. D The present Brahma has several verses 
in common with Brahmanda and Vayu (vide H. of Dh. vol IV. 
p 388 n 870 ) It is not unlikely that the other Brahmapurana 
which Ballalasena discarded is the present Brahmapurana and 
that both Kalpataru and Ballalasena had an older work of the 
same name before them The present Brahma was probably 
compiled in some part through which the Godavarl ( GautamI ) 
flows in Dandakaranya; chap 88 18 123 117 and 129. 55 state 
that Dandakaranya is the holiest country and that the river 
Godavarl flows through it (ohap 129 62,66); chap 88 32-24 
derive Janasthana on the GautamI as the sacrificial ground of 
the kings of the Janaka race 

BrahmavmiaHa — A huge work printed by the Ananda- 
srama, Poona, in four khandas (parts) viz. Brahma, Prakrti« 

Brahmaiaiuarta-pu) atja 895 

Ganapati and Krsnajanma. It has some chapters on Dharma- 
sastra topics, such as on castes, gifts, vratas, hells, duties of 
vamas and asramas, women. Many of the verses quoted from 
this Purana in the Sin. C. , Hemadri and other writers are not 
found in the current Purana Wilson, in the Introduction to the 
Visnu says (pp. LXV-LXVH) that it has not the slightest title 
to be called a Purana. Vide H. in ABORI vol. XIX pp 75-76 
and PEHE pp. 166-167. 

Biahmanda ( pub. by Venk. Press ). It is divided into four 
padas ( I. 1. 3S-39 ) viz. Prakriya. ( 5 chapters ), Anusanga 
(33 chap.), Upodghata (74 chap.), TJpasamhara (4 chap) 
followed by Lalitopakhyana in 40 chapters. The Eurma 
expressly 1420 states that the Brahmanda was narrated to the 
sages engaged in a sattra in the Naimisa forest and the Skanda 
( Prabhasa-khanda 2. 8-9 ) states there was formerly only one 
Purana called Brahmanda containing one hundred crores of 
verses and that later it was distributed into 18 parts. It was 
probably composed near the rise of the Godavari, since it says 
that that part of the country towards the northern ranges of the 
Sahya mountain where the Godavari rises is the most charming in 
the whole world and that there a city called Govardhana was foun- 
ded by Kama. 1421 In the first two parts it deals with the subjects 
of creation, the geography of the earth and of Bharatavarsa, and 
the manvantaras, pupils of Vyasa, the distribution of the Veda 
Sakhas &c. The third section is the longest and after mentioning 
Vaiv<jsvata Manvantara and, after dilating upon the creation of 
gods, asuras, gandharvas, sages and their progeny, it deals at 
length with all aspects of sraddha ( in chap. 9-20 and 879 verses ), 
desoribes Parasurama's austerities, his securing of weapons, his 
slaughter of Kartavlrya and ksatriyas, filling five lakes with their 
blood (in chap. 21-47 and over 1550 verses); then follow in 
chapters 48-57 the story of Sagara and the bringing down of the 
Ganges by Bhaglratha, the protection of Gokarna from the sea, 
and the story of Surparaka (chap. 57 and 58), the dynasties of the 
solar and lunar race ( chap. 59ff ) ; then it speaks of Dhanvantari 
receiving from Bharadvaja Ayurveda in eight angas; in part JV. 
it refers to Manus, jfiana, karma, moksa &c. 

1420. 3t=i gj| H mH»^«Tiu(t ^rawrerara t w t »iUra srsnos s*i<jt mgr- 
vnrorctn ^n II. 43. 14. 

I^KB. I fm Jfo&t snu 5^ Tmot fJtf&^l agnos H 16 43-44 For jfenre 
vide H. o£ Dh vol. IV p. 710 n 1618 

896 Hit,tm u of JDharmaiustra [ Sec. IV, Ch. XXIII 

The Brahmanda is one of the oldest of the 18 Puranas and haa 
hundreds of versea in common with the Vayu. Vide above p. 852. 
The Mit on Yaj quotes a verse from the Brahmanda 1122 stating 
that a person, on touching Saivas, Pasupatas, Lokayatikas and 
atheists, persons of the three varnas following forbidden paths 
and sudras, should bathe with the clothes on. Apararka quotes 
about 75 verses from it of which 43 are concerned with sraddha. 
The Sm. quotes about 50 verses on Ahnika and Sraddha, of 
which ten occur also in Apararka The Kalpataru does not quote 
a single verse from it m the sections on vrata, grhastha, tirtha, 
rajadharma, but quotes 16 verses from it on sraddha, and 16 on 
moksa, none from Niyata and from Vyavahara If we may judge 
from some of the matters noted here it cannot be placed as early 
as the Matsya. In III 48 8 and 20 it employs long com- 
pounds, 1423 mentions Bhlma3ena and Narada 1431 as writers on 
music (III 61. 42-43 ), contains a chapter ( HI, 62 ) on Gandharva, 
refers to the opinions of former acaryas, to 30 alankaras of natya 
and four purposes of such alankaras ( chap. 62, verse 22 ). It 
may be placed between the 4th and 6th century A D. 2?or 
discussion on Brahmanda, vide Pargiter in AIHT pp. 23, 77 and 
H. in PRHR (pp 17-19). The Brahmanda is very fond of 
etymologies, vide for example, those of vaisya and sudra 
(II 7 157-158), of deva, manusya-praja, raksas and yaksa 
(II. 8 9-10, 20, 34), of Tryambaka and Budra (II. 9 3-4 and 78), 
of ra;jan(inll 29 64 ), of Vasudha, MedinI and PrtbivI(II 37. 
1-3), of Atri, Vasistha, Pulaha and Pulastya (III, J. 44-46 ), of 
Kubera(HL8 44-45). 

Brhad-dliarma-purana ( U ) — Vide H. in J. of University 
of Gauhati and * Studies &o * vol I. pp 115 and 277. It is a 
work of Bengal of the 13th or 14th century A D 

Bhansyapuratia — Accounts of the contents of the Bhavisya 
in Matsya 53 .50-31, Agni272 12 and Naradlya I 100 do not 
tally with the printed Bhavisya ( Venk ed ). It is divided into 
four panaris viz Brahma, Madhyama, Pratisarga and Uttara. 
It is only the Brahmaparva that can claim an early date The 
Pratisarga-parva is a modern fabrication containing stories of 

1422 Irerec ma'wm ^gttfr c iW i nuU*iRd-aK i frfi&iH ftsrra^Era 
warn vHriHiRji^ n -mars on *n m. 309, ^m^t i. p. U8 

1423. dt*Jiii-H^>^ ^gT : ?t°ii»g° "(?u^jj'<iiTr . {i g:roTW3^w['[w-7miri-i:'? «*n- 
^ra. i sign's HI. 48 8. 

1424. Vide •iWWU 32. 484 ' n reiM+Jdchi aa W*?T it 3^ **%& «^5 •»*%•<• ' 

Bhavisyaptiiana 897 

Adam and Eve, Prthviraja, and Samyogita, the mleochas of 
Dehali, Eamanuja, Kablr, Narasrl ( Narsi ? ), Nanak, Caitanya, 
Nityananda, Raidas, Madhvacarya, Bhatfcoji &o The Bhavisyo- 
ttara is discarded by Ballalasena as unauthoritative, though it 
was popular in his day (vide, p 869 above). Apararka quotes 
160 verses from Bhavisyottara on danas of various kinds The 
Sm. 0. (I p. 203 ) quotes a single varse from the same. Hence 
the Bhavisyottara cannot be later than 1000 A D The Kalpataru 
quotes hundreds of verses from Bhavisya on vratas and many 
verses in other kandas, e. g. 55 in brahmacari, 110 on niyata- 
kala, 101 on grhastha, 100 on rajadharma, 15 on sraddha. The 
Mit. quotes 1425 a single verse from Bhavisya about donating a 
golden image of a snake when a man is bitten by a snake. 
Apararka quotes about 125 verses from Bhavisya, of which about 
90 relate to prayaseittas. 

One remarkable feature of the extracts from Bhavisya in 

Apararka is that they quote the views of Angiras, Gautama, Para- 

saTa, Manu, Vasistha and Sankha. There are several passages 

quoted by Apararka from the Bhavisya which approximately 

indicate the age of the current Bhavisya. 1426 It also refers to 

eight Vyakaranas in I. 1. 59-61 viz. Brahma, Aindra, Yamya, 

Raudra, Vayavya, Varuna, Savitra and Vaisnava. But these 

are different from the well-known eight grammars (except 

Aindra ). It mentions the foreign words Ara ( Mars ) and Kona 

(Saturn) 1427 and states these planets are to be worshipped along 

with Siva, ParvatI, Ganesa, the San &c. In prescribing a praya- 

scitta for killing a person who is merely a brahmana by caste the 

Bhavisya prescribes ( as one of the alternatives ) the prayascitta 

prescribed by Parasara. 1428 Therefore, the extant Bhavisya 

^1*25 w&iraftxr ■hmuWi^h nfij^fJtefrjT *ritinjgnn7 grpgFnfitfitra; ' 
S3«T*tr*i5tii!rei -^m ^sn glfe itra i m\nm ^m fif&t uU;i<i | ii"''w-Ti-'ir< » ' ?fa i 

^ttjo on in III. 6 

jMni? Uiwir ^ii4id|^^. I qrfSirSju^^gi ■d-'NWmiQiiHfejth -l: II. Compare sj^r- 
TCTcPR I. p 90 H ^f^ V^^-^l^lfi^ri- q tftl^l^^qi^iufWl^HM &C. 

1427 ^sjftn%5t iwpt tMi i^rsi asn 1 - s ^ w rare wra 3*fcn< f%3 
ssn > f^rjoi &4H& ^ gfpn - H5H ^ »ma 1 amiji p. 364 

** 2 8 : »n©nr=i tj^t 3«iui MTstoft wistoj 315 1 ■• unriSjTt ?t^t g ^FQ^ *m- 

OTRpg p. 1061, who then sets out ten verses from qt i sm^fo , alj of which 
except three occur in the CRRPR^a chap XII pp 50-51 of Jivananda's ed. 

W T> 119 

H D. 113 

898 History of Dharmaiasto a [ Sec. IV, Oh. XXIII 

cannot be placed earlier than about the 6th or 7th century A. D. 
Vide H. in I O. vol. III. pp 233-229 and PRHR pp. 167-173 for 
Bhavisya and JOI (Baroda) vol III. pp 8-27 for Bhavisyottara. 
The Bhavisya mentioned m Vayu ( 99. 267 tan sarvan klrta- 
yisyami- Bhavisye pathitan nrpan | tebhyah pare oa ye oanye 
utpatsyante mahlksitah u ) is not the present one but the ancient 
Bhavisyat mentioned by 3p Dh. S. ( vide p. 817 and n 1328 above ). 
The Varahapurana expressly mentions Bhavisyat purSna twice 
(177. 34 and 51) 14Z9 The second reference is quite interesting. 
It appears to say 1429 " that the Purana well-known as Bhavisya 
was revised by Samba who then established an image of the Sun. 

Bhagavatapurana. None of the early works such as the 
Mit., Apararka, Kalpataru, the Srmticandrika draw upon this- 
The Danasagara knew it, but, as the Bhagavata did not contain 
a disquisition on danas, the author passed it over. Its date is very 
controversial, ranging from the 5th century A.D. to the 10th. Dr. 
Pusalkar (in 'Studies in Epics and Puranas* 1953, pp. 214-216) 
brings together most of the papers on this subject ; Shri S. S. Sastri 
in ABOPJ vol 14 pp. 241-249 on * the two Bhagavatas ' claims 
that the Devlbhagavatapurana is earlier than the Bhagavata, 
while H in JOB ( Madras) vol. 21 (pp. 48-79 ) takes the opposite 
view, viz. that the Devibhagavata is much younger than the 
Bh5gavata. In ' Date of the Bhagavata-purana ' by B. M". Krishna- 
murtl Sharma in ABORI. vol 14 pp 182-218 it is argued that the 
Bhagavata is as old as the 5 th century A. D. and he cites in 
support certain passages from the Moksadharma of the Maha- 
bharata ( Kumbhakonam edition ), but the critioal edition from 
Poona treats those passages as apocryphal. Prof. Das-Gupta 
in the 4th volume of his 'Indian Philosophy' deals with this 
Purana, but his views are criticized in JBRS vol. 36 pp. 9-50. 
Vide H. in NIA vol. I pp. 522-528. The Padma part VI. ( chapter 
189-194) contains a Maliatmya of Bhagavatapurana in 518 

1429. ' HrairqcSTrDTrSfir ©ira ^rr st&p* i Hi«r g?rara3T *er 5niii«i*i 

3S[^g;« 5f^Ig 177. SI The Venfc ed. reads (177 55) ' *ri?<n?l9iS ii^Kf 
^Ticr etc • 

1429 a. The Varaha mentions ( Z78. 5-7) three temples of the Sun, 
one to the south of the Yamuna, the 2nd in the middle called Kalapnya and 
the third to the west at Mulastbana (modern Multan ). The Bhavisya men- 
tions three important places of sun-worship ( via Mundira, Kalapnya and 
Mitravana ), I agree with Mr. Dilipkumar Bisvas that Mnndira is modern 
Modhera in North Gujerat (vide p. 30 of summary of Proceedings of 15th 
Indian History Congress) where there has been a sun temple for about a 
thousand years. 

Bhagavatapurana 899 

veraas. The author of the Parana is said to be a native of the 
Tamil country by Mr. M. R. Majumdar in IHQ vol. 8. pp. 49-53. 
The present writer thinks that it is a late Purana, since even in 
the Moksakanda (of Kalpataru) it is not cited, while about 300 
verses are cited from the "Visnupurana in that kanda alone. 
Vide note 1604 below. No reliable and cogent evidence has been 
adduced to prove that the current Bhagavata can be placed 
earlier than the 9th century A. D. 

Mat syapm ana ( Anandasrama ed. ) It has 291 chapters and 
14062 verses. It is one of the ancient Puranas and has perhaps 
the largest number of smrti chapters among Puranas. Many 
verses of the Manusmrti and the Mahabharata occur in it Some 
verses of Yaj. also occur in Matsya e g Yaj. I 295 is Matsya 
93. 2, Yaj H 279. 295-6 and 303 are the same as Matsya 227 200, 
202-203 and 204 It appears that the Matsya holds the balance 
between Siva and Yisnu. It glorifies not only Visnu in the 
Matsya avatara but devotes 1570 verses to the slaughter of 
Tarakasura and 623 to the destruction of Tripura, both by Siva. 
The Vamanapurana (12 48) speaks of it as the principal among 

The Mit on Yaj. I. 297 expressly quotes all the nine verses 
ofohap 94 of the Matsya (about the form of the images of the 
planets) and two verses from chap 93 (11-12) about the position 
to be assigned to each with white grains of rice in a mandala 
The Kalpataru quotes hundreds of verses from Matsya on vrata, 
quotas about 750 on dana from Matsya (all of which except 20 
are identified in the present Matsya by the editor ) ; about 410 
on Bajadharmakanda, 157 verses on tlrfcha ( of which 100 are 
identified by the editor in the Matsya), 115 verses in Grhastha- 
tomda, 112 verses on sraddha, about 67 on niyatakala (all 
except 12 identified), 18 in vyavaharakanda, 6 in brahmacari 
and 2 m moksa, in all about 2000 verses Apararka quotes 
about 400 verses from Matsya ( about 250 being on dana ). It is 
not necessary after the preceding statement to go into the large 
number of verses quoted in Danasagara, Smrti-candrika and 
•ttemadri. It may be said without fear of contradiction that 
long before 1000 A D the Matsya-purana had the same arrange- 
ment and presented almost the same appearance as at present 

«™ f S £ 0le ^ What ° an he said about *» other Puranas 
except Visnu, Vayu, probably Bhavisya (I), Markandeya. 

T 100 f Intliepl f enfc autWs opinion the Matsya is among the 
best preserved and the earliest of the 18 Puranas It may be 

900 History of JDharmaikilra I Sec. IV, Ch. XXHT 

dated between 200 A D. to 400 A. D. The author does not wish 
to deny that a few verse3 here and there might have heen inter- 
polated at a later date. 

Vide H. on the date3 of the srnrti chaptera of Matsya in 
ABOPJ vol. 17 pp. 1-33 and PEHR pp. 26-52 and Prof. Eam- 
chandra Dikshitar on 'Mat3yapiuwna, a study' (Madras, 1933, 
pp. 1-140). 3?our verges from a 8valpa-rnaf»ya-purana are quoted 
in the Pifcrdayita (p 92) of Aniruddha ( about 1160 A. D. ) and 
there id a paper thereon by Shri Manoranjana Shaafcri in 
J". G. J. P. I voL IX pp. 183-188. Matsya and Padma (aa stated 
before) agree verbatim in many chaptera ontlrfchasand vratas. 
Sankaracarya quotes a verne from Pauranika3 which is 
Matsya lla Among the sag£3 to whom water is offered in 
tarpaya are included (by Matsya) Kapila, A3Uri, Vodhu and 
Pancalikha. The first two and the last are mentioned in the 
Sankhyaksrika a3 the three great foundera of theSankhya system, 
"vararuei is said to be a profound scholar of Nltya-veda. In chap. 
24 the Purana refsre to the fact that the Apsaras UrvasI and her 
friend Citralekha were kidnapped by a demon called Kesin, who 
v/33 vanquished by Pururavas and IJrva3l was released and v/as 
given by Indra to Pururavas. While she was acting the part 
of Laksinl in a drama called Laksml-svayamvara composed by 
Bharata, 3he, being engrossed in her passion for Pururavas, 
forgot the proper abhiruiya taught by Bharata and wa3 cursed 
by Bharata to be a creeper It fa difficult to say whether the 
Mafsya got it3 inspiration for thi3 story from the Vikramor- 
vaslya or whether the great poet XalidSsa was influenced by 
the story in the Matsya. The story in Matsya and in Kalid3sa'3 
drama agree very closely as regards name3 and incidents The 
Mafcsya says (24,24) that for vanquishing Kesin Pururava3 
employed Vayavya^astra The drama also mentions it (X). 

1430. swings ifkriSrar; ■ srra^w^ % vrrax *r dN-u>r vnwn.> 

jr^ 113 6 This verse occure also in -.fpsw* 5. 12 bat there the reading 
i3 sn#^fa Mi.-ik-i . Bcildcs, the word tfkfMST ( ^rjoTfnift ~f& qtxifaPat ace. 
to <m5rft IV. 2. 53) iBg-jeits that the acarya refers to a i*r°T and not to the 

Hc??r 102 13 qnols-d in ?%&=%. I. 193. The TtfipirSWCKl -a?3 at the end 

&m&, zpiit ivi&z n arere?*T tkt- ' jp^IO. 23; r^av^ni » ng_ggg 

57R=ral3^l24, 22. 

Maksyapurana 90l 

The only points of difference are : in the drama Laksmi-svayam- 
vara is said to have been composed by SarasvatI, while Matsya 
doe3 not say so. Besides, the Purana says that UrvasI was cursed 
by Bharata to be a creeper, while Kalidasa says nothing of the 
kind and shows that her being reduced to the condition of a 
creeper was due to Kumara ( Kartikeya ). The decision depends 
on the exaot dating of the Matsya from other evidence I am in- 
clined to believe that Kalidasa was familiar with the episode rela- 
ted in the Matsya There are scholars who believe that Kalidasa 
flourished under Vikramaditya about 57 B G The present 
writer does not subscribe to this belief. There is hardly any 
reliable or positive evidence to show that a powerful ruler called 
Vikramaditya ruled Northern and Central India about 57 B 0. 
The tradition of the nine jewels is of no use and if relied upon 
would make Vikramaditya rule about the 5th or 6th century A.D., 
since Amarasimha, Varahamihira and Kalidasa would be con- 
temporaries. A coin of the Gupta Emperor Candragupta II 
(Allen's Catalogue of coins, pp. 35 ff ) has %Rnrai%cT S^R^f^ sfgrff 
f^anf^cT". The present writer believes that the most probable 
date for Kalidasa is between 350 to 450 A. D. 

Markandeya-purana — There are two editions, viz B J 
edition ( of 1862 ) and the Venk. Press ed. The present author 
has mainly used the latter for quotations. The two differ slightly 
as to the number of verses in almost each chapter e g. there are 
270 verses in chap 8 of B J edition and 287 in Venk. ed , chapter 
16 of the Venk edition corresponds to chapters 16-18 of the other 
edition. There a T e 134 chapters in the Venk edition and 137 in 
B J edition Pargiter translated into English the Markandeya 
in the first 42 chapters ( B J ed ) Markandeya takes hardly any 
part, but in the remaining chapters he is the principal speaker. 
Ihis is a peculiar Purana The first chapter opens with four 
questions put by Jaimini to Markandeya about Mahabharata 
saga viz. ( i ) why nirguna Vasudeva assumed a human form 
L i ? raupadI b8eam e «» wife of five brothers, ( 3 ) BalarSma 
performed elation of brahmahatya by pilgrimage ( and not by 
his own death), ( 4 ) how the five unmarried sons of Draupadf 
themselves great warriors, met death helplessly although they' 

dnit \f *? PandaVa h0TO8S t0 protect aem Markandeya 

£ a™ S ° ° Wi ? 9 b ^^^Vmdhya mountain and 

Jain^T '", ft glV6n in ohapters 4 t0 7 " ° ne wonders why 

vt^ t ? t *\ a PUpil ° f Vyasa in *■» Puranas *» not go to 
Vyasa but to Markandeya A portion of this Purana is caned 

902 History of DharmaiUstra lSec.IV,Ch.:XXni 

Devlmahatmya or Saptasatl 1431 (chapters 78-90 of Yenk. ed. 
and 81-93 of B J. edition ) and is deemed by modern Sanskrit 
scholars to be an interpolation But even if it is an inter- 
polation it must have been made before the 10th century, as the 
oldest known ms. of it is dated 998 A.D. and probably before 600 
A D The Markandeya has practically no verae3 on vrata, 
pilgrimages or santi, but dilates on the duties of asramas, on 
rajadharma, sraddha, hells, karmavipaka, sadacara, yoga, 
( explained by Dattatreya to Alarka ), stories of .Kartavirya, his 
grandson Kuvalayasva and of Madalasa, creation, manvantaras, 
geography &c. It has hardly any sectarian bias; prayers and 
invocations are few except in the Devlmahatmya. The present 
Purana has, as indicated above, three different and disconnected 
sections viz. chapters 1-42 ( Venk. ed, ), where the wise birds 
figure as speakers, chapters 43 to end where Markandeya and 
Krostuki, a disciple, carry on the discourse, except in Devl- 
mahatmya, which is the third and an independent section. 

The Kalpataru on moksa quotes about 120 verses from 
Markandeya on yoga, ahno3fc all of which are found in the 
printed text. It quotes on brahmacarikanda 9 verses, 12 on 
sraddha, 17 on niyatakala, 19 on grhastha, 3 on rajadharma 
and one on vyavahara. Apararka quotes about 85 verses from 
the Markandeya of which 42 are on yoga and the rest on sraddha, 
giving alms, hospitality, suddhi &o. The Sm. O. quotes 15 verses 
from Markandeya on ahmka, 40 verses on sraddha Markandeya 
quotes several verses from Manu and Mahabharata. Markandeya 
contains some long drawn out rupakas as in 3.59-70 (where prajna 
is said to be a fort-wall and the soul as king therein) and 35. 8-13 
(ahamityankurotpannah &c.) It contains the popular idea that for 
married women long stay with their relatives (in the family of 
birth) does not conduce to good reputation and that the desire of 
her relatives (by blood) is that a married woman should stay in her 
husband's house. 1432 The MaTkandeya says that the root of all 

1431. Vide above p. 155 note 396 about the Saptasatt for a description 
of the Devlmahatmya, which has only 589 verses ( and not 700 as the nama 
implies )in Venk ed. and 573 in B I ed. The verse «Sn^t4W|^<-')r at f&_ 
above on p 176 n 454a (from %sTrJrt?n**T) is quoted in the Dadhimatl-mat* 
inscription (found in the Jodbpur State) dated 289 of the Gupta era 
(E. 1. vol. XI p. 299 at 303 ) The inscription being of 608 A D., it follows 
that the verse taken from the Devlmahatmya, is earlier than 600 A.D 

1432. sn*-<reg i%t mix snfion h ^tif-hi l usircai mr&m *n*tr 
flaia « ;*r§' 74- 19: compare ^n^vari V * ^raft ?iri3$3-h"«<*riiT ^mls^Mi 

Markantfeya-pura&a 903 

unhappmess is the idea that one is the owner. ( of this and that ) 
and that bliss comes with the idea ' nothing is mine *. 1433 In 
chap. 160. 39 it refers to lagna and hora. It puts forward the 
doctrine of the Glta, that actions done without any desire for 
their reward do not tend to become chains binding down a man 
to samsara. On the other hand, this Parana narrates the story of 
Datta 143 * or Dattatreye who imparted instruction on yoga to 
Alarka ( from chap. 16 ff ), but who is represented as an avatara 
of Visnu given to drinking intoxicants, as fond of the company 
of women, as staying near a water reservoir constructed with 
wood and stones on the Sahya ( 16. 132 ) and is called Avadhuta 
( 17. 3 ). In chap. 54 it is said ( just as in Brahmanda cited 
above p. 895 ) that the country in the north ranges of Sahya and 
near the Godavari is the most charming in the world. 

On the whole this is one of the early puranas and may be 
assigned to a date between the 4th to 6th century A. D. 

Lingapurana (Venk. ed.). It has 11000 verses as stated in 
chap. II. 5. The Kalpataru on tlrtha quotes about one thousand 
verses from it on Avimuktaka (Banaras) and the sub-tirthas 
therein. Apararka quotes six verses from it on SivapQja on the 
8th and 14th tithis and bath and sraddha in eclipses. The Sm. 
quotes a few verses from it on bath in eclipses, Veda study &c. 
According to the Danasagara (p. 7 verse 64) there was another 
Lingapurana of 6000 verses which it had not utilized. Vide H. 
in I. O. vol. IV. pp. 415-431 and in PRHR pp. 92-96. 

Varahapurana (B. I. edition }. It has 217 chapters and 9654 
verses, besides a few chapters entirely in prose ( such as 81-83, 
86-87 and 74 on bhuianakosa) and a few in mixed prose and 
verse (such as 80, 84, 85, 88, 89 ). It is a Yaisnava Purana and 
begum with the well-known verse ' Narayanan* namaskrtya ' and 
is supposed to have been narrated to the Earth by Yisnu in the 

«J^£" . Thestor y° f ?^l^r a ado£hts boons («,) to gnfcftf occurs ,u 
several Poranas. Vide ^pr 43 15 ff. ^r 13. !60ff The ergrp^ m 8 S4 
quotes a qrcnoRjsjSfe; ' 3^,. g=| MHX ii n * ;m*3R«rro*fi<FT<ra i <rara?gg jjfcgft: 
S53SL- I «^t lt». In the ^n^et ( I 3. 53 ff ) twenty-two avataras of Qsgj are 

riahv S n , ed0 M°-\ WhlCh DatStre y a 1S the 6th who propounded invlksiki 
CAdhyatmavidya ) to Alarka and Prahlada In the *&&, (venk ) 17. 1M3 

904 History of Dhai maiasb a [ Sea IV, Oh. XXHI 

Boar incarnation. It ib remarkable that Vyasa does not appear 
in the Purana, though the Suta figures at the beginning of 
several chapters (e. g chap. 1, 2, 39, 50, 137, 137-138, 148, 151, 
181, 213 ). It deals with most of the general topics of Dharma- 
sastra such as vrata, tlrtha, dana, images and their worship, 
asauca, sraddha, karmavipaka, narakas, cosmology and geo- 
graphy, prayascitta &c. The Kalpataru quotes 150 verses from 
it on vrata (most of which are traced by the editor), 40 verses on 
sraddha ( none of which is traced), 250 verses on tlrtha ( many 
of which are traced), 17 on niyatakala (half traced), five on 
dana (all traced), 4 in grhasthakanda (not traced). One 
peculiarity is that it mentions some tlrthas like Lohargala and 
StutasvamI which are not described in other Puranas Apararka 
quotes about 55 verses from it on several topics. 

The Brahmapurana 1433 refers to a Varaha text laying down 
a sraddha for pitrs on the Pull Moon when the sun is in Virgo. 
The Bhavisyottara also (32 12) refers to Varahavacana. Por the 
priority of the Bhavisya to Varaha vide above p. 898 Varaha 
refers to a saka prince called Nandavardhana (in chap. 122 34) 
and verse 56 refers to a Saka king. 

Vide H. in ABORI vol 18 pp 321-337. It is difficult to 
assign a date to the Varahapurana It is not one of the early 
Puranas In any event iis is earlier than the 10th century A.D. 

Vamanapurana (Venk. ed.) It is a short purana as com- 
pared with Matsya, Vayu, Varaha &c It has 5451 verses in 
the Venk ed. There is prose in chapters 26, 44 and 93. For its 
size it contains many legends, such as Sankara cutting off a 
head of Brahma, the story of Prahlada and his grandson Bali 
and the latter's downfall, the greatness of Devi and her exploits, 
marriage of Siva and TJma at the request of gods, the birth of 
Kartikeya and explanation of his various names, the story of 
Danda who was cursed by Sukra for rape, enmity between 
Vasistha and Visvamitra, Gajendramoksa &c It briefly deals 
with many of the usual dharmasasfcra subjects viz. tlrtha, 
sadacara, asramadharma, samanyadharma, vrata, karmavipaka 
&c The KalpaWru quotes from Vamana about 88 verses on 
tlrtha ( only some of which have been traced), about SO verses 

f^an^ O.i'i lR iffr •tUWite rffo'l wgr 230. 44-47 ( Anan, ed. ) 

Vamanapuraya 905 

on vrafca, 14 verses on dana (which ara also quoted by Apararka 
p. 364) and 11 verses on niyatakala. 1436 

The Vsmana-purana mentions Kamasastras in 91. 73 and 
Mangalavara (Tuesday) in 41.24. It has bean stated above 
p. 899 that it expressly mentions Matsya as the best among 
Purauas. The story of king Danda (in 63. 19 ff. ) who perished 
along with the kingdom because he tried to violate Sukra's 
daughter appears to be an echo from Kautilya's Arthasastra (I. 
6 p 11 ' Dandakyonama Bhojah kamat brahmanakanyarn abhi- 
manyamanah sabandhurastro vinanSsa.'). It states that the 
king is called rajan because he keeps the subjects contented, 
just as Ealidasa says. 14g7 It says that Urna was so called 
because t43a she was forbidden to practise 'tapas' in the words 
'u ma' and that Siva assumed the forca of a Vadic student carry- 
ing a staff of Asadha (Palasa) and wearing a girdle of Mufija 
grass. This also appears like an echo of KumSrasamhhava V. 

The Sm.O. I. p. 168 quotes the two verses in which the Vamana 
prescribes that a man after a bath and homa should leave his 
house (for business &c.) after touching certain objects deemed 
to be auspicious ( noted below ). 

Taking all these matters into consideration the Vamana 
purana would have to be placed between 600 to 900 A. D. Vide 
H, in IHQ XI. pp. 115-130 and PRHR pp 76-92. 

1436. Ott p 358 of the Kalpatatu on Niyatakala three verses are quoted 
as from Vamana-purana -which the editor was not able to trace. They are 
three verses from Vamana 14. 48-51 quoted above on p. 71 note 178. The 
first of those three verses is quoted from the Vamana-purana fay Bhujabala- 
mbandha p 343 . The la3t two of the three verses are quoted from Vamana 
by Sm C. p. 125 

1437. ajft ^rafS sis^tspt ^fa^fi vsgTjpa^i ^mn 47. 34; compare ' wsji 
^^tSwotteo » xs. iv. 12; xrsn gsn ^jH ri'Hqu'i t nx^pft ^w ^r^run > *g. 
vi. ai. 

* ??1 8 *^ ^K-ywi-H 3- fe^t^RT ot t ^otft 51. 31; compare 3 ^ xti^f 
eWStfilTOgl T«*TfUTCSri5g*ir5i»nni S Jn*>l. 26; sggj SWrsTpr^raRm^?) 
sgHTftSWNfiJi' I TOt 51. 45. compare a rarM^musW . sni5**n^-5rfftsRg- 
WE^.^ttS«K= V.30; ^ s& ^vSm^ ^ **ran WlSi? 

14. 36-37 q. in ^rj^. I. p. 168. 
H. D. 114 

906 History of Dharmaiastra [ Seo. IV, Ch. XXUI 

Vayupurana (Anandasrama ed.). This has 112 chapters 
and 10991 verses. It appears to have been divided like the 
Brahmanda into four padas, Prakriya ( ohap. 1-6 ), Anusanga 
( chap. 7-64 ), Upodghata (65-99) and Upasamhara (100-112). 
In the first ohap , the first versa is the famous one ' Narayanam 
namaskrtya* and the 2nd eulogises Vyasa (both these are not 
found in several mss ). The third verse refers to bhakti for 
Siva. Chap 104 is not found in many mss and the ohapters at 
the end on Gayamahatmya are deemed to be later additions by 
some scholars. There is Saiva bias in several chapters such as 
chap 20. 31-35 (with a prose passage containing Vedio texts), 
24. 91-165 (called Sarvastotra), chap. 55 (Sivastuti put in the 
mouth of Visnu), chap. 101. 215-330. Probably to counter- 
balance this the chapters on Gaya were added and also the 
praise of Visnu in chap. 98 where Dattatreya, Vyasa, Kalkin are 
said to be avataras of Visnu, but Buddha is not mentioned. 
Chapter 99 is the longest one in the Purana, contains 464 verses 
and is full of legendary material and historical references. 
There are several verBes in the Purana that appear also in the 
Mahabharata, Manu and Matsya. For its relation to Brahmanda 
vide pp. 852, 896 above. This Purana, like the Matsya, contains 
much Dharmasastra material. It is one of the oldest and most 
authoritative Puianaa, though it contains some later additions. 

The Vayu is not quoted in the vrata and niyatakala sec- 
tions of the Kalpataru, but it is largely quoted in several other 
sections From the Vayupurana Kalpataru quotes about 160 
verses on sraddha 1439 (of which the editor identified only about 
21), about 35 on moksa (most traced), 22 on tlrtha, 7 on dana, 
5 in brahmacari and 5 in grhastha. Apararka quotes about 
75 verses from Vayu out of which 60 concern sraddha and 
the rest deal with fast, dravyasuddhi, dana, sannyasa and yoga. 
The Sm. O quoteB only about 24 verses from Vayu" on sraddha, 
on atithi, on Agnihotra and fuel-sticks. 

' The Vayu makes a passing reference to the Gupta dynasty 
(vide p. 852 above), it knows the yuga of five years (50. 183), 

1439. In spite of great efforts the learned editor of Kalpataru has failed 
to notice in the Kalpataru several verses on sraddha, tlrtha and moiia. 
I have succeeded Jn identifying a few more, viz Vayu 15 24-25 and 43-46 
.occur in Kalpataru on sraddha ( pp 216-217). In Kalpataru on sraddha ( p. 
168 on Gaya) there are eleven verses quoted from Vayu left untraced by 
the editor, which are found in Vayu 77. 98-103 and 105-109. On p. 300 
of grhasthakanda two verses not traced are Vayu 62..161-162. 

Vayupurapa 907 

and Mesa, Tula ( 50. 196 ), Makara and Simha ( Jupiter therein ) 
in 82. 41-43. Chapter 87 describes Gltalankaras basing its treat- 
ment on the doctrines of purvacaryas. Brahmanda III. 62 is a 
similar chapter on the same subject and has almost the same 

As it refers to the kings of the Gupta dynasty and as Bana 
refers to it in the Kadambari and the Harsacarita, it must be 
placed between 350 A. D. and 550 A. D. This date is corro- 
borated in several ways. Sankaracarya in his Bhasya on 
Vedantasutra H. 1. 1 quotes a verse as from a Purana, which is 
Vayu except 1140 for one word. In another place Sankara quotes 
a verse as smrti which is found in Vayu with slight variations. 
Another verse which is cited as smrti by Sankaracarya occurs 
in Vayu. The TattvavaisSradl of Vacaspati on Yogasutra I. 25 
expressly quotes from Vayu 12. 33 and 10. 65-66. 

Vide Prof. Dikshitar on ' Some aspects of the Vayupurana' 
(1933,53 pages, University of Madras); H in IHQ. voL 14 
pp. 131-139 and PEER pp. 13-17 ; Shri D. E. PatiTs « Cultural 
History from the Vayupurana' (1946, Poona, a Ph. D. thesis). 

Visyupurana — (Venk. Press edition and another published 
by Messrs. Gopal Narayan and Co. in saka 1824 with two com- 
mentaries, one called Vaisnavakataoandrika of Eatnagarbha 
Bhaftacarya and the other called VisnucittI). The present text 
is divided into six amsas^ 126 chapters and about 6000 verses. 
TheTe are many chapters in prose alone such as in 4th amsa 
chapters 7, 8, 9 and many in mixed prose and verse as in amsa 
4 chap. 1, 2, 6, 11, 12 &o. As stated above this purana agrees 
with the definition of purana as pafica-laksaya far more than 
any other purana. This purana is declared to Maitreya by 

»™ I 1 !?, *' *"?** *NWfm -cRji% ijjtt ti sjni 5^ 1 Vm-u^rf on t a. II. l. jt ; 

*ig 1. 205 is the same, except that for TOramt. <n£ reads h%«tc vide p. 8*5 
note 1347 for this verse. This change was probably made by some71ater re 
dactor on account of the obvious Saiva bias o£ the Purana. The'previous"' 
ve«ej^ 1^04) sta te s that*^ is the creator of ?mx*mr ' Wi-**t bbpt 

^rarf on 5.^.14 1. Vide ^ 4. 27-28 ^ ^..HuM*. ^. ^f=}-! 

l a. 25, compare ^ 9. 120 .fojfc, "rg^-^ , f^: IO^: 

908 History of Dltarmaiastra [ Sec. IV, Gh. XXffi 

Parasara (boh of Vasistha), which he received from Sarasvata, 
who received it from king Purukutaa on the Narmada, who 
heard it from Daksa and others who learnt it from Brahma, 

]?ive out of the seven verses of Brahmanda EX 68. 97-103 
are the same as Visnu IV. 10. 23-27 (about what Yayati said 
about trsna). The same ooour in Brahma-purana 12. 40-46. It 
is likely that all borrow from the Mahabharata, 'Adiparva 75. 
44 f£, 85. 9 ff. and Anusasana 7. 21 ff. The Mit. on Yajnavalkya 
HX 6 quotes on Narayanabali about 14 verses of the Visnu- 
purana. The Kalpataru on Moksa quotes 250 verses from the 
Visnu (most of which have been identified), 70 on niyatakala 
(almost all traced), 21 on brahmacari, 28 on sraddha (only one 
not traced), 21 on tlrtha (all traced), about 45 on grhastha- 
kanda. 1141 Apararka cites about 75 verses from the Visnupurana 
and the Smrticandrika about 100. The Kavyaprakasa 1441 " (IV.) 
quotes two verses from this (V. 13. 21-22 about a gopakanya 
attaining final release by her thorough unswerving devotion 
to LordKrsna) The Visnupurana teaches in some places the 
sublime philosophy of adiatta ; 1113 for example, it says ' He who 
seakB moksa should strive for treating all as equal, gods, men, 
beasts, birds, trees and oreeping life are all the form of the 
Infinite Visnu, though appearing as distinct from eaoh other; 
one who realizes this should look upon the world as his own self 
&o.' In another place the Visnupurana 1143 states 'The mind 
alone is the cause of the bondage of men and their release; mind 
that is attached to the objects of the senses tends to bondage, 
but when it is beyond attachment to them, it tends to moksa'. 
It teaches the central dootrine of the Glta that aotions done 
without an eye to the reward or fruit thereof do not lead to 
bondage, 1411 

1441. The editor has traced several verses from ^J5?qqTr I 3, but he did 
not notice that the three verses on pp 372-373 ( about brahmanas having to 
undergo far more trouble than the stldra ) are Visnu VI 2. 23-24. 

1441 a The two verses begin ' d ^ H l ffi " » and * Rj-iW^jl"' ' and are 
quoted as examples of ■mwt'3 baaed on a <u)^|<fli% by the 4,1*41441131 

1442. srjStrer ot^^ r*Htui n ft =iN3ar 1 %*n agmn: «niw-TfiHraw'fa' nM 

1443. ua x& nd "U"' l ot sFsrafepft. 1 Erwtni R<i4i*t$ S^ flUrf 
list. 11 Q*iaa a V1, 7 - 28 - 

1444 ggst f^FTF^ ^ MHrfra Q a q i ®m VI. 7 105. 'HSR"? T* 
smipr *n i3«n ^ res^ i > R«S3° 1. is. 41. 

Visnupurana 909 

The date of the Visnupurana is a difficult question. There 
is no doubt that it is one of the early Puranas and that its text 
is not very much inflated. Hundreds of verses quoted in the 
three early digests viz. Kalpataru, Apararka and Snirticandrika 
can be traced in the current text and this leads to the inference 
that the text has remained fixed for at least a thousand years. 
One important fact is that in this Purana Vyasa and the Suta 
do not play a prominent part as in many other Puranas. It 
states as some other Puranas do, that Vyasa had four pupils to 
whom he imparted the four Vedas and a fifth pupil the Suta 
Romaharsana (HI. chapters 3-7). But the suta does not appear 
anywhere as the narrator of this Purana. In the 4th amsa one 
remarkable matter is the mention of Sakya, Suddhodana and 
Bahula and it is stated that Suddhodana was 23rd in descent 
from Brhad-bala of the Iksvaku line (chap. 32 ). The possibility 
of interpolations, particularly in the prose passages, would have 
to be admitted. Basis are referred to in III. 14. 5 (rasisvarke ca 
gacchati) and the words lagna and hora also appear ( in a prose 
passage). Vaoaspati in his commentary on the Ybgabhasya 
2. 32 quotes it by name on yamas and myamas ( Visnu VI. 7. 
36-38 ) and a half verse 'evam bhadrasanadlnam' etc , Visnu 
Vt. 7. 49 in com. on Yogabhasya TH. 49. Vacaspati wrote his 
Uyayasucinibandha in vatsara 888 which should be taken as 
Vikrama year as he was a northerner and as the word 'vatsara' 
is used ( and not saka) i. e. 841 A. D. 

The following may be read on this question. Wilson's Intro, 
to the translation of the Visnu, vol. I. pp. LIX-LXXHI ; H. 
' date of Visnupurana' in ABORI voL 18 pp. 265-275 and PRHB, 
pp. 19-26 (puts if between 100-350 A.D.); Prof. Dikshitar in 
Pro. of the 13th Indian History Congress pp. 46-50 ; Jos. Abs in 
Festgabe Jacobi pp. 386-396 ( on heterodox systems mentioned 
in different Puranas including the Visnu). Vide above p. 869 
for a Visnupurana of 23000 verses not utilized by the Danasagara. 
It would not be far from the truth to hold that the present Visnu 
was composed between 300 to 500 A. D. 

Visnudharma-purava — Vide pp. 873-876 above for discussion 
of the date assigned to it by Prof. Hazra. Shri Asoka Chattarjee 
read a paper at the A I. O. Con. at Delhi which has been published 
in ABOEI vol. 38. 305-308, wherein he gives the date of compo- 
sition of this Purana as between 1250-1325 A.D. H. P. Sastri* Oat - 
of Nepal Palm-leaf ms3 p. LHI says that a ms. of it was copied in * 

9l6? History of Dhainiaiaslra [ Seo. IV, Oh. XXIli 

1047 A.D Buhler in I A. vol. 19 at p. 407 holds that this Purana 
as well as the next were canonical aco. to Alberuni's pandits. ■• 

Visnudharniottatai^U. pub. by Venk Press). Itisahugework 
and has been dealt with above (pp. 876-878). In spite of its huge 
size it is not quoted by the Kalpataru on viata, tlrtha, brahmaoari, 
grhastha, rajadharma, moksa and other kandas. Apararka 
quotes only 30 verses from it, of which 24 are on dana: the 
Smrticandrika quotes about 30 in all and that Danasagara quotes 
profusely from it on dana. It cannot be earlier tban 600 A. D„ 
and cannot be placed later than the 10th century, though parts 
of it may be later additions. Chapters 52-65 of the first section 
are called SankaragltS. The Kalika Purana expressly refers (in 
chap. 91 70 and 92. 2 ) to the Visnudharmottara as having been 
concerned with Eajanlti and SadSoSra. 

Sambapurana ( TJ. pub. by Venk. Press ). Vide H in 
' Sambapurana through the ages ' in JASB vol. 18 ( 1952 ) pp. 91- 
111, 'on Samba-purana' a saiva work in ABOBI vol. 36 (1955) 
pp. 62-84 and * Studies &o.' vol. I. pp. 32-108. This purana is 
hardly ever quoted by early digests such as the Kalpataru,, 
Apararka or SmTtioandrika. Only four verses from it are quoted 
by the Danasagara. Prof. Hazra's propositions that the Bhavisya 
(pp. 68-82) and Brahmapurana (present) borrow from the 
Samba are not at all acceptable to the present author, parti- 
cularly in view of his own admission ( in 'Studies &o.' vol. I. 
p 68 ) that the present Sambapurana consists of different units 
belonging to different climes and ages. All that can be said 
positively is that a purana called Samba is mentioned by 
Alberuni in 1030 A. D. (Saohau I p. 130). 

AoapuiSna (a Mahapurana according to some Puranas); 
Printed by Venk. Press in two volumes. Vide H. on 'Problems 
relating to Sivapurana* in 'Our Heritage* ( Calcutta 1953 ) vol I. 
part 1 pp. 46-48. Dr. Pusalkar in ' Studies in Epics and Puranas 
pp. 31-41 (holds that the printed Vayu is a genuine Mahapurana, 
that the Sivapurana is a late work and is only an Upapurana); 
the oldest datable reference to it is in Alberuni's work (vide 
Sachau, voL 1. p. 131 ). It is quoted in the Danasagara several 
times, but iB not quoted in Kalpataru, Apararka and Sm. C. It 
is divided into seven samhitas called Vidyesvara, Budrasamhits 
(in five parts called Srsti, Satl, ParvatI, w * )B Kunaar a, Yuddha). 

1444 a. 3$i?t wrai ?rc% Fri^t nuQatt ^ m « •rangHRsrt as^r spm* 
S^ 5% " i5PT5° ^a° MWdiwd 8 17; compare l <aftft- spim> gjWTOEf*H«rI.26. 
- (Continued on nextpaUa) 

ifiuzpurana 911 

Satarudra, Kotirudra, Uma, Kailasa, Vayaviya ( in two parts ). 
It oontaias about 23000 veraes. In Satarudrasara., chap. 42, the 
twelve jyotirlingas are mentioned, are spoken of as ayataraa of 
Rudra and described ; in Kotirudrasam., chap. 35 onelthousand 
names of Siva are set out ; in Kailasasam., chap. 5 mandala in 
puja is described ; in chap. 7 verses 5-26 various Mudras and 
Nyasas are provided for; in the Rudrasam. section, P&rvati, 
there is a close resemblance between this purana and the Kumara- 
sambhava as noted below. 

givadkarma. Vide H. in JGJRI vol. X pp. 1-20; Apararka 
p. 274 on Taj. 1. 193 quotes one verse from it which is a para- 
phrase of Yaj. 

&Mra(U.)— Vide H. in N. I. A. vol. VI. pp. 103-111 and 
121-129, in B. V. vol. IV. pp. 212-216 and 'Studies &c* vol I. 
p. 348. 

Skanda — This is the most extensive of Puranas and poses 
perplexing problems. It is found in two forms, one being 
divided into seven khandas, viz. Mahesvara, Vaisnava, Brahma, 
KasI, Avantya, Nagara and Prabhasa, the other being divided 
into six samhitas, viz. Sanatkumara, Suta, Sankarl, Vaisnavl, 
Brahml and Saura. The Skanda in seven khandas ha3 been 
published by the Venk. Press and the Sutasamhita with the 
commentary of Madhavacarya has been published by the 
Anan. Press, Poona. The extent of the ^Skanda i3 variously 
given as 81000 slokas, at 100000 slokas ( vide PRHR p. 158 ), 
at 86000 (in PRHR p. 159). The god Skanda does not 
figure prominently in this Purana named after him. The 
Skanda is named in the Padma V. 59. 2 Skanda I. 2. 6. 79 is 
almost in the same words as KiratariunTya 1 *' 5 ( II. 30 'sahasa 
yidadhlta na kriyam ' ). Skanda, Kasikhanda 24 ( 8 ff ) is full of 
Slesa and Parisankhya in the style of Bana as in 'yatra ksa- 

( Continued from last page ) 
^nWa 27. 3 2^ Com pare s^g ■ngki^lffi ff "cf3^la i^ ^WhW Mril^ « gHTC° 

v- 72 : Mas ^ tuw f?pgi qi§%^T {% i *n1r ».iutHa *ri%s?t m uMig ^r *^%- 

T??«TO^t^28. 37, compare ^ %qjj ^jf *?Ht "ST Hm^l^ ll gHR» V. S3; 

;^*mni t gRremHSr: ^ter q^ ^ I m^l^ua 28. 44, compare gjrr<= v. 86. 
There are several other close parallels, which are not set out for reasons 
of space, i 

1445. j^n „ f^tf gvfUn.jU.wwmm i R ^ Wh i Ru'u fR s°Rt tpfamy « 

t=n*^ *• 3. o. 79. 

913 History of Dharmaiastra [ Sec IV, Oh. XXIII 

panaka eva driyante maladharinah' (verse 21) or 'vibhramoyatra 
narlsu na vidvatsu oa karhicif (verse 9 ). Natyaveda and Artha- 
sastras are mentioned in Kaslkhanda (Purvardha 7. 4-5), Chan- 
vantari and Oaraka on medicine are mentioned in Kaslkhanda 
(Purvardha 1.71 ); the word Jhotinga occurs in Kaslkhanda 73 74 
(Jhotinga raksasah krurah). Skanda is quoted on topics of 
Dharmasastra in early commentaries and digests. The Mit. on 
Taj. H. 290 mentions it in connection with thB status of vesyas 
(courtezans). Kalpataru on vrata quotes only 15 verses from 
lt.Kalpataru on tlrtha (pp. 36-39, 32, 46, 130-135 ) quotes 92 
verses from it, on dana only 44, on niyatakala 63 verses, 18 
verses on Eajadharma (on Kaumudlmahotsava ), only 4 in 
sraddhakanda and 3 in grhasthakanda. Apararka 1 " 6 quotes 
only 19 verses from it; one quotation indicates Tantrik 
influence (vide note). The Danasagara cites 48 verses on dana 
from it and the Sm. C. only 23 in all Considering the colosBal 
figure of slokas in the Skanda it must be said that it is rather 
sparingly quoted in the Dharmasastra works A verse in it 
seems to echo the very words of Kalidasa and quotes the view of 
Devala."*- In such a huge work interpolations could easily be 
made. So it is difficult to assign a definite date to it. A ms. 
of the Skanda in the Nepal Durbar Library is written in charac- 
ters which belong to the 7th century A D. according to 
Haraprasad Shastri (vide Cat. of Nepal Palm-leaf mss. p. LU. ) 

It would be not far from the truth to say that the Skanda 
cannot be placed earlier than the 7th century A. D. and not later 
than 9th century A. D. on the evidence so far available. 

1446 ^KnfSOot is quoted by smpfr p. 295 on *n I 204 on the gift of 
a cow. After citing five verses and a half a prose mantra is quoted as 

follows : 3ff gr 5Tjft tuvrfS dtiimdHBUitrPn?! ^3%^ wJmnfiHTfcfl srorf *m 
S& ggFJl %&t *zn*% tgnmnt utttft sa& trariil |pjw g^- Wril^ll ij5nT*sJT- 

1446 a. iRor u^nfci&r sfrit^ Rgfa<^ i I ^rt? 1.2 10. 27; compare 
maf^gra^ 5rftro>rr figra^^g^ia §3. n tg^t vin. 87, sffiSj' i , jij?ig gsr sfi* 


Influence of Puranas on Dharmasasira 

Literary works and society act and re-act on each other. 
The state of Indian society a few centuries before and after 
Christ, riven as it was by the growing strength and onslaught of 
Buddhism, Jainism and other dissenting seots and disturbed by 
invasions of the Greeks, Sakas, Pahlavas, Hunas and other 
foreign tribes, gave much food for thought to those who were 
devoted to the Vedic religion and induced them to write works 
setting forth new ideologies and practices and effecting are- 
statement of the ancient Vedic and Smrti Teligion. "When these 
woTks attained a position of authority and eminence, the endea- 
vour of the followers of the Veda was to follow them as far as 
possible and to adapt their practices and religious rites to the 
requirements of the Puranas. We have to see how the Puranas 
3et about their task of re-orientation. We must note that current 
Hindu religious practices, judging from the sankalpa made at 
the beginning of every rite, are meant to confer upon the per- 
former the rewards declared by Sruti (Veda), Smrti and Puranas 
( Sruti-smrti-puranokta-phalapraptyartham ). The task was two- 
fold, viz. (1) to undermine the power and prestige of Buddhism 
and Jainism and the influence of the numerous philosophical 1447 
schools that had sprung up and (2) to wean away large sections 
of the masses from the attractive features of Buddhism and to 
convince them that they could secure in the re-orientated Hindu 
faith the same benefits, social and spiritual, as Buddhism 
promised and that the religious principles of the followers of 
Veda coincided with many of the teachings of Buddhism and 
were borrowed by Buddhism from Vedic practices. Ultimately 
Buddhism vanished from the land of its origin. The main 
causes of this disappearance of Buddhism from Bharata will be 
stated at the end of this section, but this much may be said 
here at once th at the Puranas played a substantial role in bring- 

» X T\ U " Stat6d ^ the Mah5va Sga (Part of Suttanipata) that there 
\vete 63 philosophical schools at the time of Buddha (vide SBE vol. X. part 

H. D. 115 

914 Itistom of Dharmaiaslra [ Sec. V, Ch. XXIV 

ing about the decline and disappearance of Buddhism by 
emphasizing and assimilating some of the principles and 
doctrines of Buddha 1448 such as ahimsa, by accepting Buddha 
himself as an avatara of Visnu, hy adopting vegetarianism as 
a high form of austerity, by making use of monasteries and 
asceticism as stated in such smrtis as those of Manu and Yaj. 

The Puranas set about their task by saying that for the 

proper understanding of the Veda, knowledge of Itihasa and 

Purana was essential. A famous verse says 14w ' one should 

strengthen the Veda by ( the study and application of) Itihasa 

and Purana ; the Veda is afraid of the person of little learning 

(with the thought) that he (the man of small learning) may 

harm it'. Manu states 1150 that those brahmanas that have 

learnt according to the rules ( of Veda study ) the Veda together 

with the works that strengthen it are to be understood as status 

and are instrumental in making (the meaning of) the Veda 

clearly perceptible. The Vayu 1451 emphasizes in this connection 

that that brahmana who knows the four Vedas together with 

(the six) ancillary lores and the Upanisads would not be a wise 

man if he did not know Puranas. The Upanisads drop brief 

hints about the oreation of akasa from the one brahma (in Tai. 

Up. IL 1 ), of tejas ( Chan. Up. VI. 3 3 ), of waters ( Ohan. Up. VI, 

2. 4 ). The Puranas explain at great length the creation and 

dissolution of the elements ( in the order reverse of that of 

creation) e g. Vayu 4. 17 ff, Brahma 1-3, Agni 17, Brahmanda 

II. 3 ff, Kurma I. 2, 4, 7, 8 &c. The stories of Hariscandra and 

1448. Fargiter ( in ' PuarSna texts of the Dynasties of the Kali ago 1 
p XVIII footnote) thinkB that £t was largely through the Fauramka Litera- 
ture that Hinduism secured its revival and the downfall of Buddhism. 

1449 srRi5rea<mt«7i 3<r wsq^^a; i f3rHt*j5T«ian&t "P™ ^""jf* " 

sm^d I 267-268, <ng 1. 201. WV S. 51-52, agrpiB I. 1 171, sjIHStmSj* 
27. 6, SH^RRSfit n - 86 ' "FStfe cha P' 3 P' 50 m J'va oanda ' s edition ( reads 
JraRlnri&). The ^fa=^. (I. p. 3) ascribes this verse to VW™" The 
miffewsrp. 511 quotes it from qftte. The igfi I. 2 19 reads ^m' 

g^TOP^i^refeqi?^' ^rrgsr "> his hi«t on 33^53 (P- ?a B. s. s ) 

quotes this verse and reads siaK^IS 

1450. trn'oni^rai '^m 3g quRgirn 1 St Sier israeii frn. z&npm&n'- « 
„g XII. 109. ^ 

1451 Trtfhiraa^^pai^w^ %&• ' 1 ^w* Hntarefr w ^ri- 

fihHn ««al 200, «*,, *n«*a 2 93. to V. 2 50-51 (reads the 
second half as ' ipior =* Sfc-fHTfiJ *» W HWIIS-^OT. I ' fST^ *• ^ 17 ° Ua 
the first half. \ 

Legends of Vedic times m Puranas 915 

Naciketas that occur in the Ait. Br. and the Kathopanisad are 
explained at length in Brahmapurana (chap. 104 and 150 about 
Hariscandra), in Sabhaparva chap. 12 (for Hariscandra) and 
inAnusasana chap. 91 ( for Naciketas ). The famous dialogue 
of Yama and YamI (Rg. X. 10 ) is expanded in the Narasimha- 
purana (chap. 13. 6-36). The Visnupurana 1 * 52 (IV. 6.34 ff) 
sets out the story of Pururavas and Urvasi, refers to the hymn 
in the Bg. X 95 for that story and quotes the first verse of the 
hymn in a somewhat corrupt form. 

But the claims of the extant Puranas go far beyond the 
above viz. as strengtheners of the Veda. The Kurma 145J states : 
'(put) on one side all the Puranas together with Itihasa (Maha- 
bharata) and on another the highest Veda; it is this (Puranas) 
that surpasses ( the other viz Veda)'. The Mahabharata also 
makes a similar claim. The PuraDas appear to claim priority 
( and even equality ) with the Veda. In note 1349 passages from 
the Matsya and other Puranas have been cited, stating that 
BrahmS first thought of the Puranas before all other sastras and 
then the Vedas sprang forth from his lips. Several Puranas are 
spoken of as equal to the Veda (Vedasammita) as in 1454 Vayu 
1. 11, 4. 12, Brahma 1. 29, 245. 4 and 21, Visnu 1. 1. 13, VI. 8. 12, 
Padma VI. 282. 116. Further, several Puranas claim to have 
been delivered by some God such as Brahma (Brahmapurana I. 
30 ) or by the Wind-god (Vayu I. 196 ) 14SS or by the avataras of 
Visnu as in the case of Matsya-purana (I. 26 ) or Varaha ( 2. 1- 
3 ). The japa of Vedic texts was deemed to destroy all sins as 
shown in H. of Dh. vol. IV. pp. 45-50. The Puranas also say 
that reading the Puranas or listening to a recitation of them 

^ 1453. J^sojSTpJt IV. 6. 64 in prose runs . ?ra*fctrspsqr[ 3tl3 % ©3 JPntt 
( *t& fas sra% *u(3* raS^=w3*H=hK s?W*n^ I. Compare m£t% X. 95 X 
?^r srft ?ctqt fas ^ft «t^if% fftsn t u H^ g >'. 

1453 1=K*ta Wtri^ 3l9«I«lf»t ir^lS II ^5 II 46.129 (q. in note 1402 

g^g^wft ^wft grf^ •q^f i a^ppgra afoftn .Htgw rcag^t \ sntsqj l 271-273. 

1454 s^w «^s£^ia^St% 555j5^i m^i li, ^ipiiTTr ^froSgani 
Iggggg i qgr i. 29. s^»t ^jiM i ^adgii^ hffla^i *?rernr I 1.36. 

1455. Vayn (103 58-66 ) narrates how from Brahma the purana came 
to Vayu and how through a succession of about 30 teachers it came down to 
Dvaipayana ant} lastly to Suta.. * > ■ 

916 History of Dluirma&mra [ See. V, Oh. XXIV 

would destroy all sins. 1456 Vide Vayu 103. 58, Brahma 175. 89- 
90, Matsyi 890 20, 291. 29 and 31, Visnu VI. 8. 3, 12. Some of 
the PurSnas indulge in extravagant praise of themselves, e. g. 
the Varaha-purana ( 217. 12-13, 217.15-16) state3 that reading 
ten chapters of that Purana confers the merit secured by the 
performance of Agnistoma and Atiratra sacrifices. Vide Brahma 
254. 34-35, Agni 384. 13-30, Devl-Bhagavata XII. 13. 11-17 in 
a similar strain Moreover, the Puranas dwell upon the superior 
value and efficacy, as compared with the Vedio sacrifices, of 
some of the institutions on which they lay emphasis, such as 
pilgrimages, 1457 vratas, bhaktt. The Padma states ( I. 38. 2 and 
18 ) that by merely going to Gaya or by taking a bath in the 
Phalgu river one secures the reward that the performance of 
Asvamedha confers. The Skanda proclaims 1158 'I have no use 
for sacrificial rites that are declared by the Veda, that have no 
life in them, that are within the domain of ignorance and that 
entail injury ( to animals ). If { a sacrifice ) is performed with 
such inanimate things as fuel-sticks, flowers and kusa grass, the 
result must be similar (inanimate), since the effect is like the 
cause'. Vide Santiparva 337 for a story on the discussion 
between sages and gods about offering in sacrifices merely pro- 
ducts of grains or goat-flesh. Offerings of flesh in sacrifices to 
gods were made in the Jtgvedic period. But even m the Rgveda 
there are a few verses that indicate that offerings of ghee and 
fuel-sticks were declared to be able to win the favour of gods as 
much as animal sacrifices might do. 'Whoever 115 ' offers to for 
worships) Agni with a fuel-stick or with an oblation of ghee or 

1456 ^rJTragt spy ire? ^ Tsifo ^ ' ^srt ^i siretra? gti°r wmi?-^ " 
=ng 103. 58, ;r<N i nrgg r 4hf m gjr Jrqir^ar ■ *nfm?a iSrwuKbro'ffiSsasi " 
T&r<f 290. 20, gwJT Score 4hra-riSfii?*i<Fn5Fn* i itifrs *ra?ira«i. s^nafT- 

unRTrS « flegr. VI 1 8. 3 and 12. 

1457 Vide H. of Dh. vol. IV pp 561-564 for superiority of tirtbas to 
solemn Vedic sacrifices and pp. 43-45 above for the eulogy of vratas The 
efficacy of bhaktt (loving faith in God) will be dealt with later on in this 

1458. 3tiran .tl< id<i:d«h4 rH^ ^ri ted-tH I nu fi?HT<»W««l i5l»|J?rft : t#33 « 

1.2. 13.53-60. 

1459 q. Hiwvn i sng-rtf ^t 5%^ g^ra waTamv i *ft smsr *ncw. u a^f* 
V}«, 19. $-& 

In Rgveda offerings of ghee and flesh equal 917 

with (the study of) tha Veda or who performs a good sacrifice 
with prostrations, for him alone run fleet horses and his is most 
brilliant fame , and no evil whether brought about by gods or 
by men might reach him from any side'. Another mantra 1460 
says'OAgni! we bring to you an offering accompanied by a 
rkmantra fashioned ( or produced ) by our heart. May those 
mantras be oxen, bulls and cows from you'. 

The Puranas only pursue an attitude to Veda and sacrifices 
that is found in some of the CTpanisads. The Mundakopanisad 1 * 61 
says: 'one should know two vidyas (lores), para (the higher) 
and apai a (the lower); the latter comprehends the four Vedag 
and Phonetics, aphorisms about solemn sacrifices, grammar, 
Nirukta (derivation of words), metres, astronomy; while the 
highest lore is that whereby the Imperishable (Eeality) is 
known'. The same Upanisad condemns apara-vidya when it 
says 'Those sacrifices are infirm (leaky) boats constituted by 
eighteen (persons) depending on which are declared actions that 
are inferior, those foolish people who welcome these actions as 
the highest good become subject again to old age and death'. 
The Kathopanisad 1 * 2 states that what are known as avidya and 
vidua are far apart from each other, are contradictory and lead 
to different results. When Narada approached Sanatkumara 
and requested the latter to teach him, the latter said to him 'tell 
me what you know and then I shall tell you what is beyond 
that.* Then Narada stated that he knew all the four Vedas 
Itihasa-purana the fifth Veda and several other lores, whereupon 
Sanat-kumara told him that the four Vedas and the other lores 
he had learned were merely a name and then he led Narada 
gradually to the understanding of the Highest Self. The Br 
Up. I. 4. 10 condemns him, who worships a deity thinking he 
is different from the deiata, that he does not know the truth 
that he ls like a (sacrificial) animal to the gods. Similarly, in 

rne 18 are the 16 priests, the sacnBcer and his wife, in his wr™ on 
Vedantasutra I 2 21 Sanfcaracarya holds that this verse is part of the 
condemnation of a^ara vidya. P 

918 History of Dhai maiastra ISeaV, Oh. XXIV 

several passages of the Upanisads austerities, liberality, straight- 
forwardness, ahimsa and truthfulness are put forward as equal 
to or superior to the actual performance of the ceremonial of 
sacrifice (yajna), vide Chandogya III. 17. 4, Prasna I. 15, 
Mundaka I. 2. 11. 

Though in a few passages of the Upanisads the knowledge 
of the Highest Self is put higher than the four Vedas, the Upa- 
nisads generally treat the Vedas as authoritative and quote 
Vedic verses in support of their statements. For example, the 
Ait. Up. II. 5 quotes Rgveda IV. 27. 1 ( taduktam-rsina-Garbhe 
nu &o. ), Frasnop. 1. 11 quotes Rg. I. 164. 12 ( paficapadam 
pitaram), Br, Up. II. 5. 15, 17 and 19 quote respectively 5g. I. 
116.12,1. 117.22, VI. 47 18 (rupam riipam pratirupo). The 
Upanisads further emphasize 1463 that brahmavidya is to he 
imparted only to those who are irotnya ( who have studied the 
Veda), who engage in their duties and who have properly per- 
formed Sirovrata. The Br. 1164 Up. shows that Veda study, 
sacrifices, charity &o. are preparations for the knowledge of 
brahma: ' Brahmanas (and others) desire to know this ( great 
Self) by study of the Veda, by sacrifices, gifts, tapas, fasting'. 
These passages make it clear that study of the Veda and per- 
formance of sacrifices enjoined by it are accepted by the Upa- 
nisads as preparatory and as cleansing the mind of its lower 
passions and as making a person worthy of receiving the know- 
ledge of the highest truth about the One Supreme Spirit and 
that the Upanisads do not altogether condemn and give up the 
Vedas and sacrifices. 

The Puranas adopt, in spite of the claims made by them 
here and there about their priority to the Vedas, about their own 
value and efficacy, the same attitude towards the Veda as the 
Upanisads do. They treat the Vedas as authoritative and enjoin 

1463 dc{<{£-cti'g-iK4i i i%^n^a' gjjfjpTT gfgri^igt: ^c*r sjsfi TW* *ra- 
n*H i fiqiirhii 3gri*3i s%a Ri<id<t rawrehg ^rofaii gu33?»T° hi 2 10 

f?R13tt »s carrying fire on the head (according to Atharvana rules) The 
^RftHUnm (XI 9. 12-13) romarks ' 3TWR5^li%f^H^: ■tfgW ?J3t*» *R»HH ' 
^V^ 55 ** 5*fi^ f5wi«i«Mi*tl<5<*H « " TOigq lkHm-tWI uztl WtijOtt II ' Th0 
six srwftSrc^ mantras are. 3ifSRfii HW, strgftiiJ *nH, ^ riWkl *PE*»; spJTSinnT 

VRH, ^Jfti& tTOT, #5^1?? *RH > 

1464. afta SgrgFrgsfcr^rsmr ilnigq-pa *r^r ^ti^t aTOiwrepfc 5 ' ' W- 

5H. IV 4. 22, vide jfiaj 18. 5 W^t^-^ " ^n^I Hj l 45q 3^ I l^ft 31^ W«T 

S'uravas employ Vedic Mantras 919 

the employment of Vedio mantras in many rite3. The author 
contributed a paper to the Dr. Kunhan Raja Presentation volume 
pp. 5-8 on the 'Vedic mantras and legends employed inPuranas* 
citing illustrations from the Brahmapurana. A few illustrations 
from other Puranas may be set out here. The Matsyapurana 
(chap. 93) when describing the procedure of the homo, to the 
nine planets prescribes nine Vedic mantras, five of which are 
different from those provided by Yaj. ( I. 300-301 ). Vide p. 750 
above for a comparative table of the two sets of mantras. In 
the Udvahatattva 1465 Eaghunandana remarks that the mantras 
' a krsnena ' and others aTe common to persons following the four 
Vedas and that Bhavadevabhatta held the same view. Matsya 
prescribes that when inauspicious birds (like an owl) or animals 
cry near a house or enter it, a homa should be performed, or five 
biahmanas should engage in a japa li66 of the hymn beginning 
with ' Devah kapota * ( Rg. X. 165. 1-5 ). In describing the whole 
procedure of the establishment of images of gods or the hhga 
(of Siva), the Matsya (chapter 265) prescribes numerous Vedic 
verses and hymns for the different parts of the ceremony. For 
example, for bringing about the purification of the image four 
mantras are prescribed viz. Rg. VII. 49. 1-3 and X. 9. 1 ; in 
providing for the placing of a jar full of water near the head of 
the bed on which the image is to be placed, two mantras ' Apo 
devl' (Vaj S. 12. 35, Tai. S. IV. % 32) and « apo asman matarah* 
(Rg. X 17. 10 ) are to be recited. Matsya ( 265. 24-29 ) prescribes 
for the japa of several suktas (hymns) by four door-keepers 
learned m the Vedas that are to stand in the four main direc- 
?v S ; Fj? Agnipurana ( 4l. 6-8 ) providing for the laying down 
of baked bricks or stones in building a temple prescribes the 
recital of many Vedic mantras, viz. Rg. X. 9.1-3, Rg.X.9.4, 
•Kg. IX 58. 1-4, Pavamani verses (either Rg. IX 1. 1-10 or 
verses from Rg. IX), Rg. 1.24.15, Rg. IV. 31. 1, Vaj S. IV. 36 
(Varuuasya), Rg. IV. 40.5 and the Srlsukta (of 29 verses 

2™™ " **< "B *w*i*£-nw asn %f%crec ii srsnrsm (Jiv ii p 12s). The 

^Mv« s e S quoted are 93. 33-37. The mant ra S are taien from tha 
Xt'J" h ] Sl Wha ^3^1^Pha S .« S i S that whatever Veda 
specified by Matsya when he performs a grahahom a . 

930 History of JDJiarma&astra I Sec. V, Ch. XXIV 

beginning with ' Hiranyavarnam harinlm*). Th^ Maradlya- 
pur&na (II. 73. 83-90 ) contains at end of eaoh of the verses parts 
of vedic prayer, whioh occur in Rg. VII. 66. 16, Tai. At. IV. 4. 
2-5 and Vaj. S. 36.24; Bhagavata I. 3. 21 ( bhdyate &o.) is 
taken from Mundaka Up. II. 2. 8. 

The Puranas not only prescribe Vedic mantras for various 
purposes, but suggest the employment of numerous Pauranika 
mantras. It appears that Pauranika mantras oame to be 
employed along with Vedic mantras in religious rites even of 
Brahmanas at the beginning of the Christian era or within a 
few centuries after Christ Yaj. I. 229 prescribes that the Visve 
Devas should be invited to come to a sraddha with the rk, 'O 
Visve-Devasl Come, listen to this my call, sit down on these 
kuias' (Bg. II. 41.13). On this the Mitaksara (about 1100 
A. D. ) remarks that along with the Vedic mantra mentioned by 
Yaj. a smarta mantra should also be employed viz. the mantra" 67 
' agacohantu mahabhaga,' whioh occurs in Skanda and Garuda- 
purana. Vide H. of Dh. vol. IV. p. 440 note 984 for the ascrip- 
tion of this verse to various authorities. The Vayupurana" 68 
prescribes that the mantra * adoration to the devatUs, to pitrs, to 
the great Yogins, to svadha and svaha ; they are always present' 
should be recited thrice at the beginning and at the end of 
sraddha and at the time of offering ptndus; the pitrs quickly 
come when the mantra is repeated and goblins run away ; this 
mantra protects the pitrs in all three worlds'. This mantra is 
styled 'Saptarcis' (having seven flames) in Vayu 74. 20, Brah- 
manda III. 11. 30 and in Visnudharmottara L 140. 68 and by 
Hemadri on sraddha pp. 1079 and 1208, who notes that it occurs 
in seven Puranas. In chap. 206 of the Agni in the procedure of 
offering arghya to the star Agastya (Canopus) ftg. I 179. 6 has 
been adopted as verse 13. 

1467 The ^3 is : swrssTg usraror f^fctr *i&m> • ^ *r=i ftiSai. w$ 
WtlHIWS^. This is ipraswrr I. 318. 7, but q. by amnS on p 478 
from ■^■wQ and on p. 481 from 'eTglgWI. 

1468 The mantra is . %!Rn«rt i3g«r*r W3r*rtf3l"f W ** ' "*< 'W™ ^^ 
ftnftl W3PT « ms 74 15-16. H. of Dh. vol IV. PP- 458-4S9 note 
1020 for all the verses in relation to this mantra and the puranas where tney 
occur. In the printed lirgnog III 11. 17-18 the vrz « ^ff"'^ ^' 
*H. «n** Wf «W*I ^33- Some read fta* ^ ™ . Tta «« ° 
*n I. 121 says that th l3 mantra should be employed by ffidro In all tno uv 
daily sacrifices according to some, while others said that the sudra was owy 
to utter the word w. . 

Up'anisad-passages taken in Puranas 921 

Not only are mantras from Vedio Samhitas prescribed by 
the Puranas for certain rites, but Upanisad passages also some- 
times with slight variance aTe bodily transferred into some of 
the Puranas. For example, Kurma II. 9. 12, 13 and 18 embody 
Tai. Up. II. 4 (yato vaco nivartante ), Svetasvataropa. III. 8 
( vedaham-etam purusam ) and VI. 11 ' eko devah '. The Visnu- 
purSna VI. 5. 65 is * dve vidye veditavye iti catharvanl srutih' 
and contains a passage of the Mundaka Up. 1.1.4 (vide note 1461 
above). The Vayu 20.5 (pranavo dhanuh) and 20.28 (Ajam- 
ekam) are respectively Mundakopa. II, 2. 4 and Svetasvatara-up. 
IV. 5. Vayu 14. 13 (sarvatah panipadantam ) is almost the same 
as Svetasvatara Up. HI. 16 and Vamana 47. 64-65 has the same 
verse. Vamana 47. 67 is almost the same as "Bg. 1. 10. 1. 

This gives rise to interesting questions. The sudras had no 
right to study the Veda. But as a matter of fact the Puranas 
contain as exemplified above a good many Vedic mantras. It 
is stated in the Bhagavata 1468 " 'women, sudras and brahmanas 
in name only are beyond the pale of the three Vedas; therefore 
the sage (Vyasa) composed through compassion for them the 
Bharata tale'. The Devibhagavata states 'study of the Veda 

1468 a. ^jjiut-JHH j^t w€t^t gEWi'sm i •••fRHPHrewnsfnt ^iitg™ 

Stm« UPRcl I. 4. 25 q. by nR*lMW«hW p. 37, which remarks ^nHhfirReit- 

"prai^FGKT 34*wrcH; J iMihiRp)ftiQf: i. €rt^iiii»t<>i''^ii i t^swn *nrn i ^qifer 

{larof? WHW ig3ri3 'SM jfrflwi'Md I- 3. 21. $I^<I-<*I<J is careful to point 
out on Vedantasutra I. 3. 38 that sudras have no adhtkara for brahmavidya 
baaed on the study of the Veda. Bathe does not deny to the sudras the 
knowledge of the Self altogether He refers to the instances of Vidura and 
Dharmavyadha that were possessed of the knowledge of brahma due to the 
effects of their former lives, states that they would secure the result of brabma- 
j nana (viz moksa, final liberation from samsara), that sudras have the 
right to learn from the Mahabharata and Puranas as stated in 'he should read 
to the four varnas ' and that in that way they might secure knowledge of 
brahm a and moksa. '*^tjt gsfi M&Bd£*faK'ftn6 jt' rfelTOW^g'hnl 5THn3ri%- 
^qt *t *i<Hiri luPnf^i sriSqg ^■■H^'hiPdttit.ri^id, i 'sTra^gg^t gurfe» %ffi 

fera^ll KI«^ on §-. ^ I. 3. 38. On § ^_. Ill, 4 36 jj|ga<t^Ji4 refers to the 
woman <*l-dsh<?l as one who had the knowledge of brahma ' ^aT- Mivjayjl - 
1^l<Ji«ii«H^{lWWi>i *$lfc-<<4fi€3<tc3«§: '. *JPt? ^wayfl figures as a great seeker 
after brahma m the Br. Up. III. 6. 1, III. 8. 1 and 12. The mmu rf says 
that what it dilates upon as to the $51*1*18, hh, 3W, «KW and $y$, is found 
elsewhere and that what it does not contain on those subjects can be found 
nowhere else and that the Mahabharata should be listened to by him who 
desires moksa, by brahmanas, kings and pregnant women ( Svargarohana- 
parva 5. 50-51 ). 

H. D. 116 

922 History of Dharmaiaslra r Sec. V,Ch. XXIV 

ia not accepted for women, sudras and brahmanas in name only 
and Puranas are compiled for the purpose of benefitting them'. 
From this it follows that in the case of sudras the listening to 
the Bharata was deemed to bring about the same results that 
the Veda does for dvijas and that even the sudra may acquire 
the knowledge of the Self (and moksa) from the Bharata. 

Though the brahman as in the Sth and following centuries 
A. D wanted to placate the sudras who were probably a majority 
of the whole people and to wean them away from Buddhism, they 
still kept a distinction between dutjas and sudras and the only 
concessions made were that the sudras could worship in the 
same way as dvijas did and that they could have mantras 
(Pauranika) in their rites and ceremonies. For example, in 
allowing bha^masnana (smeanng ashes on the body) the Padma 
( IV. 110. 386-289 ) provides Vedio mantras for men of the three 
varnas but Pauranika mantras only (Padma IV. 110. 290-293) 
for sudraB. The Padma 1169 further provides that sudras could 
not perform pranayama or utter the sacred syllable W butthat 
they should substitute dhyUna in place of pranayama and 'Siva' 
in place of 'om'. 

Gradually in some matters the procedure provided in the 
Puranas came to supersede the ancient Vedio procedure pre- 
scribed for them Apararka states (onp 14) that inDevapfija 
one should follow the procedure prescribed in the !Narasimha- 
puraua 1170 and the like and not the procedure of the Pasupatas 
or Pancaratras and (on p 15) he says the same about the con- 
secration of temples, 1471 images and the like 

The Narasimhapurana (chap. 63 5-6) says that the mantra 
'om namo Narayanaya' enables one to secure all objects and jqpa 
of it frees a man from all sins and leads him to absorption into 
Visnu 1472 

1469 jntnrrnra wr. ^g * iWfcnJ i niorninTO% vrtst Rfcqi^RWiK 11 

qssIV 110.316. 

1470 5«j^g» chap. 62 deals with the procedure of fJisojtjsTi 

1471 ^ sjiSsRinfo: g«uireA3ul*<?' , *rar aran ^n^^x i H<nfef «mS*re«- 

1472. fq; a?Pt sifrw&d- f% tRT etfftSfcfii: i aft *trft *tnr«r°WS *l*3r *pnw 

^utr- u ?ri h*=t <sfasK% gra#n wnmnr i ■HJMmRMtt 'gft fa«3wns3*mp:a'na; ( ! i 
smites" 63 6-7. r! h=ft ^igf^f&Mfrti'Jw vhi£ i i snft sircpton^ni K^ i ffn t- 
wra ' ^gr^TT ssprefor &<redm trcrenr i ^rarffts^iTOwft 5?*rewir miikj* " 

WW5 3 94- 58-59. the m&t says ' sS *m? TmioKJi tQiH^ 33T5tf: • '. 

v Procedure of king's coi emotion m Fu> anas 923 

The Agnipurana (ohap. 218) describes the procedure of the 
king's coronation, and (chapter 219) sets out the Pauranika 
mantras (about 70) employed at the coronation. Similarly, trie 
VisnudbaTmottara (II. 21) describes the procedure of coronation 
with Vedic mantras and ( in II. 22 ) with 184 Pauranika verses 
invoking various gods, minor deities, sages, rivers &c. Medieval 
digests like the Eajanltiprakasa (pp 49-83), Nitimayukha 
(pp. 1-4), Rajadharmakaustubha (pp 318-363) describe the 
combined coronation procedure of Vedic and Pauranika mantras 
from the Visnu-dharmottara (vide pp. 78-79 of the H. ofDh. 
voLIII. for details). The Eajanltiprakasa (pp. 430-433) 
prescribes numerous mantras derived from the Visnudharmottara 
as prayers and as blessings. 

The Padmapurana 1473 narrates the interesting story of a 
person called Dhanasarma whose father followed only the Vedic 
path(srauta-marga), who did not engage in such Pauranika 
prescriptions as Vaisakhasnana and who therefore became a 
horrible and distressed pi eta. Some of the verses are very inter- 
esting. 'I performed in my ignorance only Vedic rites and I 
never observed Vaisakhasriana in honour of God Madhava 
( Visnu ), nor observed a single Vaisakha Full Moon vrata which 
is like an axe for cutting the tree of sins that afflicts one like a 
conflagration fed by the fuel of sinful deeds &c.; to one who 
studies many sastras and several Vedas with their extensive 
ancillary Literature, learning does not come, if he has not 
studied Puranas'. This shows what importance catne to be 
attached to Puranas not only for sudras but even for brahmanas 
who performed the Vedic rites prescribed for them. 

The influence of the Puranas went on increasing gradually 
At first it was said"** that the dharma understood from the 
Veda was the highest, while the dharma declared in the Puranas 

&?* IfaL !!? ^^^'fissnu'm i ^f^r *mri %=f *t ^ta huh wpc « 

5STHJE* B w IV - 94, I s - 88 - eo - ^«*>* **%^S£ 

^^TO^ 1 ^ttSSBgnoi^r ^ qm^fi ^,^ „ TO 1V , Io5. 13. 

^ H Dl?r q '^ 3m ^ P - 9,t ° nSHl P «. iftWTOWHtP 29. The 
5 *. P. iJ .reads jwr; *t g WjjNt >. It may be noted that while a^ read 

SJiiEXS; the ^ *• (about twoceat °" es "*» ti-n ^ reads 

9 24 Hislo) y of BharmaiUstra [ Sec. V, Ch. XXIV 

and the like was mfencn. This gradually changed and dharma 
was said to be of three kinds, Vaidika, Tsntrika and Misra and 
it was said in the Bhagavata M7S and the Padma that one may 
worship god Visnu in any one of the three ways that one desired. 
The Padma adds that the Vaidika and Misraka methods are 
declared to he proper for brahmanas and the like, while the 
Tantrika method of worship is meant for a devotee of Visnu and 
also for sudras. The Devibhagavata (XI. 1.21-23) stateBthat 
Sruti (Veda) and Smrti are the eyes of dharma and Purana its 
heart, and that that is dharma which is declared by these three 
and that dharma can be found nowhere else than in these, that 
in Furanas sometimes what is found in Tantras is put forward 
as dharma, but one should not accept that. 

The Bhavisya ( Brahmaparva 1.43-47 ) in a dialogue between 
Satanlka and Sumantu) first enumerates the 18 dharma-sastras 
from Manu to Atri, states that the Vedas, the sastras of Manu 
and others and the angas are promulgated for the three varnas 
and not for the benefit of sudras, that sudras appear to be very 
much helpless; how can they be able to secure the four 
puiusarlhas? They are devoid of agama (traditional lore); 
what traditional lore was declared for them by the wise among 
the brahmanas for enabling them to secure the three viz. dharma, 
aitha andkama? Sumantu replies: 1476 listen to the Dharma- 
sastras that were declared by wise men for the benefit of all four 
varnas and specially for sudras viz. the 18 Puranas, the life of 
Rama of the Baghu race ( i. e. the Ramayana) and the Bharata 

*nra*m II WH3 XI 27. 7, q by Pu^mjun^ki p 510, qrar ( IV. 90. 3-4 ) reads 

ti%sK - sfii?<H>fH%ra«fi- ins i ^pnongf??^ fm&=n fRn^^ » ftr&Rl fnsrcft mft 

titm<fi* U& 4 l$ 4 I dlP^l ftrorwrnw ^,4W l R ^fid . II Vide ari&g= 372. 34 
for almost the same words as in *n*t3<T. Compare ^•43liftttyi3 11 77 ' whf 

1476 'gg uum'ii qqfru ?nx$ sihBri^*i# i wfsrrerri^ *(3*3 W3<nnt 
^u<*ra w itstacra ^4t°» uresrcfSi n^i fai»i » arei^t miunff ■wi ww ^ ' 
\tmq g^ii^d tragnnT«TOs% i wSfm *ma €ix nirrerq&r TftH<n i 9gT>5 ^raw 
■sffsr y*T*nyuot ■*% ipSi i ijreigjTi ^a ?ira ^srffas shra > vSti warn*! S" 

q"raT(5igTm^l*rf*nr, sngml 53-57, srt fa & p. 66 quotes the verses 
3TC155I T?mar The vrrn=ra also says that the whole meaning of the Veda 
was put forward under the name Bharata, in which even women and sudras 
find what dharma is . ' HRfPT1%5t^r en5rr*n>5«J ?fi&cl: ' E*lS i ra wnfift 
^(^^f^rc^i n irTTO I * 29. Vide] above p 870 and note 1408 about 
the lack of antiquity in the case of this passage, frgm Jghavisya 
( Brahmaparva), 

Vijasa composed Bharata for all varnas 925 

declared by Parasara's son (Vyasa), the compassionate Vyaea 
composed a sastra for the benefit of all four varnas in which he 
comprehended the entire meaning of the Veda and the Dharma- 
sastras; it is an unparalleled boat for all that are engulfed in 
sams&ra. This makes it olear that the Puranas, the Mahabha. 
rata and the Ramayana embody pristine traditions and thoughts 
and were deemed to have been composed as the instruments of 
the education and enlightenment of the common people. As a 
matter of fact we find that some Puranas like Agni, Matsya, 
Visnudharmottara are encyclopaedic and include treatises on 
politics and government, on law, medicine, astronomy, astro- 
logy, poetry, music, sculpture &c. They illustrate India's life and 
character as a country and exemplify Bharata's achievements, 
weaknesses and shortcomings. Two questions that arise are : 
(1) could the Puranas including the Vedio mantras quoted 
therein be read by the sudras themselves; (2) supposing that 
Vedic mantras could not be read by the sudras, could they, if 
they were able to do so, by themselves read the puranas without 
abrahmana's help. All writers of digests and commentaries 
were agreed that sudras could not read or listen to the Vedio 
mantras contained in the Puranas (which being meant for the 
benefit of all varnas contained Vedic mantras also), but only 
those that belonged to the three upper classes. Some writers, 
however, were agreeable to Sudras reciting Pauranika mantras in 
religious rites, relying on a passage of the Padmapurana. But 
others like Kamalakarabhatta, author of the Nirnayasindhu and 
Sudrakamalakara, held relying on verses of the Bhavisya that 
Pauranika mantras alone were to be used by a brahmana in a 
religious rite for a sudra, that the sudra was only to listen to the 
reading of a purana by a brahmana reader. There was a third 
view held by Srldatta and others that a sudra could recite a 
pauranika mantra, but he should not himself read the Puranas 
and should only listen to the reading of Puranas by a brahmana. 
in the times of the Dharmasutras the only mantras employed 
were mostly Vedic and therefore in the case of sudras 
Orautama"" provided that the sudras were allowed the alter- 
native rf saying 'namah' in place of a Vedic mantra. In the 
centuries preceding Christ the sudras would naturally have been 
attracted to Buddha's teaching as it was addressed to all 
including sadras Comparative ly early orthodox writers like 

926 History of Dharmasasli a [ Sec. V, Oh. XXIV 

Kumarila knew that the sudras formed the largest number of 
professed Buddhists when he says 1 * 78 'the dicta of Sakya and 
others wore all opposed, except a few relating to self-restraint, 
charity and the like, to all the fourteen Bources of learning, 
were promulgated by Buddha and others that had strayed from 
the path of the three Vedas and did acts contrary (to the Veda) 
and that those dicta were presented by them to those who were 
deluded, who were outside the pale of the three Vedaa, who 
mostly comprised the 4th varna (i, e. sudra) and those that had 
lost caste'. Therefore, the learned brahmanas who wanted to 
wean sections of the masses (including sudras) away from 
Buddhist teachings composed new Fauranika mantras by the 
thousand and employed them in all religious rites like sraddhas, 
yratas &o. It was, therefore, that earlier mbandha writers like 
Srldatta were prepared to allow sudras to recite Pauranika 1 *" 9 
mantras. But when centuries had elapsed after Buddhism had 
disappeared from India, orthodox brahmana writers like 
Kamalakara 1480 (who wrote his K S. in 1613 A. D. ) showed a 
staffer attitude by confining sudras merely to the listening to. 
Puranas read by a brahmana and by not allowing them even to 
recite a Fauranika mantra. It may be noted that the Nara- 
simhapurana in laying down the duties of sudras provides that 
they should listen to the reading of puranas by a brahmana 

1478. 5it?j7ifi%=E(5ni5i s qifSEraqw^Fni ^ t W ^ ^Ptl^R WRpJta^sifisn- 
softSrcirRrasrraKft »<my**( ^uironftia *r %%%&$& frorrarett d ? =wi in; on 3. 

I. 3. 4 p. 193 (Anaa). The 14 t^TTRIPTS are numorated in tji I 3 quoted 
above and in n Ru^ ( »ngrq;sf 2 6) S our moro T%TIWPTS are sometimes 
added, vit smgjf^r V&Kfi nmrfsfr a ^J*ft i awfrrei *srS'5 3 ^» 3Ter??ft at. « 
tmazt (srrsr) 2 7 and floiggo III. 6 23 Tins verso and 3^fl(^{ ^T«jrrTC 
(ra«S HI. 6. 27) are quoted by <BvffP8 (srgratrc° p 2) and by ij on aa vol. I. 
p. 18 and ^ x p. 27 For f wffld meaning srfitu^ra, vido nj(<nf3 ' ^ji ui l fl - 
Mi^Rld Wr^' U. 4 10 and the HijT»T|inT thereon 

1479. 3?^ *im< i ^i%5BH^r ftsrcr jfrscror^g ^jh "rs^iii-ij^ q%<Kti§- 
5BTC- ar fe ^iF w ssrai stto'urritnBRr n cfffcft snst")i<g--gTOi <Ar «TBfr%r* 
ffefngt i "iter spftm. i i%. fir p* 393. 

sSni tnra ^ ^ «r3 sftTRHi^natfrwi i trcureipiffai fto i afta^r nwzFtGl a^r 
3*p»nM3rf\ Hnc^frS;^ i • at qfa uwsuuutu fftor <n£r n Si^WJrifim w^SH.* 

f% f%T P 392 The printed H<5<nr (Brrgt) 1. 72-74 are 3T«i5(a"r sr *n*fa 

^Tgir srnrt ft*n i ^ T i d^a ^ ^jjor ^rega^ -bjH^ i "3?w wiS ■•qi?ra'» « 
These are q by air. far mK p. 7fi. SWtarer fiW JKfJrgCT g?PTOi. Htftfa- 
gWI 58. 13 r 

Relation, of Sruti, Smrti and Purayas 9£? 

(reader) and should worship Narasimha {avabara ofVisnu). 
The relation of Sruti, Smrti and Puranas and their spheres of 
application are summed up in the Naradiyapurana as follows : — 
" The Veda exists in different forms ; there is the Veda which 
has the performance of sacrificial rites (as its sphere) ; smrtis are 
the Veda for the householder's stage ; hoth those are centered in 
( or supported hy ) the Puranas. Just as this wonderful world 
sprang from the ancient Being (God), there is no doubt that all 
this literature arose from the Puranas. I hold that the meaning 
(or purpose) of the Puranas is more extensive (or superior to) 
than the meaning (or purpose) of the Veda. All the Vedas 
always rest on the Puranas; the Veda is afraid of the man of 
little learning (with the thought that) that man may harm it. 
The Veda does not deal with the movements of the planets, nor 
does it contain correct calculations about the proper times ( for 
religious acts), nor does it deal with the iithivrddhi or tithiksaya, 
nor with the determination of the panans ( amavasya, purnima 
&c.) or eclipses. Determinations about these were formerly 
made in Itihasa and Puranas. What is not seen in the Vedas 
is all noticed in the Smrtis; what is not seen in both is declared 
in the Puranas. What is declared by the Vedas and what is 
declared by the auxiliary lores— it is Veda that is declared by 
Smrtis and Puranas. The person who looks upon Puranas in 
any other light would be born as a lower animal'. 1481 The 
Naradiyapurana 1482 further states 'the merit acquired by those 
wicked men who speak about Puranas as mtha%adas (mere 
laudatory 1483 or condemnatory statements) are destroyed and 


5 m«gt 1 raS«i^ ^nft gift uJ a ^fiiVfa . « ir i3gwtj,<> u W fWfN ^a. s*t 1 w 
Ul4l « ™'w« » sow- *trafMlw ^ t^r PNsRt 1 snuwsrar **n RWih^ii-J 

^H^crc gragUT II 24. 15-24 Some of these verses ( such as q^tj urai&m: 
"'*nn*f <qiriffiiuij3 and trt sb "jfbl%) occur in ¥&%, rmnHsfg, 2 90-92 

1482 . mpug&re ggr Sir snrfSa ^reun. 1 f fr &di ffi gofnp} sr* ^rfsg igsft- 

1^*3% H ^nTcfN I 1 57-59. <*'»■"»> 

1483 The great a^r^rfeRor is § I. 2. 1-18. There are Vedic 

PasMSMlOia'^sa^WS^^hl^Wfge^'^ tf I. 5 1 1). ' w «Rrot 

,W * - W ^ * "' l 1 V %w* %TOW*nwwpr f^tr 1 >n«pni> (&. *. 
( Continued on next £ age) ' ' 

9S8 History of Sharmaiastra [Sec. V,Oh.XXtV 

the wicked man who regards as arthavadas the Puranas that axe 
the means of uprooting ( the evil effects of ) all acts, reaches 

The Puranas introduced several striking changes in the 

religious rites, practices and ideals of the people. The most 

characteristic thought and the keynote of the Puranas is to 

declare how great rewards and results could be secured with 

little effort The Visnupurana (VI. 2) narrates how sages 

approached Vyasa with the question ' in what age does a little 

dhartna yield very great rewards'? Vyasa was bathing in the 

Ganges; he came out, uttered 'sudra is good and Kali is good' 

and then again plunged into the river ; then he again came out 

and said 'well done, O sudra I you are blessed'; he again 

plunged into the river, came out and said ' women are good and 

blessed; who is more blessed than they'. When he finished his 

bath and performed his morning rites, the sages asked him to 

explain what he meant'by calling Kali, sudras and women good 

and blessed. He replied: 'a man secures in a single day and 

night in Kali age as much reward of tapas, celibacy and japa as 

is obtained in ten years in Krta age, in one year in Treta and 

in amonthinDvapara; therefore, I spoke of Kali as good ; in 

Kali age a man secures merely by the glorification or incessant 

repetition of the name of Kesava what he would secure by deep 

meditation in Krta, by sacrifices in Treta, and by worship in 

Dvapara; I am pleased with Kali because a man secures great 

eminence of dharma with a little effort Persons of the three 

higher varnas have to study the Vedas after observing many 

strict rules, then they have to peiform sacrifices which require 

wealth,, they incur sin if they do not perform their dutieB 

properly; they cannot eat and drink as they please, but are 

dependent on the observance of many rules as to food &o. ; 

dvijas secure higher worlds after great trouble; the sudra 

secures his worlds by serving the three varnas, he has the right 

to offer the pakayajfias (without mantras) and therefore he is 

more blessed than a dvija He has not to observe striot rules 

about proper and disallowed food or drink and therefore he was 

{ Continued from last page} 

vi i s i). 'a^ 3 rat^^s*rifr***m' (& w v.s 12 2). '*l&™ 

*a*l«n'n*rf?&^ntlf> # V. 2 7. The question is «e these passage* 
to be taken literally or do they convey any meaning ? The reply is . raw" 
^W^^i^IU , ( ^ I 2 7) ..e. they are laudatory and 
are meant to praise vidhis. 

TVhy sudras and woman are blessed 929 

declared' good 'by me. A woman by serving her husband in 
thought, word, and deed aeoures with less trouble the same 
worlds that her husband secures with great effort and trouble 
and therefore I said a third time about women that they were 
blessed. The acquistion of dha> ma is secured with small trouble 
in Kali age by men who wash off all their sins by the water in 
the form of the qualities of their soul ; sudras do the same by 
being intent on service to dvijas and women also secure the 
same without trouble by service to their husbands. Therefore 
all these three are regarded by me as most blessed.' 1181 The 
Brahmapurana chapter 229 verses 62-80 are identical with Vismi- 
purana VI, 2. 15-30 and 34-36. The Yisnupurana emphasizes 
that each one must do one's duty in the society in which one is 
born or one's duty which one has undertaken, that, if a person 
does this, he reaches the same higher worlds, whether he be a 
brShmana or a sudra. This doctrine is the same as taught in 
the Bhagavadglta 1485 18. 45 and 46 * a person secures the highest 
perfection (final emancipation) by being intent on carrying 
out the duties appropriate to him ; man secures perfection ( or 
bliss) by worshipping with the performance of his peculiar 
duties ( not with flowers and the like or bywords) Him from 
whom all beings proceed and by whom all this (world) is 
enveloped'. Ancient works like the Vedas, Jaimini's sutras on 
Mlmamsa and the Vedantasutras did not consider or discuss 
how women or sudras were to secure higher spiritual life and 
final Beatitude. The Vedantasutra (I. 3.34-38) denies to the 
siidra the right to study the Veda and the Upanisads. Buddha's 
teaching held out the same promise of liberation from suffering 

148 4 So ° e of th ^ v «ses are striking and they are therefore quoted 
*J2*rarani jnmQ sto ^ i awrrcN m%reN g£rc»*ns s&: u -ipght 

2S. 'S?*^ ""*"«* fiwft » <wAi ^i^s^^m^. ^tSatfes- 

tamta^' , I, 8 ', 34 " 36 ' The ^^ (^>5n^ BWMH) quotes 
H. D. 117 

930 History of Dharmaiastra [ Sec. V, Oh. XXIV 

to all men irrespective of class or caste and was therefore most 
attractive to sudras. The Bhagavadglta, and the Puranas 
changed the whole outlook of Indian society, high or low, and 
promised the same higher spiritual life or worlds to all who did 
their work under a sense of social duty, did not hanker after 
mundane rewards and hrought all their actions, in whatever 
avocation they might be engaged, as an offering to God. In the 
Padmapurana 1486 Vyasa is made to say to Yudhisthira: "It is 
not possible to observe in the Kali age the rules of Dharma laid 
down by Manu and by the Vedas; the one thing which one 
should do is to observe a fast on Ekadasl in both fortnights (of 
a month), which is an easy means (that) requires little wealth, 
that entails little trouble, but yields great rewards, that is the 
very essence (of the teachings) of all Puranas; he should be 
pure and on DvadasI after worshipping Keaava with flowers he 
should first feed brahmanas and then himself take his meal; 
those who desire to secure heaven should perform thisvrata 
throughout their lives; even persons of evil conduct, the greatest 
sinners devoid of dharma, do not go to Tama ( do not fall into 
hell) if they fast on Ekadasl." The Sutasamhita states 'effort 
for acquiring true knowledge ( of the Self) is meant for all (for 
persons even lower than sudras ), that effort made by explaining 
in a different language (than Sanskrit) and by the lapse of 
enough time will tend to the good ( of the lowest )'. This clearly 
shows how the Puranas put before all people easy ways whereby 
they could attain blis3 in the Hereafter. 

The Baud 1487 Dh. S., Manu and Vasistha emphasize that 
one should not invite a large company of brahmanas at a 
sraddha, because a large company destroys these five (advan- 
tages ) viz showing proper respect to invitees, propriety of place 
and time, cleanliness and the securing of worthy brahmanas and 

i486. §^^rH3^n^i^[^m^^^§i%^9j^fn^fini w^^^W^i 

h Tires mw. « 3tn <nig*rara. irwat tw H w : ■ u^ i ^-m «t g^ra t h iri% 

*WiPii<*<i II tRI VI S3 4-9. These verses ate quoted as from TT3WK4 by %• 
on a?f vol. I p 1089. Vide p 44 note 108 above for some of these verses, 

I 7. 22. 

1487 mnfrrr qa-Kici i =3 site 3tgma»ig. i i^ara rtecit n&t awia^a 

ffcfRjjMIHgin 20, 2$g,wif II 22. 27,«t> <* % II 4 30, <n«3 XI. 28 (tno 
last two read the 4th pada as ' tRatrt if^RPJnt.' ) 

Purayas discarded certain rules of Bharata 931 

it wa9 further provided by the Anusasana-parva 1483 and others 
that one should not go deep into examining the learning, family 
and oharaoter of brahmanas in a rite for the gods, but in rites 
for the Manes close examination as to these matters is proper 
(or justified). The Pur anas went against both these prescrip- 
tions. They are not tired of recommending again and again 
profuse expense in sraddhas and condemning stinginess (lit. 
roguishness in spending money ) in sraddhas and also in such 
other matters as the observances of Ekadasi. For example, the 
Visnupurana 1489 quotes nine verses (III. 14 22-30) as uttered 
by the pitrs, two of which may be translated here ' Would that 
a wise and blessed person be born in our family who not indulg- 
ing in stinginess in spending wealth will offer pindas to us and 
who would donate to brahmanas for our sake jewels, clothes, a 
large conveyance, wealth and all enjoyments if he has riches' ! 
Padma 1490 recommends that avoiding stinginess brings pleasure 
to theirs. The Matsya (56.11) prescribes that one should 
not show stinginess in the Krsnastamlvrata. The Padma says 
that that bad man who being possessed of wealth celebrates the 
jagara on EkadasI in a close-fisted way loses his soul. The 
Brahmapurana" 91 says in a general way that whoever does a 
religious act with stinginess is a sinner. 

Mann (m. 149) provides that 'in rites in honour of gods 
one who knows dharma should not critically examine the 
brahmanas to be invited for dinner, but in a rite for ancestors 
one should carefully investigate (the fitness of) brahmanas' 
ims does not mean that in rites for gods any one may be 
invited. We have to observe the general rule of Manu (HI 128) 
that donors should give only to a man who has studied the Veda 

wt^iq^'g^ ? ratt r a^ I1 3 C ,q IS 83.5i. a ' 

^ "89. aift^: sSsjrat^n* nSiHRro 1 3*5*1 Ehnnre^ . f^^ 

**' R °<S IH - I4 ' 23-23. TOW 13. 50-5? ( reads JS^JHSftl 
«e q. by m Qr. ^ pp . 253 _ 254 and are also % xp i ained- 24 30 

^.wftS«Kn»i^i*mtnwiRa»^rag%?i^[iiiTOtH»RTVi 39.21, 

933 History of Dluirmaiailra [ See. V, Ch, XXIV 

dinner in rites for goda or pitra So what Manu III. 149 moans 
is that deep investigation of ancestry &c. ia not necessary in 
ritea for gods. 

It ia provided by the Vayu 1153 that thore is to be no exami- 
nation of the qualities and character of the brahmanas at Gaya 
and the Varahapurana providea that all brahmanas of Mathura 
are like goda and that a brahmana of Mathura not knowing 
even a rk verso is superior to a brahmana of another plaeo that 
ha3 studied the four Vedas. Vide H. of Dh. vol. IV. pp. 579, 670 
for detaib of Gaya and Mathura brahmanaa. The Padraapurana 
and the Skanda ( Ka3Jkhanda 6. 56-57 ) recommend that at tlrthas 
(sacrodplace3) one should not engage in investigation (of the 
worth) of brahmanaa, and that Manu declares that brahmanaa 
appearing (at a tlrtha) and desiring food should be fed, 149 * 

It is not unlikely that the abovo passages from the Vsyu, 
Varaha and Padma are later interpolations. When Buddhism 
was flourishing largo companies of Buddhist monks wore fed by 
the people. When Buddhism declined and disappeared from 
India after the 12th or 13th century A. D, people came to believe 
that there was great merit in feeding poor brahmanaa just as in 
former times people fed monks and the Puranaa might have only 
echoed and emphasized the general sentiments of the people. If 
the people in general had not come to believe in this, the author 
feels that no amount of interpolations or insistence by the so- 
called crafty brahmanas would have been effective. Writers, 
Western or Indian, that, relying on the notions current in the 
19th and 20th centuries, pass severe and unmeasured strictures 
on the provisions for brahmanaa in the Puranaa do great 
injustice to the authors of Puranaa that flourished about a 
thousand years ago or moxo. Such writers should compare 
Indian medioval conditions, ideas and doing3 of brahmanas 
with the claims of the Popes, Christian priests, Inquisitions and 
the state of monastic Orders in Europe from about the 10th 
century A. D. to the 15th century. In comparison it would bo 

1453, ■* pHrr5 ^c? sins fraf ^ m tt ^ • "£Ri?Mtc3 «'3»jf ^n*^ spirit 
jfi?n: ii 5ii3 82. 27, aran ai^ii v& ^g^^mm. i ^g-^aro^ =3 wipmawi «*'• 
Trrraija "'*gcm v *mpn Rss^qi n£ h *ms » ran 105. 55 and 57. 

ts=z V. 29. 212. The first half is q. by ?rr. ftf. ish from BtgryTT on p. 34 
gnd from ipflsOT on p. 2C0, 

Put anas emphasize dana, ahimsa, bhakti etc. 933 

found that the conditions in Europe were terribly worse than in 
India in those centuries. 1 * 91 

As a consequence of the abovementioned dominating 
principle the Puranas strongly recommend dana ( gifts, parti- 
cularly of food ), pilgrimages and baths in sacred waters, vratas, 
ahimsa, bhakti, repetition of the name of god, sraddhas &o. 
These will be briefly illustrated below. 

The Puranas institute a comparison between solemn Vedio 
sacrifices on the one hand and pilgrimages and baths at saored 
plaoes on the other. The Vanaparva 1 * 95 contrasts the two as 
follows, " the solemn sacrifices promulgated by the sages cannot 
be accomplished by a poor man ; sacrifices require many imple- 
ments and a collection of various materials, which are secured 
by kings or sometimes by rioh men, but not by poor men who 
have to rely on themselves alone, who have no helpers and who 
do not possess means. Going to holy places confers merit and 
surpasses sacrifices. One does not secure that reward by such 
sacrifices as Agnistoma, in whioh profuse fees are distributed, 
which is secured by repairing to sacred places. '' Vide H. of Dh. 
vol. IV pp. 561-564 for further encomiums of sacred places and 
the virtues to be cultivated' for reaping the full merit of 

In pursuance of the same dominant principle the Anusa- 
sana-parva and Puranas extol fasts and vratas. The Anusasana- 

1494. For the barbarities and abominations in every European country 
of the Inquisition, particularly in Spain, one may read W H. Rule's 
'History of the Inquisition' (1868), particulary pp 298-314 on 'In- 
quisition in Goa' and Rafael Sabatim's work on 'Torquemeda and the Spanish 
Inquisition '( 8th ed in 1937), 'the Spanish Inquisition' by Prof. A. S. 
Turberville (Home University Library, 1933 ), who is constrained to say on 
p. 335 that at the best the Holy Office in Spain* has a terrible record of 
destruction; Cambridge Medieval History vol VI, chap. XX on * Heresies 
and the Inquisition in the Middle Ages ' ( 1929 ) pp. 699-726, Cambridge 
Medieval History vol VI. pp. 694-695 where it is shown that ' Indulgences * 
( granting forgiveness of sins and a certificate of entry in Paradise ) -were 
freely put on sale by the highest ministers of the Christian Church in the 
- hands of licensed traders without the necessity of any confession and penit- 
ence and that they became a formidable bar to the proper working of the 
penitential system of the Church. 

1495. atafpRWsf 503 ij^tft Riw^d 1 sjsrora 83 17, vide H. of Dh. vol. 
IV p. 561 n 1263 for the whole passage. 

' 934 Histcny of Dlianna&astra I Sec. V, Ch. XXIV 

paTva 1496 (107 5-6 ) remarks that fasts are equal to sacrifices in 

the matter of rewards They are put forward as superior to 

sacrifices in Padma. 1497 It says : VisnuvTata is super-eminent ; 

a hundred Vedic sacrifices are not equal to it, by performing a 

> sacrifice one may go to heaven, but one who observes the Karfci- 

) kavrata goes to Vaikuntha (the world of Visnu) For the 

j exaggerated importance attached to fasts and vratas, vide pp. 

( 43-45 above. 

First dana. High eulogies of gifts have been sung from 
the Rgveda downwards. The subject of dana ( gifts ) in all its 
aspects has been dealt with in the H of Dh. vol. IL pp. 837-888. 
The Mahabharata in numerous places (particularly in the whole 
of Anusasana-parva) and the Puranas such as Matsya chap 82- 
92 and 274-289, Agni chap. 208-213, Varaha 99-111, Padma V. 
21. 81-213 (which agree almost verbatim with Matsya 83-92), 
Padma II. 39-40 and 94, III 24, Kurma II. 26 devote a great 
deal of space to the subject of danas. But here only two topics 
in relation to gifts will be dealt with, viz. gifts of food and gifts 
to brahmanas The Rgveda condemns the person as merely a 
sinful one who does not offer food to the gods nor to his friendB 
and uses it only to fill his own belly. W93 The Ait. Br and the 
Tai 14 » Br. speak of * food ' as * prana ' ( life ) The Baud 1SM Dh. 
S states " all beings depend on food, the Veda saya 'food is life,' 
therefore food should be given (to others), food is the highest 
offering". Manu 1501 and Visnu Dh. S. state 'the man who 
cooks food only for his own sake ( and not for offering to gods 
and men) eats merely sin', The Bhagavadglta carries the same 
message ' those who eat food left after offering in sacrifice are 
freed from all sins, but those who cook food for their sake alone 
eat sin '. The Padma has a fine passage 'those who always feed 
the cripple, the blind, children, old men, persons that are dis- 

SHgSIRPT 107 5-6 

1497. 3*3 itusg^ fo* cMg<n *r 5ra mm i ^en w& a^^r tg°3 mRPR* 
' a3Vn«rarin. 21 29. The same idea >s repeated in irsr VI. 96 25. 

1498 tTitw^ R?^ 3<i-5ri i ;H^i^ft ^ w?5^r^re^^l5^T&t<lts B, ri3'^ t ^ , ^a , '' 
l^rerat , *rara sprain 5? x H7. 6. 

1499. srer mu r n^MHHHig i I «ii n. s. 8. 3, ara 5 wms ■ ft wr 33. l 

in the fifth gatha recited by <{[^ ). 

1500. 3^ f§ratr*r ^an^ 3rt nmfvim gra. i trcnnjw flsjw.iMW i? ^ 

gfq. II ^h vj. ^. II. 3.68. ^ 

1501. ^*T^re g3i t, T^RJPfiHTni;! «?• in - l18 ' Q^w^ff 67 ■' ,3, 

Emphasis on feeding disabled persons 935 

eased, helpless and pinched by penury, always enjoy bliss in 
heaven; there is no end to the merit (accumulated) by con- 
structing wells and tanks, where aquatic animals and others 
moving on land drink water when they desire, for water is the 
life of living beings and life is centred in water". The distribu- 
tion of food particularly to learned brahmanas is highly praised 
in Brahma-purana ls02 318. 10-32, Padma V. 19. 289-307m, Agni 
211. 44-46. ' The gift of food is superior to all gift3 ; food is the 
life of men, from food spring all beings; the worlds are depen- 
dent on food, therefore food is praised; man secures heaven by 
the gift of food; a person who joyfully gives food acquired by 
just means to brahmanas deeply learned in the Veda is released 
from all sins ' says Brahma. Tha Agnipurana says * The gifts of 
elephants, horses, chariots, male and female slaves and houses 
do not come up even to a sixteenth part of the gift of food ( in 
merit), a person who committing a great sin afterwards 
distributes food becomes free from all sins and secures everlast- 
ing worlds' (211. 44-46). The Kuima 1503 prescribes « a man 
should give to a brahmacarin (Vedic student) food every day 
( i. e. when he comes begging) , thereby he becomes free from all 
sins and reaches the abode of Brahma'. Similarly, Padma calls 
upon house-holders to give as much cooked food to ascetics as 
would fill the begging bowl. From very ancient times a house- 
holder was called upon to perform five Yajiias (sacrifices) daily, 
two of which were Sahharana and honouring a guest (Manu 
ni 70) and he was to place food on the ground for persons who 
bad lost caste, who suffered from loathsome diseases, to candalas 
dogs, crows and even insects 1504 ( Ap. Dh S H. 4 9. 5, Manu m 
92). Vide H. of Dh. voL H. pp. 745-747 on Vaisvadeva and 
sannarana. Underlying these provisions was the noble senti- 
ment of universal kindliness and charity, the persistent idea 
that, in spite of social gradations, rules and prejudices dividing 

*""«■ ^ flnfin stamen** *mft i -aner ft s^ ^nfenfinf m^i 
ws^k. wiTOKn Hrai g fiami^i^ n mt v. is. vjo-iw. 

936 History of Dharmalaatra [ Se6. V, Ch. XXIV 

men from eaoh other, one Supreme Light pervades and illumi- 
nates the meanest of creatures and makes the whole world kin. 
This spirit of a householder to regard it as his duty to offer food' 
to all needy persons and particularly to poor and deserving 
students and brahmanas has prevailed almost to the present day, 
though during the last few yeara shortage of food, high prices 
and rationing have undermined it a great deal. 

Then as to gifts to brahmanas. In the first place, it must 
be remembered that all brahmanas were not priests and are not 
priests in modern times. Similarly, all priests in all Indian 
temples and shrines are not brahmanas Temple prieBts are 
comparatively a later institution and in olden times they were 
looked down upon and are regarded as inferior brahmanas even 
in modern times. Manu (III. 152) states that a devalaka (a 
brahmana who performed for remuneration service before the 
image in a temple) was unfit to be invited at a sraddha or to 
officiate in a sacrifice to gods, if he continuously served for three 
years in that capacity. The ideal set before brahmanas from 
very ancient times was of poverty, of plain living and high 
thinking, of abandoning the active pursuit of riches, of devotion 
to the study of the Veda and sastras, of cherishing a high 
culture and of handing down literature and cultural outlook. 
Smrtis like Yaj I. 213 recommend that even if a brahmana be 
fit for receiving a religious gift he should refuse gifts and 
thereby he secures the same worlds that habitual donors secure. 
It was for preserving such high ideals among brahmanas that 
Yaj I 333 prescribes that a king should make gifts of cows, 
gold and land and should bestow on learned brahmanas houses 
and requisites for marriage (maidens, expenses of marriages 
&o ). Vide H. of Dh. vol II. pp. 856-858 where references are 
given to inscriptions containing donations to brahmanas of 
houses and marriage expenses. In these days every body talks 
of the high culture and literary traditions of ancient India. But 
who cultivated the vast Vedio and other Sanskrit literature, 
preserved it and propagated it for several millenia? The answer 
would have to be that it was mostly due to some of the 
brahmanas who stuck to the ancient ideal for thousands of yearB. 
If the Jtgveda can be put forward in these days as the moBt 
ancient of the literary monuments in any Aryan language, who 
preserved its more than ten thousand verses with unparallelled 
care by oral transmission without hardly any variant readings. 
The reply will again have to be that the brahmanas did it by a 

Self-denied bij many brahmanas 93ff 

self-denying ordinance. The Brahmanas had to study the Veda 
with auxiliary lores without* 05 an eye to any ulterior motive, 
but simply as a duty and to understand the meaning thereof, 
they weie to teach the Veda and other lorea without demanding 
beforehand a fee, they had to bring up their own families, per- 
form sacrifices and make gifts themselves. The only substantial 
sources of income were officiating at sacrifices and religious 
rites and receiving gifts. These sources must always have been 
variable, fitful and precarious The brahmanas had no power to 
tax people as in the case of tithes in the West. Nor had they 
a regularly paid hierarchy of deacons, priests, bishops and 
archbishops aa in the Anglican Church Therefore, the 
brahmanas are advised to approach the king or a rich person for 
their livelihood (vide Gautama IX 63 'Yogaksemartham-lsvaram 
adhigaccet). It should be noted that before Buddhism spread 
far and wide the sutras and smrfcis emphasized that religious 
gifts should be made only to a worthy brahmana, learned and 
well-conducted. For example, Apastamba 1506 prescribes 'one 
should invite for dinner in all religious acts brahmanas that are 
pure, that have studied the Veda and that one should distribute 
gifts at a proper time and place, on occasions of purificatory 
rites and when there is a worthy recipient.' To the same effect 
are Vas. Dh. S HI. 8, VI. 30, Manu (HI. 138, 133, IV. 31), Yaj. 
(1. 301), Daksa (III. 36 and 31). Kot every brahmana was in 
those ancient times a proper recipient for a gift, but he had to 
possess qualities of what is called 'pUtra. A few definitions of 
patra may with advantage be cited here. The Anusasana-parva 1507 
has a long passage emphasizing the qualities of a deserving 
brahmana : 'gifts made to good brahmanas that are free from 
anger, tbat are intent on dharma, are devoted to truth and self- 

1505 . msiuSn fqiEBWWi «W: tJS^t 3$sftrit #P§fit 1 fl?T«PRr { Kielhortf, 
vol. I p 1) quotes it as 3jpRt Vide H of Dh vol. II pp. 105-110 on the 
duties of brahmanas and their sources of income in ancient times, 

1506. g^jflranta; «%t%g hNi^ i %?ra: gnsiit sfrgs: spatgj *# 
^Uga ?# geuPi uSusiiei 1 3»w. *j. ^, n 6 15 9-10 Compare 1% in. 98. 

1507. Some of the verses of 3^u-tH 32 33-41 may, be cited here ; 

5il gfr *g g n^iB 1 grcqa g^ ■a JIWtoS k nbft-an i i ••• R^w ^ soffta ^igro 

; tnS'««fl«f 1 $U3Wtui ■as 3 j I « ^asjire g?T^g;U verses 33 , 36, 3 S, 41, on q^wri 
3? a; the com , of ^sros is ' aiwr^.. ag n i^i- wiI^ia^M :-. H? 

H D 118 

938 History of Dharmaiash a [ Sec. V, Ch. XXIV 

control yield great rewards ; the sages regard that brahmana as 
patra who studies the four Vedas with their angas (auxiliary 
lores like phonetics, grammar &c }, who is active in doing six 
acts (viz abstaining from wine and meat, observing the bounds 
of morality, purity, study of the Veda, sacrifices, making gifts ). 
■ Even a single eminent brahmana endowed with intellect, Vedio 
learning, good conduct and character saves the whole family; 
one should bring from afar a brahmana on hearing that he is 
possessed of good qualities and is approved by good men and 
Bhould welcome him and honour him in all ways' Yaj. furni- 
shes 1588 a brief but striking definition of a worthy brahmana 
'not by Vedio learning alone nor by tapas (austere life) alone 
worthiness arises ; that person is declared to be patra (worthy 
recipient for a religious gift) where both these (i. e Vedic 
learning and tapas ) and good conduct exiBt* Manu provides 
that religious gifts given to a brahmana who has not studied 
the Veda or who is avaricious or deceitful are fruitless and lead 
the donor to hell ( IV. 192-194 ). The BhagavadgltS also ( 17 %% ) 
condemns a gift given to an unworthy person as tamasa ( affected 
by tamas, arising from ignorance or delusion). 

As Buddhism grew in popularity and secured also royal 
support, the brahmanas had to tackle several tasks. They had 
to keep the number of brahmanas at a high level, they had to 
find maintenance for those devoted to the deep study of the 
Veda and they had to make accommodation with prevalent 
Buddhist thoughts by assimilating as many of them as possible 
in their own writings. Every brahmana could not possess the 
memory, the intelligence and the persistent endeavour for long 
years required for memorizing and mastering even his own Veda 
and its subsidiary Literature. If one hundred brahmana families 
were patronized, hardly ten percent of them could have been 
masters of their own Veda, but there was always the possibility 
that those who were not themselves good Vedic scholars might 
have sons, some of whom might turn out to be profound students 
of the Veda, Therefore, the number of brahmanas was to be 
increased and they had to be fed and not to be allowed to fritter 
away energy and time in working for their bread It is mainly 
due to these factors that some of the Puranas contain incessant 
and frantic appeals for gifts to brahmanas. 

i5oa. ^Hgqi ^a ' <M'iw'<iraMi =i tii i i ^tnri^' ; ^ ; ^r' n ^' < '^'" ttq '' 
m$. 1. 200. 

Difficulties of brahmavas when Buddhism flourished 939 

At the time when most of the Puranas were composed, the 
brahmanas were hemmed in by great difficulties and hostile 
forces. I"rom about the 3rd century B. O. to the 7th century 
AD. Buddhism enjoyed royal patronage under such great 
kings as Asoka, Kaniska and Harsa. Buddhism was not really 
a revolt against caste, but against the sacrificial system, against 
the Veda and its authority to show the way to salvation. 
Buddha did not found a new religion, but he was a great re- 
former of Hinduism. He laid sole stress on moral effort, ahimsa, 
satya &c. which had already been integrated into Hinduism 
and were part of it and which continue to this day to be part of 
Hinduism. Buddha in his first sermon in the deer-park near 
Banaras preached that one who renounced the world should shun 
two extremes 1509 viz. the pursuit of pleasures and the practice of 
useless austerities, that it is the course discovered by him that 
led to wisdom and ninana. He expounded the four noble 
Axioms or Truths (Aryasatyani) viz. suffering (duhkha), the 
cause of suffering 1510 viz. tanha i. e. trsna ( duhkha-samuday a ), 
the suppression of suffering (duhkha-nirodha), and the way that 
leads to the suppression of Buffering ( duhkha-nirodhagamini 
patipada ). This last is the Noble Eight-fold path ( astangiko lsl0a 

1509. For the two extremes to be shunned, vide Dhammacakka-ppava- 
ttana-sutta ( inauguration of the kingdom oi Righteousness ) S B. E. 
vol XI. p 146. 

1510. It may be noted that in the Upanisads and HijHKri the giving 
up of ^sott or gnu is emphasized Vide ^j ^ H&--H.3 qjTOT ^S?T ?f% 

fl«at:i3K(nwf3raat>i^!ra3t§r^rn^u^i3tiT<. vi. 14; *n |^rat g£Qi« raf 
^ 3fi4ret =aNfe; i %gt muufiftfat itw't gaoii greet: grerac « q*tql 2. 36. aigsirenf 
7 21, 3tgn"jg ill. 68. loo, *ra %W9^ «5i% ^ra i?=4 nw^g^a^ ' \|° "TW''iti<a<3d' 
*kst *n^ra <itefrc»^i ^nf^et. 174. 46, >n*i 93. ioi, acgnuam, 68 103. 

1510 a. Vide Dhammacakka-ppavattana-suttain S.B. E. vol. XI. p, 147 
for the eightfold path. The Pali words are : ^FHl-feSjS, ! H*m- 'H'h"A, WW 
<»i-«*ij ■«♦«» «B«*«Ji, -HU|| 311-iriWl, -H-WI-^il-iJliJi, ^JTflr-^rffl' (41*43) tgi3) ^PHt- 
«nri§. Vide also ffi nptoil-n (Pali Text Society) vol. I. p, 157, J^WI 
( Oldenberg ) vol. I. p 10(1. 6. 18) and Tgnr-^g^ PW-cMgTl P*"* 4 p. 3 ( ed . 
by Sis ter Vajira, Sarnath ) and for g«3, -g < dWM4 i S.^f^Nr. g -taW?H ' IUH~T r 
l&Tgt, vide fl^Rnj ( I 6.19-22 ), ibid p. 10. These four are called 3»<HU4»'<i 
which may mean ' the four Noble Truths ' or ' the four Truths found by the 
Arya ' ( Bnddba ). This bears a very close resemblance to the fourfold 
axioms in Yoga and Medicine set out in q jmj^ vnsq 'nun P^HicHl^ltW 

■^a^y tpft <i'>Q{i,itii^ wt-atuMR, <Frin^*rf5 ^jra t *t«i'»fc*U trerei-^n*! 
ssiisj: 1 <&4bK4k<4inl<£t M£lrl<si*H.> *tiJWw ■H*4^f«<HJ ' qfr i maq on wiq?i 

940 • History of Dharmaiuslra [ Seo. V, Oh. XXIV 

margah ) viz. light views, right thoughts or aspirations, right 
speech, right actions, right living, right exertion, right recollec- 
tion ( or mindfulness ), right meditation ( i. e. briefly leading a 
virtuous life) These doctrines preached to all by the noble Buddha 
and his disciples were attractivo as remarked by Ehys Davids, 1511 
particularly to the sudras whose social position was low in the 
Vedic times and also in the days of the smrtis. No one could 
study the Veda m the presence of a sudra, a sudra could not 
perform sacrifices and had to serve the three higher varnaB m very 
anoient times. Almost the same position was assigned to him 
by,Manu ( VJII. 413) viz. that he was created by God for serving 
the brahmana,. though it is doubtful whether this could be or 
was enforced. Vide H. of Dh. vol. II. pp. 33-36 and pp 154-164 
for the position and disabilities of sudras from the Vedic times 
up to the days of the Smrtis. It should not, however, be supposed 
that all India had become BuddhJBt. Millions still remained 
Hindus. There was the danger and fear that with royal patron- 
age and the attractive features of Buddha's teachings large 
masses might forsake their anoient faith. 

The brahmanas of the times when Buddhism was at its peak 
baJ to strive to keep the banner of the Vedic religion flying, to 
deprive Buddhism of its hold on the masses of the people and 
even on the intelligentsia and to make them stick to the old 
fold. Buddhism itself had changed a great deal m its ideals, 
doctrines, sometime before the beginning of the Christian 
era and for centuries thereafter. Buddha's original doctrines 
were aimed at individual effort and salvation of the individual 
by his own effort and self-culture. Early Buddhist textB deny 
the existence of anything like a soul 1512 and find no place for 

t 1511. Vide his eloquent Intro to S. B. E. vol. XI p. 142 ' Never in 
the history of the world bad a scheme of salvation been put forth so 
simple in its nature, so free from any superhuman agency, so independent 
of, so even antagonistic to the belief in a soul, the belief in God, the hope 
for a future life. Buddha put forth deliberately the doctrine of a salva- 
tion to be ' found here in this life in an inward change of heart to be 
brought about by perseverance in a mere system of self-culture and of self- 
control. That system is called the Noble Eight-fold Path ' 

1312 Vide ' Questions of Milinda ' (II. 3. 6) in S. B. E. vol., XXXV 
pp. 88-89 for a discussion of the doctrine that there is no aoul and pp. 520, 
71-77 for the Buddhist theory alhamma (karma) and for the theory that 
what is reborn is natlta-ritpa { name and form ) and not the soul.^ The 
SaundarSnanda ( B I. ed 16 28-29) says 'gt<ft VW Pljfciltresfrft smnra 

reji a^a'l'fl ^f "^RTf^tt Ifsm'vi'Si-idflm stiffen* n». 

Earhj Buddhist texts find no place for God 941 

the idea of God. Though Buddha spoke of Nirvana he did I not 
clearly define it nor does he specify the condition of the indivi- 
dual when he enters nirvana. Asvaghosa compares ™**» *° 
the extinction of a flame ( Saundarananda, ohap. XVI. &&-&)). 
Because the doctrine of karma was deeply rooted in the popular 
mind at the time of Buddha, Buddhism took over that doctrine, 
which, to men who are not Buddhists, appears to he contradic- 
tory of the denial of the existence of a souL The word ' Dhamma 
is used in three senses in the Pali ' Dhammapada' ( which hemg 
mentioned in the questions of Milinda is earlier than the 3nd 
century B. O. ) viz. (1) the truth or law preached hy Buddha, 
( 2 ) thing or form, ( 3 ) way or mode of life. 
' As stated above, the original Buddhism preached hy the 
Buddha and his followers in the first century or two after his 
partmi vana was more or less a strict ethical code for individuals 
who sought salvation from the misery of the world. The three 
central conceptions of very early Buddhism were the three 
refuges ( or ratnas ) Buddha, Dharma and Sangha, the Four 
Noble Truths and the Eightfold Path. Gradually a new doctrine 
was evolved 1513 It came to be thought that to care for one's 
own deliverance and spend all efforts thereon was rather selfish, 
that as the Buddha himself out of compassion for suffering 
humanity worked for forty-five years to lead men to salvation 
by his exhortations and sermons, so a Buddhist should prefer to 
put off his own deliverance, should work for the deliverance of 
his fellowmen out of compassion ( karuipi ) for their miserable 
lot and in doing so should be ready to be born again and again, 
should not care for his own salvation and should not be afraid 
of sa7/isara Those holding these latter views deified Buddha, 
taught that Buddhahood was attained by Siddhartha after under- 1 
going numerous births in doing service and rendering help to 
others and that this was a superior code of conduct (Mahayana, 
- the Great Vehicle or Way ) to the selfish code of salvation for an 
individual himself ( which came to be called Hlnayana, the lesser 
Vehiole or Way ) This extra-regarding gospel of Mahayana was 
very attractive and won great support in most countries of Asia. 1514 

1513. H. Kern in his ' Manual of Buddhism * (in the Grundriss p. 122 
holds that Mahayanism is much indebted to the Bhagavad-glta. Compare 
' HVftl fctglpHJuigcpT." 'g&afrigg ^ Tt: II ' V. 25 with the Mahayana view. 

1514. The number of Books on Buddhism is legion. For Mahayana 
Buddhism, vide ' An Introduction to. Mahayana Buddhism' by W. M Mc- 
Govern (London, 1922). ' Aspects of Mahayana Buddhism ■ by Dr. M. N. 
( Continued on next page ) 

§42 History of Dliarhiaiastra 1 See. V, Oh. XXIV" 

This doctrine of Bodhisattvas (meaning 'beingB destined to 
be enlightened') is not consistent with the gospel of Buddha as 
preached by him in his first sermon at Banaras. There is a 
difference of ideals between HfaaySna and Mahayana. The 
original gospel relies on self-effort and moral regeneration and on 
the elimination of suffering and misery by the extinction of 
all passions and of hankerings or desires and of the desire of 

( Continued from last page ) 
Dutt (1930), the ' Bodhisattva doctrine in Sanskrit Literature* by Dr 
Har Dayal (Kegan Paul, London 1932), 'The path of the Buddha' ed, by 
Prof. Kenneth W Morgan (New York, 1936 ) written by several scholars from 
different countries (for both Hinayanaand Mahayana). 

A few books for those who want to know more of Buddhism in general 
and of HInayana and Mahayana are recommended here 'The central 
conception of Buddhism' (London, 1923), 'the conception of Nirvana' 
(Leningrad, 1927), 'Buddhist Logic' vol. I (1938), all by Th. Stcherbatsky; 
'Vedantlc Buddhism of the Buddha' by J G, Jennings (Oxford Un. Press, 
1948) , ' Creed of Buddha ' by Edmond Homes ( 5th ed ) ; ' Introduction to 
Tantrik Buddhism' by Dr Shashi Bhushan Das-Gupta ( Cat. University, 
1950), 'the Flame and the Light' by Hugh I. Faussett (London and 
New York, 1958), 'the Buddha and his Dhamma' by Dr. B. E. 
Ambedkar (1957) in which he refrains from considering Buddhist Texts 
except those in Pali ; * Comparative study of Buddhism and Christianity 
by Prof. F. MasutanI (Tokyo, 1957), The Mahayana-sutralankara of 
Asanga ( ed. by Prof S. Levi) summarises In two verses (I. 9-10) the points 
( five) on which the two schools are In conflict. It-slng's ' Records of the 
Buddhist religion' translated byDr J. Takakusu (Oxford, 1896) surprisingly 
enough states (p. 15) 'These two systems are perfectly in accord with the 
noble doctrine. Both equally conform to truth and lead us to Nirvana '. 
Buddha at least ignored (if he did not positively deny) God, ho denied the 
individual soul and Eternity, he did not emphasize the most vital Upa- 
nisad teaching viz. ' anando brahmeti vyajanat '. He imagined salvation as 
a state of absolute quiescence and therefore regarded ordinary life as misery 
and asserted that salvation may be attained even in this very life He did not 
claim to be God, but a human being There are various kinds of Mahayana 
doctrines and great diversity of definitions It may generally be said that 
works professing to teach Mahayana practically forsake the ideal of a human 
Buddha, preach the worship of Buddha and future Buddhas, and assert that 
Nirvana cannot be attained by the ancient method, that salvation cannot 
come in this very life but after centuries and aeons of the practice of virtue 
and helping others. 

Mantrayana and Vajrayana are said by some to be branches of Maha- 
yana, about the latter of which a goad deal will bo said in the next section. 
According to Bhiksu Rahula Sankrtyayana, Vajrayana ( 700-1200 A.D ) la 
a synonym of Mahayana (400-700 A D. ) and merely the ulterior develop- 
ment of it (vide p. 211 of the paper 'L' Origine du Vajrayana otLes84 
Siddbas' in J. A. vol. 225 (1934) pp. 209-230. 

Original doctrines of Buddha 9*3 

Hfc«» itself Buddha's original teaching regarded it as a waste 
of time to ponder over such questions as « Have I existed during 
Se ages that are past or have I not? Shall I exist during the 
ages of the future? Do I after all exist or am I not? _ The 
Sabbasavasutta (9-13) says that a wise man walking in the 
noble eightfold path understands what things ought to be con- 
sidered and what things ought not to be considered Vide S.B.B. 
vol SI pp 398-300. Buddhism brought half of Asia under its 
influence not only by its promise of salvation to all by self-help, 
but more so by its teachings of profound tenderness, of active 
charity, of goodness and gentleness. Mahayana laid great stress 
on doing good to all and on bhakti. Both the original teaching 
of Hlnayana and the Mahayana teaching are attractive in their 
own way. 

Buddhism insisted on the five silas™ 6 that were binding on 

all Buddhists viz. prohibition of injury to and destruction of 

life, of theft, of sexual impurity, of lying and of intoxicating 

liquors. Five more precepts ( which together with the preceding 

five were called Dasasiksapadas) were added for Buddhist priests, 

via. prohibition of eating at forbidden hours, of attending 

wordly amusements such as dancing, song, music and shows, of 

the use of unguents and ornaments, of the use of a large or 

ornamented couch and of the receiving of gold and silver. 

About the site it is clear that they were adopted from the 

ancient Upanisadic and Dharmasutra teachings. The Cfhandogya 

narrates how Asvapati, king of Kekaya, boasted before five 

great householders and theologians ' in my 1517 kingdom there is 

no thief, no miser, no drunkard, no man without a fire-altar in 

his house, no ignorant person, no adulterer, much less an 

adulteress'. The same Upanisad 1518 quotes an ancient verse ' a 

man who steals gold, who drinks liquor, who dishonours his 

guru's bed, who kills a brabmaua — 'these four fall and a fifth 

also that associates with any one of these four." It will be shown 

1515. That destruction of desires Is nirvana is stated in Ratanasutta 
14 and the simita mentioned is that of a lamp being extinguished (by lack 
of oil) , 

151S. Vide ^tKu ra 2, ^tePfctiW ( H +3 p. 63 ) for the five silas and 
Kern's 'Manual of Indian Buddhism' p 70. 

1517. at ? tra: si^m 3*n=g ^ fc #sit 5j«m% i ^ewfC^ Jrcnft wHifoiiiil- 
itegtw ^hft ^f*)ft ga-. i gi. ^- v n. 5. 

^sirc nama nsre&Ria i si st. v, io. 9. 

944 fftstory of Dharmasastia [ Sec. V, Oh. XXIV 

a little later how ahimsa was emphasized even in the TJpanisads. 
Thus ahwisa, non-stealing, sexual purity, truthfulness had 
already been emphasized in the oldest TJpanisads That an 
ascetic 1519 had to give up all property and beg for keeping body 
and soul together is made clear by Br. TJp. HI. 5 1 and IV. 4. 22, 
Jabalopanisad 5, Gautama III. 10-13, Vasistha X The other 
five precepts for priests such as not receiving gold or Bilver or 
giving up unguents, flowers, dancing, singing and musio are 
laid down by Gautama 1520 II 19 and III. 4, Vasistha X. 6 &o. 
for Vedic students and ascetics Vide H. Kern (in 'Manual of 
Indian Buddhism, Grundriss p. 70) who remarks that the 
superior morality for monks is nothing else but the rule of life 
for the diAja in the 4th asrama, when he is a yait and all the 
details were taken from the Dhaima-sutras and Dharmasastras. 

Ahimsa — The Mahabharata and the Puranas lay great 
emphasis on ahimsa ( not harming or giving pain to a living 
creature). The TJpanisads too emphasized ahimsa The 
Ghandogya 1521 does so in several passages. In III, 17 4 it sayB 
'tapaa, charity, straight-forwardness, ahimsa, speaking the 
truth — these are the fees of this ( sacrifioe without ceremonial ) '■ 
While describing how the person who has attained true know- 
ledge of the Self does not return ( to this samsara), the Ghandogya 
says that ' he causes no pain to any creature except at tirthas '. 
The Br. TJp. ( V. 2. ) says how Prajapati told the gods, the asuras 
and men that the sound 'da da da' produced by thundering 

isi9. qa t dtiiHiJI i3i%<ai gcigrm: a^qumu g R^ i nuiwi a w1*^ini«J 
•gwiITre fiterra^ =g<ri% 1 1? OT HI. 5. 1 (after the brahmanas have gained 
knowledge of this Self, they abstain from desire for sons, desire for wealth 
and desire for the worlds and wander about as beggars ), aro TR311[ w<««JiitlT 
gog fcuRa g. gi^reNV ^gqft msnajnT wmiGt i ^Ni rf t T 5 quoted by si^ranr 
on ^l^i^ II. 1. 3 and III 4. 20. 

1S20 g^?iig in^ <^M«ig ^K^i^><i*'i aq?Fii'n'rga5r-^ia-^igt*T^'^'^' 
q i<THgdH3Tdm-H3 feq< fra <rrenyT'nf5 ii ^ n 19, a»a1sHHis qfem- ' <ri%g x 6 - 

For the other silas of priests, compare with sffcin II 19 the following ^ from 
jlnRtfiH (vol I p 64 Samanna-phala-sutta II. 45) ' it*a> R<aitfSl«ii* ' 

i§*at iti§ > stium-sftr-i&inon 5i3R«t lira i ■ 

isai. aw *ra«it 4 1-w M -wgffl ^wwiftRi ar sm gfSfrir. ' ^M*?- 1 "' 
17. 4, 3Trai%55iihr'nJR*r • ^iwnw?RT5fi qrf§gni^«i5iwf3 w>7*^ 
wki a Mi ig ti < ^^n^^g ^gh». ' f ^ a- KMda i *n m viil is, a^nr 
i5i$§a ^pi «pnfira I !^ 37. V. 2. 

Upanisads insist on, aHrhsS, charity etc. 9±5 

clouds conveys to the gods the necessity of self-restoint^ ( dama), 
tZZJot compassion (day a) ^-enof ch^Jr (d-J* 
Gautama** specifies eight virtues of the soul, the first of which 
S passion for all beings and states that he who teta fa* 
LnskLs performed on him but does not possess to eight 
STdoes not secure absorption into brahma. The Adiparva 
Jovides « ahimsa is the highest dharma for all beings; therefore 
a teShmana should never harm (or givepamto) any being . 
The Swords ■ ahimsa paramo dharmah ( ahinaa isjhe highest 
dkarrm ) occur very frequently in the Mahabharata** g.ffi 
Dronaparva 193.38, Santi 265.6, 329.18, Anusasana 115, 35, 
116. 38, Asvamedhikaparva 28. 16-18, 43. 21). Santiparva 
(296 22-24) enumerates thirteen virtues common to all men, 
of which freedom from cruelty and ahimsa are the first two. 
Vasistha IV. 4, Manu X. 63, Taj. 1. 122 prescribe certain virtues 
as necessary in men of all varnas. Vide H. of Dh. vol. H. p. 10 
notes 25-27. 

A few examples of emphasis on ahimsa in the Furanas may 
be cited here. The Vamanapurana 1524 provides : ahimsa, truth- 

1522. <m **5tg Jsm^rapT ^mi^i-Hl «gw*fam'"Wg Sa' *^ 

*ptl<%wi«iH C sfgiBRRHSoit H 3JSBPV. W5^ wanrai *P®ia > *K- n -^l 
Vin. 24-25. The jrjtt (52.8-11) sets out these very atmagunas that 
Gautama mentions, vide also *tr&%*l 25. 32-33 for almost the same eight 
gunas including ahimsa, 

1523. arfftn imt ir& Ijlsnoreai 3t i wwiau'W prefer igtMi^s ngro 
isffey strilul 11. 13-14. anHm«^g nS winw. %. ' 3& 192 38; a ng^r 
wfgjNJWS*^ &«H^i Hgri 5i#a 265. 6, si i^Him^Sjiri 5 * *NnwrajaJg.i 
5B^i329 18; arg^r ni£tvfeiMn$m<&.m".\ aiiisT oth srw *rat W J*riran 
sig^nn^iis. 25, anl^in^qmilw^pafer^iOT'^'Sra) 43 21. 

1524 3^eT wim^ ^& mii^t<fn : sw. • sr^iW ^ ?iH^wm 't^' 
<«lO ^ft^t TORIES suKwt W*lffo« II 3WI M. 1-2, f 3%* "» ^g" iPfipfcr 

T*3?t WW 3FKTC % ytKEt- " T3 I. 31. 26-28, these verses are repeated in 
TO VI. 243. 69-71 (reads ^w^t^lR and 3iu4tiiu)<i ^f'ttjj «t**U%i ferr- 
ic ^sRfciPa *i3<to i gsis'r^tqrs^irass'n* triftFre i iw<<i-ai i%»rati: ta«T»i5> 

ssrarijH.i ■Hww^w *m?g ; jjri*Wi<iaifrH. ii "wf i 43 - 30-32, agnog n, 31. 

36-38 are the same as *rst( except that it reads OTirer Isi JJFT 3T) 143. 
30-32, The verses 333 J^l <B3 , "^593WnasP5C occur in 3fl :t fi fifr<iW^ 91. 
32-34, For the words ^ffncpnjS, vide the Khanapur , plates of Madhava- 
vatman in E. I. vol.27 p. 312 at p. 317 ( 3 Sfi*ttfiRR«W«tM«W&h«iPUM I- M ) 
edited by Prof, V. V. Mirashi who assigns it to the 6th century A, D. , 

H. D. 119 

946, , History of DharmaiSsti a [ Sec V, Ch. XXIV 

fulness, absence of stealing, charity, forbearance, self-control, 

quiescence of senses, absence of poor spirit or weakness, purity, 

tapas — this is the tenfold dharma applicable to all varnas. The 

Padma Bays : not by ( the study of ) the Veoas, nor by gifts nor 

by tapas, nor by sacrifices do men who kill creatures reach the 

goal of heaven ; ahimsa is the highest dharma, the highest tapas 

and the highest charity — this is what the sages always say; men 

that axe compassionate treat flies, reptiles, stinging inseots, 

lice and the like and human beings as themselves. Matsya goes 

so far as to state ; great sages do not commend sacrifice in which 

there is killing; by donating grains of corn gathered in a field, 

roots, fruits, vegetables, vessel for carrying water according to 

their ability, Bages practising austerities became established in 

heaven; absence of hatred and greed, self-restraint, compassion 

towards all beings, control of senses, oelibaoy, tapas, tenderness, 

forbearance and firmness— this is the root of the ancient dharma, 

which is difficult to accomplish. The Brahmanda ( n. 31. 35 

' tasmad-ahimsa" dharmasya dvaram-uktam maharsibhih ' ) 

says that great sages have declared that ahimsa is the door of 

dharma. The Padma ( V. 43. 38 ) says ' there is no d&na nor 

tapas equal to ahimsa '. It is interesting to note that the Matsya 

and Brahmanda regard ahimsa as ' sanatana dharma * and 

condemn animal sacrifices. The Xurma 1525 provides ' ahimsa, 

truthfulness, non-stealing, celibacy and non-possession of wealth- 

these are briefly declared yamas that produce purity of mind 

among men. The great sages declare that ahimsa consists in 

oauBing no pain to all beings at all times by thought, word or 

gorrn' *sftm v^m wrm qjsflg sr^r i 3*&*i-»h3 sftst srfif«r twMi^" 
aif^rnn: «rct qat -»^<iu?wu grsre i ftf^!^ vj^^n 5^&r uqfhwn & 
II. II. I3-1S The irfffam i ' ( chap 8 8-9 ) enumerates the eight satthanas 
at iftn of which TO is first and mentions five as in igtf Yamas ( abstinences ) 
are variously enumerated Kurma appears to follow the Tjlmqjr II- 30 ~^ 1 

unmi^ Pnrai: I ». Manu IV. 20+ provides generally that ono should always 
practise yamas and that one may not always practise the myatnas, but does 
not name them, Medhatithi e\plains that yamas are prohibitions { viz. not 
to injure life, not to steal, not to tell an untruth, not to have forbidden 
sexual Intercourse and not to possess wealth that belongs to another or 
not to accept gifts), while niyamas consist of positive acts, such as one 
should always study the Veda (as In Manu IV 147) Y5J I« 3isww 
enumerates ten yamas viz celibacy, compassion, forbearance, charity, 
absence of crooked conduct. ohwwS. non-stealing, sweetness. ™»»« 
senses and ten niyamas. The fepivfmfa (« * > 'numerates ten yamas. 

Eulogy of ahiihsa in Puranas 947 

deed. There is no dharma superior to ahimsa, no happiness 
higher than ( the practice of ) ahimsa; the -in jury ( to life } that 
is caused according to ( Vedio ) precepts i3 declared to be ahimsa.' 
The Upanisads commended a qualified ahimsa, while the original 
Pali hooks like the Samanna-phala-sutta forbad injury to all 
living beings. Most of the Puranas, in order to convince the 
masses that they did not lag behind the Buddhist preachings, 
generally insist upon unqualified ahimsa. Time brings about 
strange changes. Professing Buddhists in Ceylon, China Japan 
and many other countries have no objection to partaking of fish 
and meat, while following the insistent advice of the Puranas, 
millions of Indian people ( not only brahmanas but also others 
like vaisyas and sudras if Vaisnavas ) have been strict vege- 
tarians for centuries, though Buddhism vanished from India 
centuries ago. 

It may be noted, however, that some of the Puranas are 
against carrying the doctrine of ahimsa' to extremes. The 
Brahmanda and Vayu both say that there is no sin, great or 
small, in killing a person ( e. g. a tyrant or a desperado ), when 
many will live in happiness by his death. 1526 

Purta — The Puranas lay the greatest emphasis on what is 
called puriadharma, works of public utility, charity, social 
service and the relief of the poor and distressed. The word 
Istapurta occurs in the Bgveda once lsS7 * May you be united in 
the highest heaven with your pitas ( ancestors ), with Yama and 
with istapurta * ( merit acquired by sacrifices and works of public 
utility ). The word i$a occurs several times in Bg- ( 1. 162. 15, 
1. 164. 15, X. 11. 2, X. 82. 2 ), but the meaning is not certain 
except in Bg. X. 11. 2 where it appears to mean ' sacrifice *. 
Purta also occurs in Bg. "VX 16. 18 and VUL 48. 21, but the 
meaning is not certain. ' Istapurta ' occurs in several Upanisads, 

152 6. 3|j% ^ ft^ w^ sfhF& <%%*: s>at i aftmtitr «iri% g^ uui4» ^t- ' 

t»*W* sign's H. 36. 188, sjjg 69 163 ( reads epp& for 4k-£ ). The ^flt^u t 
141.22 has the same idea in different words ' ■m^Riqii&t =ffti?r «lg7ltmwi-na I 
S'T'TCas^ Wgi'qQfettklll&h^n '. The ch g u,Kf ( -WWhlua ) p. 300 quotes the 
verse from qtg (with slight variations viz. qsp% for vH*k«3 ). The editor 
was unable to trace it. The verse should be read as f^ H% and not f%53s*r$ 
as it is printed on p, 300. 

-"I 7, ^"^^ fqgfo a <lMmMJf.< U<a STftF^I iff. X. 14. 8;gH*iJ *n% 

sMismMsng sft aiat 3t *ftss jri* ^ #*ria n sr. x. 11. 2. 

94§ Btatoru of DTiarmaiSstra [Sea V, Oh. XXIV 

The Ohandogya states 108 'But they who, living in a village, 
practise ( a life of ) sacrifices, works of public utility and alms- 
giving reach toward smoke &o. '. Similarly, the Prasna-upanisad 
asserts ' those, who practise the ( mode of ) sacrifices and works 
of public utility as activities to be engaged in, reaoh only the 
world of the Moon, and it is these that again return to this 
world '. The Mundaka says ' deluded people regarding sacrifices 
and works of public utility as the best do not know ( recognize ) 
any other higher good; having enjoyed ( their reward) on the top 
of heaven, they again enter this world or even a lower one '. 1SM 
Manu speaks of ' ista ' and * purta ' and recommends that one 
should always practise with a pleased heart sacrificial gifts and 
gifts of the purta kind according to one's ability on securing a 
deserving brahmana. The Amarakosa defines 'ista' as sacrifices 
and 'purta' as works Buoh as digging a well or tank. The 
MSrkandeya 1S3 ° defines them as follows ' Maintaining the saored 
fires, tapas, truthfulness, study of the Veda, hospitality and 
Vaisvadeva-these are called ista ; digging wells and tanks and 
building temples and distribution of food to those that need it— 1 
these are declared to be purta. The Agnipurana has similar 
versea The Padma (VI 243. 10-14) cites the following as 
dharmakarya (religious works); temples of Visnu and Siva, 
tanks, weUs, lotus ponds, forest of vata, pippala, mango, kakkola, 
jambu and nimba trees, flower garden, distribution of food from 
morning to sunset, water distribution outside towns &o. The 
Skanda 1331 says : the term 'purta' is applied in the dharma- 
sastras to the erection of temples, construction of tanks, ponds 
and wells, laying out parks. Padma ( VI, 344. 34-35 ) says that 
those who build monasteries, cow stables, houses of rest on roads, 

1338. amr§?i ura WHtgjf yttfltauBft t & gjTOf»fci*Hstf*a tgjrnnfjK& c 
at ot V. io 3; g^ ? | siqEigiaf i^triifcgqreft & ^ i ^wH+ ft aHOTfltenrst ' J[ 
in jtnw&3 i Sri i 9; tjgitff qwww t qfts *n ww3<fl 39*r% tpj^iti «maw S» 
^ S^i^HI^ 1 ' s^ 3*J"*«i* ^iRiifti ii ii u ^*lm o I 2 io, 

1529. ■%&*$ mf& f* gi fti & «bq1ia«h* i TRgS^ *n3i iiyflrora sif^-" 
\na. IV. 227; f^m *h<«hh gj} ^trari^irSi&r > aro^RT 

1S30 aroi?HtnT8'8rwr^rpn ^ fim^» anfefefj t«rt* =3 ^f'S' 

123-124; 3if& 209. 2-3 ( reads ^l^mrfH, ^ Ullffcj it «ll>ti<f%i a™** 1 '" 1 " 
IB S?f ^ =5 SfferO- The verae ^nft^fo is q. byami* PP 24. 29° na 
fi^m H^TOTCf The above two are srfifcfrtrctT 43-44 ( Anan. ). 

"31. ai l ri^ihl'TI&'mWlft'hg'HI I WS ft ****" U^trag &&** 
rX 2.10 

Emphasis an purtadharma in Purayas 949 

dwellings for ascetics, cottages for the poor and helpless, 
extensive house for Veda study, houses for brahmanas, enter the 
world of Indra ( i. e. heaven ). Atri says 1532 that Ista and FSrta 
are dharma common to all dvijas; a sudra is entitled to perform 
purta-dharmas but not Vaidika rites ( i. e. sacrifices ). The 
Anusasana-parva ( chap. 58 ) describes how parks should be laid 
out and tanks constructed with trees on their banks. But the 
Varahapurana and some smrtis went so far as to declare that 
a man secures only heaven by ista, but he secures moksa ( final 
release from samsara ) by purta * 533 . 

Sometimes the Puranas express ideas that might strike us 

as rather modern, when they put forward social • service and 

removal of suffering and distress as the highest dharma- In the 

Markandeya 153 * a king solemnly states 'men do not obtain that 

happiness in heaven or in the world of BrahmS, which springs 

from giving relief to distressed beings. Sacrifices, gifts, tapas 

do not conduce to the relief here and in the next world of that 

man whose heart is not set on relieving the distressed'. The 

Visnu recommends ' a wise man should say (and do) that alone 

by thought, word and deed which would be for the benefit of 

creatures here and hereafter'. The Skanda-purana (Kaslkhanda) 

avers 'adversities of those good men in whose heart doing good 

to others is awake (i. e. aotive) vanish and prosperity comes to 

them at every step. That purity is not secured by baths at holy 

places, that reward is not obtained by numerous gifts, that 

(result) is not obtained by severe austerities, that is obtained 

by doing good to others. After churning all extensive dicta the 

conclusion reached is this viz. there is no dharma higher than 

doing good to others and there is no sin greater than harming 

1532. wBtsaf fiNnfNf <nm-j) u^wre^ir t air^mfr J^nj^: sjT srsf sr 
It^T t srf^r verse 46. On p. 24 3tqtr& quotes this from ^i<fch"4 ( reads 
*l*8 "■HWIIflslfl SH^). Vjde 3mm> P. 290 for quotations from ^rt^C in which 
the illustrations of Ista and Purta are given. 

1533. 5sisS %nflrcf sww nfo»n*K i w^t^n^^^^t^^f^Sfi 

TO5 172. 33. <tm%Q 68. ^Q-Higdl 145. 

1 534. st ^rcf ^ gigt% sir ticQ^ *nc*n* s&: i w*ra*af 3.»ui<ii.ttetu3ia ft 
'rfa: « ^qutwduUita u*=r ^ «r gjr% i *prr% aw ■u*<»Ju,fcnft ^ jtprp^h » »i4iu3<f 

15. 57 xai 62; Hli3Hl*i4*KW 7^? <*VZ ^1 *h&ll JW9I m°m at? xClHK 
<^ll fi«S in. 12 45; i*Cw<h'W ^qj 3ipn§ 53^ B3F* I ^V t pd RM^trit^ W&h 

wrtrn nronnt ^ i troS a^f for ^ =gift Hto n argr 125. 36-37. 

950 History of Dharmaiastra tSeo. V,Gh.XXIV 

others. The Brahma states 'the life of the man who always 
strives for the good of others is fruitful (blessed); fire, water, 
the Sun, the earth and various kinds of crops exist for the 
benefit of others, and particularly the good (exist for others' 

It is surprising that the Bhagavata avers what is in advance 
of modern socialistic dootrines ' men have ownership over only 
that much as would fill their belly; he who thinks as his own 
what is more than tbat is a thief and deserves punishment 
(assuch). 1 * 35 

Bhakti — The Puranas lay very great emphasis on bhakti 
(religion of loving faith in God). Tbis is not the place to dilate on 
the history of the cult of Bhakti from the earliest times to modern 
days. For that purpose there are special treatises ( some of which 
are noted below) that maybe consulted. But a few words on 
bhakti in general may be said here before going into the ques- 
tion as to what the Puranas have to say thereon. Traoes of the 
doctrine of bhakti may be discovered even in the Bgvedio hymns 
and mantraB, some of which are full of loving faith in God, 
particularly in some of the hymns and verses addressed to 
Varuna and also to Indra. A few examples may be cited. ' All 
my thoughts 1536 (or hymns) praise Indra in unison, seeking 
light, longing for him, as wives embrace their husband, their 
fair young lover, they (thoughts) embrace him (Indra), the 
divine giver of gifts'; 'your friendship 1537 (with your devotee) 
is indestructible (everlasting); to him who desires a cow, you 
become a cow, to him who longs for a horse, may you be a horse;' 
'O Indra, you are far better (or richer) than my father or my 
brother who does not feed me; (you) and my mother, O Vasu, 
are equal and protect (me) for (conferring) richeB and favours'; 
' You gave to Kakslvat, who offered a hymn and Soma libation 
to you and who had grown old, Vrcaya, who was a young 

1S3S ?rnr^ f^ srart arrasere* ft |t%tp?i stwjs ^"Isffiw^tT v $& 5 ** B " 


1536. 3Tssn h wn. «<ra! m&r. *rtRp?trti-«rr gsrafcgjra i <jR<sj3T^ F^ 
tot <rflf u? *r gsvg nsHTsnjcf^n sir. X. 43. i; compare Kg. I. 62. n »<* 
the simile. 

1537 gT>TRrOT^jR»iKf% im%t3i'$t9t*n*nl*tt\\ sr. vi. 45. 26.wrt 

af^o^n =b vni. 91. a; ^rmt'^iat'^pf s^tt a^rrrd «^I3 »mi«f" *• 

I 51 13. 

Hymns to Indrafull of bhakti 951 

woman; you became the wife of Vrsanasva; all these (favours) 
of yours deserve to be loudly proclaimed during the offerings of 
soma libations'; 'you who, shining brilliantly, come to each 
house assuming the form of a small man, (OIndral) drink this 
Soma juice (produced) by being crushed with my teeth and 
mixed with fried grains, gruel, cake and laud'. Compare Eg. 
HL 43. 4, X. 42. 11, X 112. 10 (in all of which Indra is called 
*sakha'friend)andI.104.9, VII. 32.26 (in both Indra is said 
to be like a father). ItwiU be clear from these passages that 
the Vedic sages had reached the stage of sakhya-bhakti, that the 
sages believed that Indra was like a mother, that he assumed the 
form of a wife for the sake of a devotee, that Indra partook soma 
juice from a devotee who, in the absence of the proper imple- 
ments for crushing soma stalks, extracted soma juice from soma 
stalks crushed with the devotee's own teeth. These stories in 
the far-off ages of the Rgveda remind us of the stories in the 
works of the medieval ages about Rama having accepted badarq 
fruit from a Sabarl (Bhil woman) devotee who first tasted them 
with her teeth to see whether they were sweet or sour and the story 
of the God Vithoba of Pandharpur, having assumed the form of 
a mahUr (an untouchable) and paid up to the Moslem king of 
Btjapur the money equivalent to the price of corn which, DamSji 
(a great devotee), who was in charge of the royal granary, 
allowed people distressed by famine to take away. Some mantras 
addressed to Varuna show the same kind of sakhya-bhakti. 
Vasislha^te pra ys «0 Varuna ! what is that great offence ( com- 
mitted by me ) on account of which you desire to harm me, your 
friend and bard; declare that to me, O invincible and self-willed 
God, so that ( after propitiating you ) I shall be free from sin and 
may be able quickly to approach you with adoration'; 'where 
are those friendships of ours ( of you and me ) which we safely 
enjoyed in former times, O self-wffled Varuna ? ; I ( then ) went to 
your big dwelling house that has a thousand doors ; whatever 
oaence we mortals commit against the divine hosts, O Varuna, 
whatever laws of yours we may have violated in our ignorance 
(or Heedlessness), do not, O God, harm us on account of that sin'. 
it is remarkable that in t he Bgveda there is a verse in whioh 

* 537 a ' ^^an^^poris^^^OTtgrqFgi^ a^Pt^ t * ted <fc£t %&* 
^^H5li^^ ^^ *"*w**«swb* ammwi Sit 3?. m 88. s; 

95a History of Dharmaiastra [ Sec. V, Oh. XXIV 

there is an apotheosis 1538 of ? namas ' ( namaskara, adoration or 
homage ) ; ' Adoration itself is mighty, I offer service with adora- 
tion; adoration upholds the heaven and the earth; adoration to 
the gods, adoration rules these godB, whatever sin is committed 
( hy me ) I worship it away with adoration'. 

Though the word * hhakti * does not occur in the principal 
ancient TJpanisads, the doctrine of the bhakti schools that it is 
God's grace alone that saves the devotee is found in the Katha 
and Mundaka TJpanisads, viz. ' this Supreme Soul is not to be 
attained by expositions ( of a teacher ) nor by intelligence, nor 
by much learning; He is to be attained by him alone whom the 
Supreme Soul favours, to him this Supreme Soul discloses His 
form. ,1539 This emphasizes the doctrine that God's Grace alone 
brings salvation to the devotee. The SvetfEsvataropanisad employs 
the word bhaktt in the same sense in which it is used in the Glta 
and 1640 other works on bhakti. 'These matters declared (here) 
reveal themselves to that high-souled person who has the highest 
faith in God and the same faith in his guru as in God '. The 
same XTpanisad emphasizes a doctrine of the bhakti school in 
' I, desirous of moksa (liberation from samsara ), surrender myself 
as my refuge to that God who in former times created (established) 
BrahmS, who transmitted to him ( BrahmS ) the Vedas, and wHo 
illuminates the intellect of the individual soul '. 

The word ' prapadye * in the Svetasvatara serves as the basis 
of the doctrine of 'prapatti* jn the Vaisnavite system such as 
that of Ramanuja. 

But among the original sources of the Bhakti cult are the 
Narayanlya section ( chapters 335-351 of Cltrasala ed. = or. ed. 
322-339) of the Santiparva and the BhagavadgltS. For the 

1538. sm^sraanw^sflftgnmsfofissan* ' *& &*** ""^ 

anon ftis& a^.'sra;! m^«t» 2. aa, gos<R in. 2. 3. 

1540 ^CT|% imiif%^t»gCT^i g^^T^n^ ; ' I *"^ 1 '* t];niTawil ' 

JtfERt 5B#OTmjW&B %tt«I. VI. 18. This last verso is relied upon 01 
^8«9t in Ws bhasya on ?nt^T-*ri%ra^ I 1 1. Barth xo his ■ Re,, S l0 "° [l 
India ' translated by J. Wood ( 3rd ed 1891 ) sets out the grounds on win 
, western scholars ( particularly Weber) held that the religion of loving I 
I in Krsna v»as due to Christian influence and then states that he is not ea 
tied with this theory ( pp, 219-233 ) 

Megasthenes and references to Krsya 953 

antiquity of Krsna worship (vide pp. 129-131 above). Megasthenea 
states that Heracles ( Harikrsna? ) was worshipped by Soursenoi 
( Saurasenas ) on the banks of Jobarea ( Yamuna ) and had two 
cities Methora ( MathurS, ) and Oleisbora ( Krsnapura ? ). In the 
Narayanlya it is stated ( in chap. 335. 17-24 ) that king TTparicara 
Tasu was a devotee ( hhakta ) of Narayana, that he worshipped 
the Lord of Gods according to the sattvata rules that were 
proclaimed by the Sun, that he (Vasu) consecrated his kingdom, 
wealth, wife and horses to God, thinking that they all belonged 
to the Bhagavat ( the Adorable One ) and performed sacrificial 
rites according to the Sattvata rules. 

In the Santiparva, Satvata and Pancaratra are identified 1541 
and it is said that the seven sages called ' citrasikhandin ' ( lit. 
whose top-knots on the head were bright or wonderful) viz. 
Marici, Atri, Angiras, Pulastya, Pulaha, Eratu and Vasistha, 
proclaimed the (Pancaratra) sastra and God Narayana told them 
that the sastra would be authoritative in the world and that king 
Vasu would learn the sastra from Brhaspati to whom it would 
come by degrees from the seven sages. Chapter 336 of Santi 
declares that to the north of the Milky Sea there was territory 
called Svetadvlpa, where dwelt devotees of Farayana who were 
called«« 'Ekantin* and Pancaratra is called ' Ekanta-dharma '. 
A peculiar doctrine of the Pancaratra school is that of the four 
Wuhas (murhs or forms) via. that the Supreme Person is 
Vasudeva, the individual soul is Sankarsana, Pradyuma is mind 
and springs from Sankarsana and Aniruddha is ahankara and 
originates from Pradyumna. « a It is this doctrine of the four 
forms of Vasudeva, each springing from the preceding, that is 
refuted according to Sankara in the Brahmasutra II. 2 42-45 
The Santi 348. 8 expressly refers to the Glta as already declared 

5HRT335 34-35 

H. D. 130 

954 History of DJtarmaiaslra [ Seo. V, Ch. XXLV 

to Arjuna. In lsM chap. 349. 64 if; is Baid that Sankhya, Yoga, 
Pancaratra, Vadaa and Pasupata are five lores that differ in thoir 
views and were promulgated by Kapila ( Sankhya ), Hiranya- 
garbha ( Yoga ), Apantaratamas (the Veda), Siva (Pasupata), 
the Bhagavat Himself ( promulgator of Pancaratra ), The Visnu- 
dharmottara ls4S remarks ' for seeking Brahma ( the One Reality 
in the Universe) there are five Siddhantas (systems) viz. Sankhya, 
Yoga, Pancaratra, 1516 Vedas and Pasupata '. Relying on Sanfci- 
parva 339. 68 several writers particularly those of the Ramanuja 
school assert that the whole of the Pancaratra system has Vedio 

1544. uns4 *h*t- •nsra^' ^qr* iiyMrt aat • ;jiwi*<)(iiw tow f?% 
HMWdlPI t II snf^a 349. 64; but later on it is said :«W«R<f *rar JJiRw "Rufis 
w &&& i " y-ihMii')^« 4 *i3ft sipt viyMd i?pr i trrarn^er #*h<i «hn a vhk 

Wra • fl% *% 5T^S ?JI^H3 ^Pfi* II 5lri?a 349 65-68 q. by qftwqPRifSI 
p. 21 ( which. leads gun g WHW THPI ) These versos are borrowed almost 
verbatim by the mpim^vi^ XII. 5-6 and tho same work reads ' ct3? *flii 
"ctuti 3ri8 n«w i *9d i iv) ijgfSpr fr3it$*ft(i' XII. 4 (q. by3mr£onp. U), 
which means that the five systems are beyond the ordinary means of know- 
ledge and they should not bo disturbed by mere ratiocination. 

1545. ^n^r iW isrcra tra trrsjura amr i ^apaTsifc f?f?r ^stii nRflmtf u 

R<^vi«T-cl<!A° I. 7*. 34 q by %. on ga vol. I. p. 25 and nfftmrpreret p. 22 

1546. Why the cult of Vasudeva was called PaSoaratra has not boon 
Satisfactorily explained anywhere in the English Histories of Indian Philo- 
sophy so far as I know. The name leads to the inference that the cult has 
something to do with five matters. But why is the word riitra or kala 
used? That is the difficulty. In Santi 336. 46 (cr ed. 323. 42) Panca- 
ratra is referred to as ' Pancakala ' (8Ra irenira^RSwPaRr^. > Several 
guesses have bean put forward, soma of which are . ( 1 ) on five nights 
Narayana taught Ananta, Gaiuda, Viivaksena, Brahma and Rudra; ( 2 ) 
The Parama-samhita (31. 19) states that God imparted this doctrine in five 
nights to four sages, Sanatkumara, Sanaka, Sanandana and Sanatana, (3) 
this cult blackened [fain is dark) five teachings, vU. *rre*r, l"JT, TJgTO, 
4fcg and safct , ( 4 ) this ( pancaratra ) teaches five aspects <H, &£!, fl*I* 
(i. e.wian),3iwreififct,3r31 (images): (5) it dwells upon five duties of 
Vaisnavas viz. tapa ( branding on tho arm and other limbs), pundra (up- 
right lines made on the forehead with some colouring substance), nama 
( names of Vasudeva ), mantra ( like ■ On namo NarSyanaya ), yaga ( worship 
of images of Vasudeva ). The Alwar literature mentions fivefold nature viz. 
Para and the others. Vide K. C. Varadachari's paper on ' Somo contri- 
butions of Slwars to tho philosophy of bhakti ' m Silver Jubilee vol. of 
BOEI p, 621*, The Paramasamblta (I. 3S-40 G. O. S. ed ) states that tho 
five great Elements, the five Tanmatras, Abamkara, Buddhi and avyakla, 
( five categories or Tattvas of the Sankhya ) are the night ( as it wore ) of the 
Purusa and therefore this sastra ( which propounds how to bo free from the 
meshes of these five ) is called Pancaratra 

Vedic authority for Pancarntra system 955 

authority, while others like Apararka p. 13 and ^ribhaaaprakaia 
( p 23 ) do not-aocept it as thoroughly Vedio hut only partially. 

In the Vedantasutra*« there are four sutras dealing with' 
the Bhagavata or Paficaratra system.. The great Acaryas are 
not agreed upon their interpretation, Sankara saying that all 
the four sutras refute some tenets of the Bhagavatas, Eamanuja 
saying that the first two sutras ( out of four ) contain refutation 
of the Bhagavata doctrine and the other two do not. Sankara- 
carya makes it clear that the doctrines of the Bhagavatas that 
the Supreme God Vasudeva is the Highest Truth, that He 
assumes four forms, that the worship of Vasudeva consists m 
continuous single-minded contemplation of Vasudeva are not the 
targets for attack, that what is refuted is the doctrine of the 
Bhagavatas that the individual soul called Sankarsana by them 
springs from Vasudeva, that Pradyumna ( mind ) arises from 
Sankarasana and that Aniraddha (ahamkara) arises from 
Pradyumna. It appears from Sankara's remarks B4B on H. 2. 45 
that in his day Sandilya was supposed to have promulgated the 
Bhagavata or Pancaratra sastra, because he did not find the 

1547. The four sutras in the Vedantasutra ( II. 2. 42-45 ) are : -swW- 
wwratg;, * =St 3>& <WP=l, rasn*nra*nt *IT HcJJIRftn: , i3MGfoUl*t- Though Rama- 
nnja enlarges upon the Pancaratra doctrine in his comments on the last^ J:wo 
sStras out of these four and quotes three passages that maybe called Panca- 
ratra, he does not avow either in his Srlbhasya or in his Vedartha-saiigraha 
that he is a Satvala or Pancaratra 

<MlHc*UW^tM^WW I < i W1WIBT on ^t^« 3 n - a - 4S * WST"-*^ 
begins ' m JTPrear **tp% > { on agrsj* n. 2. 42 ) and under II. 2. 44 he re- 

marks ' ^ ^ q ^tMf H^ l i^wk^ l Q"?'"^^ ^"S ^ W^wtRWIM*^** 
^l%^l»SPt*^ i '■ It may further he noted that in the Santiparva <rr3R(3 
is called ^nssmw { chap. 348 34 and 84 ). srp»! in his §ifgKa 1 8th *»-*ski ), 
while describing the persons professing various religious and philosophi- 
cal doctrines gathered near the great acsrya Divakara-mltra, separately men- 
tions Bhagavatas and Paficaratufeas ' RdH^it-mS ffttpi^. ' '• ^i«w3q ii"ii'^ §Rt- 

; HR w^ 1%-aWK W^ti^s &c. '. What Bana probably m eans is that 
vippra stands for the general cult of bhaktt ( in the Gita ) and nratra for one 
school among mw<W s. that had as its characteristic the doctrine of four 
vyuhas. This is like sngtutsimjp'ir'J. Thea ^^KltR^ta (11. 181-192 ) states 
that Sandilya composedawork for performing the worship of Visnu by a non- 
Vedic procedure, that Visnu cursed him to remain in hell but relented 
when Sanddya threw himself on his mercy and reduced the period of 

956 History of Dharmaiastra [ Sec. V, Ch. XXIV 

highest bliss in all the four Yedaa In the Dronaparva ( 29. 
26-29 ) there is another and different reference to the four murtis 
of the Supreme for the benefit of the worlds viz one performs 
tapaa ( asuterities ) on the earth, the 2nd has an eye on the 
world's good and evil deeds ; the third comes to the world in a 
human form and does such acts as men perform; the 4th slumbers 
for a thousand years and when it arises from slumber confer* 
the highest boons on tho39 who deserve them. 

It may be noted that even in the Mahabharata Narada's 
name is connected with Paficaratra It i3 said ' this very secret 
doctrine, connected with the four Vedas, having the benefit of 
SSnkhya and Yoga and spoken of as Paficaratra, was (originally} 
uttered by the lip3 of ITarayana and was again communicated 
by^arada. 1349 

Other great sources of the cult of bhakfci are the Bhagavad- 
glta, which is expressly mentioned in the Narayanlya section 
( 348. 8 = cr. ed. 336. 8 ), the BhagavatapurSna and the Tisnu- 
purSna. The Gits contains the words bhakti and bhakla several 
dozens of time3. It may be stated here that the so-called Marada- 
bhaktisutras, ISTarada-paficaratra, the Sandilya-bhakti-sutra and 
the several extant Pancaratra-samhitas so far published are all 
later than the Gita. 1553 The Agnipuraria gives the names of 25 
works on Paficaratra quoted in the note below. l5S1 The Mahesvara- 

1549. %$ a ginfiq g ^d^^P^dM, i ■Hhw'kad' afl n^atMid^iK^ci^i 

^nraoisaifra ^T^tSSm^^l: 1 Unfa 339 111-112 ( = cr. ed. 326. 100-101 ) 
The words gg • ^ riSgdM. are q. by <MI^«i in his ^nnsr on #&<i$ TL 2. 45 
(42 in tim^srtnTCrB. s. s ). 

1550 The reasons for this statement are not relevant to this wori, 
but by way of example, attention may be drawn to some Sandilya-sEtras ■ 
a%^ >ni55tiH4iPi*<4 3nra^Ri^?ig., x=aFi&t<m**ivm&pimzi (!• 2. 22-23 
in Jivanand's ed. = I. 2. 15-16 in ^Fci-^Fjtril ), which clearly refer to GM 
VI. 46-47 and XII. 1 and 6-7 respectively There is one sntra where the Gita 
is expressly mentioned viz 2i=nW4Hf ■'fldwawiHglMlit ( II 2. 83 in Jiva- 
nand's ed =»II 2. 28 in -Jjn5=gi^nT) xm'ZK comments on this HI TO- 

^Rh&ni-dmJ I iiw. i §as i Wianw suiftquuumici.i *rar Hit HulUi'rTj BSfc* 
TOji " ^RuhPI gr» (5UP3 3*8. 5-6) ^ran^r m^tJihi ' ga<i fi<«w?*3 " 

Httfd l t^'J^ '' ( Silica 348. 8) I cfcMI3<nlPddl TO ^WiRld ■■ 

1551. Rhmi.?h? uragrig qgfr agp^ga^ w i irfem^^aTr^ ^ag^aiS 

^ifm aarat? w=#m aw wxs: n 3^3= 39 1-5. Does srrcrwni « we 
verse above refer to the dmquiW section of the «gHi<a ! 

Numerous Paficaratra tantras 957 

tantra names 25 Paficaratra tantras promulgated by Visnu, 
which are condemned therein as having no truth ( 26. 16 s ff. ). 

There is an extensive Literature on the Bhakti cult. Only 
a few of the important works in Sanskrit, their translations and 
works in English are noted here. Barth, Hopkins, Keith, Dr. 
R. G Bhandarkar and others have propounded different theories 
as to what Krsna represented, how he was identified with Visnu 
who appears to be another name of the Sun in the Rgveda and 
oame to be regarded as the highest God in Brahmana times ( as 
in Ait Br. 'Agnir-vai devanSm avamah, Visnuh paramab. ) and 
came to be identified with sacrifice ( Tajfio vai Visnuh ). When 
Krsna, the friend of the Pandavas was identified with the 
Supreme Spirit, the full-fledged doctrine of Avataras appeared 
as in the Glta. The important works on bhakti are : The 
2fsrayanlya seotion of the Santiparva ( chapters 332-351 
in the Citrasala edition and chap. 322-339 of the critical 
edition); the Bhagavadglta, ; several Puranas, the most important 
being Visnu and Bhagavata; J* 52 the Bhaktisutra of Sandilya 
with the bhasija of Svapnesvara (ed. by Jivananda, Calcutta 1876) 
and translati on of both these ( in B. I. series ) by E. B. Cowell 

1532 It is remarkable that the Bhagavata, which is practically the most 
important or sole authority for all great medieval Vaisnava teachers like 
Vallabha and Caitanya and their disciples, is not quoted anywhere by Rama- 
nuja (who was born in &ke 1049 i e 1127 A. D.) in his bhasya on the 
Brahmasutras, when he quotes over a hundred verses from the Visnupurana 
in the same. In fact, in the Vedarthsangraha Ramanuja states that in the 
same way as the section ( auuvaka ) on Narayana among all sruti texts serves 
to expound the special aspect of highest Brahma so the Visnupurana also 
defines a spedal aspect of the highest Brahma and that all 'other Puranas 
should be so interpreted as not to be in confUct with it Sot wafe ht?Ht 

P^aUO-lH pp X41-142 (p. C. ed. 19 36) . ^^ mentlons (in ^^ 
Sf 2 * X aad 4S ) <»W«l§«fr, «RTOEH|5rr and wfl^ l among the 
WWmtiims, but does nowhere affirm that he is a follower of theing»nr 
aoctrine. There are numerous commentaries on the Bhagavata and com- 
To~ S ° n C0, ? m I nt f ies < Das G»P« in vol 4 pp. 1-2 hsts over 40 
commentaries on the Bhagavata). It 1S unnecessary in this work to refer to 
we numerous commentaries of the disciples and followers of Madhva and 
«n« great Vaisnava acaryas The position of Vallabhacarya ( 1479-1531 

tuM&S^L^l^lfS^ " the snpreme autborit * «» case °* 

ftKT ,Md heh0,ds that evea bhaktl - S^SLSS 

958 History of Dharmasaslra [Seo.V.Gh, XXF7 

(1878); Sandilya's samhita ( Bhaktikhanda ) in the Sarasvatl- 
bhavan Series, edited by AnantasaBtri Phadke, (1935); Narada- 
bhaktiautra with English Translation by NandlalSinha (Panini 
office, Allahabad, 1911); the Narada-panoaratra ( containing the 
Jnanamrtasara section ) in eleven chapters ( ed. for B. I. Series 
by 0. M. Banerji, Calcutta, 1865 ) and English translation of it 
by Swami Vrjnanananda ( Panini Office, Allahabad, 1921); Sir 
B. G Bhadarkar's ' Vaisnavism, Saivism &o ' ( 1913, in the 
Encyclopaedia of Indo- Aryan Research ); ' Das-Gupta's History 
of Indian Philosophy ' voL IV. ( 1949 ), wherein he deals with 
the Bhagavatapurana and the doctrines of Madhva, Vallabha, 
Caitanya and their followers; Grierson's paper ' Gleanings from 
Bhaktamala of Nabhadasa', in J. E. A. S. for 1909 pp. 607-644; 
' History of Srlvaisnavas ', by T. A Gopinatha Rao ( Madras, 
1923 ), 'the Gospel of Narada' by Duncan Greenless (Adyar, 1951) ; 
Narada-bhakti-BQtras ( text, translation and notes ) ed. by Swami 
Tyaglsananda (Eamakrisna Math, Mylapore, Madras, 1943) 
in five adhyayas and 84 sutras ; the Ahirbudhnya-samhita in 
two volumes ( Adyar, 1916 ); Dr. 3?. Otto Schroder's Introduction 
to the Paficarstra and Ahirbudhnya-samhita ( Adyar, 1916 ) ; 
Jayakhya-samhita with English and Sanskrit Introductions 
( G. O S. 1931 ); the Parama samhita ( G. O. S , 1946 ) with English 
Translation by Dr. S. K, Aiyangar; the Brhadbrahma3amhita 
(of Narada-paficaratra ) in the Anandasrama series, 1912); 
Bhakticandrika (commentary on Sandilya's Bhaktisutras) by 
Narayanatlrtha ( Sarasvatlbhavan serieH, 1921, 1938 ); Bhakti- 
prakasa of Mitramisra (Chowkhamba Series, 1934); Bhakti- 
nirnaya of Anantadeva ( ed by Pandit Anantasastri Phadke, 
Banaras, 1937 ). There is a good deal of Bhakti literature in 
South India, such as the hymns of the Alwars, but no referenoe 
is made here to it for several reasons. 

Before proceeding with the treatment of bliakti in the 
Puranas the words 'bhakti' and 'Bhagavata' must be briefly 
defined and explained. Sandilya defines lsS3a 'bhakti' as 'sa 

1552a. aroiai ^nhfeawi ' ht miri*nh< fcft ' snfBacfi. i i-2;*«*s* 
comments: 3mrra fimqHi<n--i&» *fT i 55 a »TCH'<jrc fiqq:fi r'Si3rCT3i% fliw "J 

»n%B 1. The verse relied on is . *rr ^mSifiW Qq'iU 'i UlPlf t • Sl«df*« : 
HI H S'i^l'^'^^d ll ^=33' *• z0 - 10 ' ^t-at also quotes jfiar ' Wisr atas 8 ' 
mm <§&FFzt: mww susnra^ ut f%rv gmrfsti ^ vxfa ^t » ?tai «oaa-nn-it 
- qsiat ^iffrgfavg ' 5griw gt^nft ff^rwigpm%S'ix. 0-10. On 3j3Ti% &° 
remarks ' Hiu^lTfclQaHWg 1**!%. *H<JHHI3?i<Rlifa<ith^ '■ f&'ft tetet * 
(Continued on nextjpage) 

Definition of bliakti 959 

paranuTaktirlsvare'. This may be interpreted in two ways 'the 
highest form of bhakti is affection fixed on God* or 'bhakti is 
the highest affection fixed on God'. Svapnesvaia, the author 
of a bhasya on Sandilya, prefers the first and Narada-bhakti- 
autra, Tilak and others favour the second. Svapnesvara explains 
that in general 'bhakti' means 'affection fixed on a being that 
is to be won over or worshipped', but that in this sastra it means 
'a particular state of the mind having the Supreme Lord as its 
object' and quotes a verse from the Visnupurana uttered by the 
great devotee Prahlada ' May that fixed (or unwavering) love, 
which the ignorant (or unreflecting) people feel for worldly 
objects, never depart from my heart, ever remembering you '. 
The Glta employs the word' prtti' (affection) and conveys that 
the word 'bhakti' is derived from the root 'bhaj' to resort to. 
'Those whose minds are on me, whose lives are offered to me, 
who instruct each other, who speak of me, are always contented 
and happy. On these who are continuously devoted to me and 
serve me with affection, I bestow that knowledge by which they 
reach me*. Svapnesvara explains that the word 'anurakti' 
(with prefix 'anu') is employed to convey that the affection for 
God arises after the devotee secures knowledge of the greatness 
and other attributes of the Bhagavat (Adorable One). In the 
Visnupurana the word 'anuraga' is used for 'bhakti", where, 
after describing the ascent of Rama and his brothers to heaven, 
it says that the people of the capital of Kosala who had deep 
affection for those incarnate parts of the Bhagavat (Visnu), 
having their minds fixed on them, reached the position of 
residence in the same world with them. Sandilya further ,ss3 
says that there is the teaching that theie is immortality for 
nun who abides in Him. In the Chandogya Up. it is said 'He 
wHo abides in brahman reaches immortality'. The idea is that 
immortality being the promise of abiding in God, there will be 
no indifference in the effort to know God or in the effort to 

C Continued from last page ) 
^^^. The ^, holds thatthehighestbhatt . musl be 

* B « CI l«l4»«MwW < jja» (iphs* is 5th. final goal). wrawiwna 

the aaae meanlng u conveyea by ^^ Ji?l ^^ ^^ ^ ) 

960 History of Dharmaiaslra [ Sea V, Oh. XXIV 

cultivate highest affeotion for God. It may be noticed that the 
autras of Narada appear to be a mere paraphrase of Sandilya's 
aphorisms 1K * Sandilya further (sutra 7 ) provides that bhakti, 
like knowledge, is not an action because it does not follow an 
effort of the will and that ( sutra 9 ) it is different from jftana, as 
the Glta refers to self-surrender being attained by one having 
knowledge after many births (Glta VH. 19). 

Our ancestors had a great penchant for classifications, 
divisions and sub-divisions. Bhakti is divided into laufaki (of 
the common people), Vatdiki (laid down by the Veda) and 
adhyStmiki (philosophical), as in Padma V. 15. 164 ; or manasi 
(mental), vaciki (verbal) and kayiki (done with the body, such 
aB fasts, vratas &c ) in Padma V. 15. 165-168; into Sattvikl, 
EajasI and TamasI (as in BhSgavata HX 29. 7-10 and Padma 
VX 126. 4-11), into best, middling and inferior as in 
Brahmanda m.» 555 34. 38-41 ). 

JPrapattt (self-surrender) is distinguished from bhakti in 
works of the Ramanuja and of other Vaisnava schools. It consists 
of five points 1556 viz. resolution to yield (to God's will), the 
abandoning of opposition, faith that God will protect (the 
devotee), praying to God to save the devotee, and a feeling of 
helplessness shown by casting one's soul on Him. Bhakti has 
as synonyms the words' dhyana', 'upasana' &c. and is subsidiary 
to prapath. The Glta explicitly makes no such distinction. In 
Glta n. 7 Arjuna speaks of himself as 'prapanna' (who has 
approached or surrendered himself for salvation). The final 
advice at the end of the Glta enjoins what is called prapattt in 
later works 'On me fix your mind, become my devotee, sacrifice 

1554. sOTrat wfc imnsq i -ww 1 m rii3n'm>tm s m 1 siga^^n^i "rcy 

1555. The wg!WS mentions srH^, §pj, srjstfta, tf^rcfo _*Hi8, *Oi 
fWtar , *§15, *fH}s and 3^ as exemplars of highest *ri%, ^retff ^ ag 
as practising HOTST sni ordinary men as practising kamstba (inferior) 
*rf% The ^K^^HK'SM 83 mentions many of these as Wc4MI4?i : 'g"J 

a<ttPni5<d«<kfi < fl'< u m j fl *ra«^ranS: • '. i?*TC stands for *rre?, son ot *W 

1556 niHW'iwi nf&flw«Uiggl »ff 1 "•swf5reT a-3n3gg i re r «<"*<• 
wRfegow *&nci tf^nr^Q it°gi# nfrprc»i ott i 3nOTi^§'<*iM UJ < < <;-g e ^ a y 

"nragSRI 1 *riW«wflR«» l p. 64. Ttaswork remarks that this unfa: must ho 
learnt from the lips of a gum and therefore it does not expound it. Some 
read stttflft^T: 'hl ' Wft and thus raise the angas of Jtsirr to six 

Gtta on bliakti 961 

to me, offer adoration tome ; you will certainly reach me ; I declare 

to you truly, you are dear to me. Giving up all (dharmas) duties, 

come to me as your ( only ) refuge ; I shall release you from ali 

sins; do not grieve'."^ Vide also Gita VEI. 14,15 and XV. 4 

for other instances of the use of the root 'pra-pad '. The theory 

propounded in the Gita and other works on hhakti was that 

bhaktiled on to 'prasada* (favour or grace) of God "which 

enables the devotee to attain moksa. 153s The Gita (18. 56, 58, 

62) -says 'a man, though always performing all actions,' but 

-solely depending- on me,- obtains an imperishable and eternal 

place through myfavour; if you fix your mind on me, you will 

get over all difficulties through my favour; go to Him as the 

refuge with all your heart, O Arjuna, through His grace you will 

attain the highest peace and an everlasting abode.' In the 

Visnupurana Prahlada 1559 is told by the Adorable One 'as your 

mind is firmly and devotedly fixed on me you will by my favour 

attain the highest bliss'. The idea of God's grace occurs both 

in the Hatha and Svetasvatara TTpanisada : 1S50 ' The Self, smaller 

than the small and greater than the great, is hidden in the heart 

of the creatures , a man who is free from willing anything and 

free from grief sees the greatness of the Self through the favour 

of the Creator \ •*>• •* ' 

There is a great difference between the Gtta and the 
Narayaniya section. In the former, though the Supreme Soul is 
called Vasudeva, 1561 the doctrine of the four vyuhas, that is very 

1557. h<*mi *re spg^ nn\i& in sra^ipi i ntSts'tf^i *&$ it srifNnJi 

sSl 5 "*- tt 'fiat 18 65-66. y«w here refers to the duties of varnas (brahmana, 
ksatiiya &c ) and of asramas ( such as those of householder or ascetic &c.) 
or trufa may refer to actions enjoined by the Veda and smrtis This last 
exhortation is practically repeated from the end o£ the 9th chapter • HrH^i 

"•**u§v i tuJffimffi g ^^ up w Ff *wuw"r n ' 9.34. 

1558 JTRK!nri%«li 3TERT sHk i?5r 5TCST <i4\M I atd-tel^f^ H ra"ni|q^^ ] 
tJl«4Hdcfliii=hl P 64. 

1559. ijwiit Pt33s5 =^at flf% MFnftWfctKl I EOT c? BtU-Ht^rf gwiu; 
TOwfl ©BS5» I 20. 28, 

^1560. 3wTkurwwHsi<ii T nTnwww.4 stsshf^fcl ^nrtK 1 <WrtnF "R^riS 
*Tnw«ai ^ng- sttn^ nfl HHH T tn ^- > sboti n. 20, starts hi. ao (reads 3Tnsn 

llBT VII 19, srofr^TsralfW^ I l"htt X. 37. 

a. r>. 131 

962 History of Dharmaiastra I See. V, Ch. XXIV 

characteristic of the Narayaniya seotion, is totally absent and 
further even the names of Sankarsana, Pradyumna and Ani- 
ruddha do not occur in the Glta. In my opinion the Glta is the 
older of the two, as it propounds the general dootrine of bhakti, 
while the Panoaratra dootrine in the Narayaniya is only one of 
the several bhakti sohools. Moreover, the Narayaniya section 
represents that Glta had already been proclaimed and that the 
knowledge brought from Svetadvlpa by Harada is the same as 
that declared in the Hariglta ( chap. 346. 10-11, 348. 53-54 ). 
Santi ( 348. 55-57 ) mentions that there was only one vyuha or 
there were two, three or four and that the Ekantins attached 
great importance to ahimsa. Besides, the worship of Vasudeva 
is older than Panini, since 1562 Panini teaches the formation of 
the word Vasudevaka as meaning ' one whose object of worship 
is Vasudeva '. Vide Dr Bhandarkar's ' Vaisnavism, Saivism &c. ' 
paragraphs 2-10 (pp. 3-19 of vol IV of the collected works) for 
the antiquity of Vasudeva worship. The general view of most 
medieval writers on Dharmasastra about Panoaratra is 
represented by the Parijata quoted in the K. R. that the Panoa- 
ratra 1563 and Pfisupata sastras are authoritative only so far as 
they are not opposed to the Vedas. This was the view of the 
Sutasamhita also, on which a commentary was composed by the 
famous Madhavacarya. 

In some Puranas the word Vasudeva is not derived 1561 from 
Vasudeva ( as the son of Vasudeva ) but from the root ' vas ' to 
dwelL ' Vasudeva is so called because all beings dwell in the 
Highest Self and Vasudeva dwells in beings as the soul of all '. 
Compare Glta 9. 29 ' I am alike to all beings ; none is odious to 
me nor dear, but those who worship me with faith dwell in me 
and I too dwell in them '. 

1562 H(%. I •■•grst^TP'nSRIlT' IV. 3 95 and 98 (sHB^t: hRb. 

1S63. t reKramgpw i j frqffi siran°t l^ira^sri^r amTO?tSgqn %ffiT' '^ ?" 
Twigs* p. 37, a»ii *«r *rfsit vmi<m 3%*r * it^vni i «fer: mnarf&spii 3mr?Ri«- 
writon^i aifi witSrtH i a iriorsn 3?ni*irt i «fiHi^at iv. -i. 16-18 

1364 ^nfa era ^jiifS nx&t Tonuifti ^sflg ^* **k" v *ral«aa« 
*gas H 1^33° VI 5 80. srgrg" 233 68 ( reads fSnrafo «mg n3). Th ° r ° 
another verse ' ifis «r?n> vi ^ «xim ** umf u^i «rrai ittrcar srurn sira^rera! 

3.3. II H«S5» VI. 5 82. stsnjo 233 70 ( but it says that this verse contain, 
what Prajapatl declared to great sages). fisBgojr. 2. 12-13) states WOW 

*m*a ^r ^H^rSfif I 'ra- 1 an. h sia^ffi Rarer- iRwft «■' 

Meaning of 'bhagavat' and 'bhagataia" 96$ 

The word bhagaiat calls for a brief notice. It waa generally 
applied to Vasudeva. The Visnupurana says ' The word bhaga 
is applied to the six qualities collectively viz. fulness of sway, 
manliness ( or energy ), glory, auspioiousness, knowledge and 
indifference to wordly objects. This noble word bhagavan applies 
to Vasudeva who is the Highest Brahma and to no one else '. 156s 
The VisnupuraDa 1566 further states that the word ' bhagavat ' 
may be applied secondarily to others on the ground of possessing 
special qualities " that person may be oalled ' bhagavan ', who 
knows about the creation and dissolution ( of the world ), about 
the origin and final destiny of beings, and knows what is vidya 
and andya (nescience). Knowledge, strength, power, swayt 
manliness, splendour — all these in their entirety, excluding the 
three gunas ( and their effects ) that are to be avoided, are 
expressed by the word bhagavat". Bhagavata is one who 
worships * Bhagavat ' ( i, e. Vasudeva ). This is an ancient word. 
It occurs in the Besnagai column inscription ( of the 2nd century 
B O. ) of Heliodora, a Greek of Taksasila and ambassador of 
Antalikita, who calls himself a bhagavata (adevotee of Vasudeva); 
vide above p. 516 n. 742 and ' Indo-Qreeks ' by Prof. A. K. Uarain 
( 1957 ), where at end he gives the full Besnagara Ins. of nine 
lines and its reading ( Plate VI ). It appears that 'bhagavat' waa 
rarely applied to Siva also. The Svetasvatara Upanisad speaks 1567 
of Siva as 'bhagavan*. Patau jali in his bhSsya on Panini 
V. 2. 76 speaks of Sivabhagavata. 1568 In the GhosQndl stone 

1565 frf jfr^rerer flwi *jw: Bit! i w&i^'ta h trrori «n gJku u ti 
*tt*kt *i S ioa«qr q%q ?nreri5iii i mmai ■&!*<! hh&w *n?*ron ftsggo vi. 3. 
***" d 76 The l^stfnrcsRr vi. 164-165 has §*^ ? a<n ^ ^ stffc. 
^ T "" 1 5 "^ **& i^tai qoon vrt sjciifw: i tji*te^: s^uff m *r qat *nrara ?rc i, 

!',y ^ -" ^f L 00 ^^ II. 2. 44 remarks about the sggs ' fag^ ^ #F 
gW'q^»lRhi g^!i»ftfal»^ a^i^aT 3 imu4u<jfa > $m*Mlff probably follows 
the ^8 L n^<| u[ VI 5. 78-79. 

VI. 5. 78-79. argrgo 233 66-68. 

"S7 «|.<tna ^nr»rai^5RHt?H*TS! ftrat i ■3rar«r= in 11. 
^a"^?' smv^udiCt^iMii ^^ssft « <n. v. a. 76; mmi«f <gf ^ct:^- 

^ 5 5 ; •'• %TOiRtj is to be explained as i$|^ wrap* ? ri%ii<fc<f f j|a » WHd : i. e 
a devotee that carried w lt b hun a trident, which is a weapon of Siva. 

964. s- History of Dharmasastra [ See. V, Ch. X2IV 

Inscription 1569 in Sanskrit (near Nagarl in the Chitorgadh 
District of Bajputana } there is a reference to both Sankarsana 
and Vasudeva as bhaqauit and it calls them Sarvesvara ( about 
200 B. 0. ), while the Besnagara inscription speaks of Vasudeva 
alone and Heliodora calls himself bhagavata In some'early 
records such as the Pikira grant of Simhavarman ( E. I. vol VII. 
p. 161 ) and m Gupta Inscription No. 4 (at p 27 ) Simhavarman 
and Candragupta ( II ) son of Samudragupta are called 

• paramabkagaiata'. Akrura is styled mahabhagavata m Brahma- 
purana 190 20 , Padma VI. 280 2? defines a Mahabhagavata as 
noted below. 1S, ° 

Three mar gas ( paths ) are spoken of in ancient works viz. 
karmamarga, bhaktimarga and jnanamarga It is necessary to 
say here something about the path of bhalth and that of jvava. 
Both these paths are deemed to lead to the same goal, viz. 
moksa. The mode of approach in the two is, however, different. 
In the path of knowledge ( or avyaktopasana ) it is not bare book 
knowledge of brahman as the Supreme Soul and as mi guna that 
will lead to moksa, for that purpose what is required is the 
brahmi-sthiti (state of identifying oneself with fcrcftma) men- 
tioned in Glta II. 72. This condition can be secured only by 
great efforts and long practice as described in Glta II. 55 and 
the,following Verses. In the path of knowledge whatever actions 
the person concerned may do are brahmarpana, as described in 
Glta IV. 18-21 In the path of bhakti the bhakta resigns him- 
self to God's grace and whatever he does he consigns to the God 
worshipped by. him such as Vasudeva (saguva and vyakta). 
Arjuna.asks the Lorda question in Glta XII. 1 'of the worship- 
pers who thus constantly devoted meditate on. you and those 
who (meditate)' on the TJnpercefved and Indestructible , which 

1569, Videi;. I XVI pp. ;25~27.and I & voi-SX PP 203-?05 ftp the 
Gbosundl Stone Inscription, where Sankarsana and Vasudeva are both styled 
• Bhagavat ' and ■ SarvesVara *. 

"q^ VI. 280 27.' For anti?, vide note 1546 above The nine modes of 
worship are vtW &c quoted in note 1571. The five heads under which the 
doctrines of the. scpng^T school are discussed are . (i) ^fa } (2) £***) J_ 3 ' 
OTPT ( way.40 God ), ( 4 ) *k& or 35^ ( the goals of human life },{S) ft<"3 !,: 
"t-oBsfrilcHons or obstacles tcfthe attainmenfof God ). -There is a wort called 
aretlSTK bysntPJot, to whieb-each of the- above five heads is sboiw» to 
have five sub-divisions Vide Dr. JR. G. -Bbanaarkar's papejrjn prdfcceduJg* 
of the International Congress of Orientalists held at Vienna in 1886, Mya 

* section, pp. 101-110 for a summary of the work called 3l*bl3Hr. 

Bhakttmarga and Jnanamarga 965 

best know devotion'. The reply given in XIL 2-7 ia ' those who, 
being constantly devoted and possessed of the highest devotion, 
worship me with a mind fixed on me are regarded by me as the 
most "devoted. But those who, restraining the group of the 
senses, and with a mind equable to all, meditate on the indes- 
cribable, indestructible, unperceived (Principle), which is all- 
pervading, inconceivable, unconcerned, immoveable, and 
constant, they, devoted to the good of all beings, certainly 
attain to me. In the case of those whose minds are attached to 
the unperceived ( Principle or Spirit) the trouble is much greater, 
since the unperceived goal is attained by embodied beings with 
difficulty. In the case of those, however, who dedicating all 
their actions to me and regarding me as their highest goal 
worship me, meditating on me with a devotion towards none 
beside me and whose minds are placed on me, I, without delay, 
become their deliverer from the ocean of sathsara and. death'. 
In ohapter 9 the path of bhakti is spoken of in these terms * it is 
the chief among vidyas (lores), chief among mysteries; it is the 
best means of sanotification; it can be directly apprehended, it 
is in accordance with dharma, imperishable and easy to practise*. 
According to the Glta, therefore, the path of bhakti is easier' 
than the path of knowledge. 

The Bhagavata says that bhakti is ninefold 1571 viz. hearing 
about Visnu, repeating his name, remembering him, worshipping 
Hie feet (of the image of Visnu), offering puja, bowing '(or 
homage), treating oneself as the slave of Visnu, treating -Him 
as a friend and surrendering one's soul to"Hini. According 15 " 
to^arada-bhakti-sutra it is elevenfold (as noted below); 'Bis 

w-sLI - JlgT^says this to his father. CT^fem gHri&Btar 

^s Eirt" i \ pp 3o ~ 128 espIains theaa *~«V<« -i-S. 

f^ouu.aip^m; writers took over these nine modes of bhakti e «• «,! 
^(37.103-104) provides ^ ^ ^ ^ %££ ,«££ 

966" History of bharmaihstra ISeaV, Oh. XXIV 

not to be supposed that all these nine methods have to be pra- 
ctised at the same time. A devotee practising any one of these, 
viz. remembering or reciting His name, may thereby become a 
true bhakta, and may win God's favour and secure liberation 
(Sandilyas&tra 73). The Glta (VII. 16-17 ) states 'four dosses 
of men, who are ( all ) fortunate, worship me viz. one who is in 
distress, the seeker after knowledge, one who seeks Bome desired 
object ( or seeks wealth ), one who is possessed of knowledge ; of 
these he who is possessed of knowledge, who is always devoted 
and who worships One (Being) only is distinguished (above 
others), for to the man of knowledge lam extremely dear and 
he is dear to me'. Sandilya provides that the four aspects ( out of 
nine) viz. remembering God, reciting His name, narrating 
stories about Him and bowing to Him ( His image ), find thoir 
place in the bhakti of those who are distressed, for these are said 
to be the means of expiation of sins, as the Visnupurana says 
(II. 6. 39) that remembering Krsna is superior to all praya- 
soittas. Sandilya further says that those guilty of mortal 
(grave) sins are only entitled to the bhakti of the distressed; 
but when their sins have been wiped off they would be entitled 
to the other forms of bhakti. 

Glta does not expressly enumerate all these nine modes of 
bhakti, but most of them can be gathered from various passages 
of the Glta such as IX. 14, 36, 27 and from passages in othor 
Puranas. For example, the Visnupurana 1573 says ' whatever be tho 
expiatory rites, consisting of austerities, deeds of charity &o., to 
remember Krsna is superior to them all' and 'that repetition of 
His name with bhakti is the best solvent of all sins, as fire is of 
metals'. In the Bhagavata 15n it is said ' whatever the devotee 
does by his body, speech, mind, organs of sense, by his intellect 
or by his soul or by the force of temperament that he follows— 
all that he should offer to Narayana who is highest '. This 
is entirely in line with Glta IX. 27 and may be called 
'daBya-bhakti', while Arjuna's bhakti is 'sakhya-bhalcli, as Lord 
Krsna himself speaks of him as 'my devotee and a friend' ( GlU 

q^H Rc^ga II. 6. 39 - TO VI 72. 13, WW^n *"err fiBrT'T'aWK ' 

ii^PTOinT uisjiiijfr itch: n fioss" q. by sra-o* "■> OTfl&CT*rfis«J« 74 - 

toS <ircrq'np>f?t -MHiftiTtg;!! WW. XI. 2 36. 

The position of the Gila as to worship and one's duties 967 

IV. 3). It appears that the Gita regards the performance 1S7S of 
the duties of his station in life by&bhakta as worship (arcana 
orpuja) of God ' worshipping by the performance of one's duties 
(without an eye to the fruit or rewards of them ) God from whom 
the world springs and by whom all this world is permeated, a 
man obtains perfection (and not only by offering flowers or by 
reciting the name of God ). 

This central doctrine of the Gita, of what is called ' niskama- 
karma ' was accepted by the Puranas. The Visnu I J. 3. 25 adopts 
it. The Agnipurana in ohapter 381 gives a summary of the 
Gita in 58 verses which are mostly made up of passages from 
the Gita. It winds up the summary with the verse quoted in 
note 1575 and emphasizes bhakti in the last verse. 1576 The 
Garuda-purana summarises the Gita in 28 verses (1.237-238). 
The Padma( in VI. 171-188) contains the mahatmya of each of 
the 18 chapters of the Gita interspersed with legends about the 
fruit of reading each Gita chapter (1005 verses in all). A few 
further examples may be oited. The Kurma says 1577 'therefore 
even a man not possessed of (high) wisdom should perform all 
his duties (or actions) abandoning with all efforts the fruit (or 
reward) of aotions, he obtains (high) abode after sometime*; 
'actions done after offering them to me do not tend to bind 
down the doer but tend to mukti ( liberation )'. The Markandeya 
also refers to « niskama-karma '. The Bhagavata-purana provides 
a man performing (the rites) prescribed by the Veda but with- 
out attachment (not oaring for the reward) and surrendering 
them to God secures freedom from the bondage of karma and the 
declaration of the reward (in the Veda) is only meant for 
stimulating effort. * 

The doctrine of adiatla in the Upanisads ( such as in Isal6, 
lai. Up. III. 4 and 8, Br. Up. II. 4. 14, IV. 3. 30-31, IV 5 15) 
^sfor the wise. They offer very little to the ordinary man 

3S75 *rb q^replgrei 3re ;g5a% tRPr.1 ngtfifon aawp^ fa fe R .j Q w sra. u 
»fiar 18. 46 

^JxlL^J^'^ ? B ®^ "* «^« ' «*ir ***n *vm **r«is 

!3S U*^ rnrai ^ giI ' riat,!, ^ ! * tn,lfi 5 : a!*i' mall 7 28, a « 

t«n««nt3^ misg ^NstTO! "KSSgrei: II upRtt XI. 3 46. 

968 History of Dhiamaiastra [Sao. V.Ch. XXIV 

about God or the ultimate destiny of man or the way to God and 
did not solve the common man's problems. The Glfca took up 
the problems of the common man , it shows to the lowliest of the 
lowly that there is hope for him, that the One and the True Being 
can enter into his life, if he consecrates all the daily duties and 
actions of his station in life to God and that salvation will come 
to every one if one has loving faith in God and surrenders him- 
self entirely to his Grace. The Gita proclaims (IX. 30-33) 'If 
even a man that has been very badly conduoted worships me 
without worshipping any one else he should be regarded as a 
good man, since he has resolved upon the right course; he 
quiokly becomes a righteous soul and reaches everlasting peace: 
O Arjuna! you may affirm that my devotee is never ruined. 
By taking refuge with me even those that are born m despised 
castes, also women, vaisyas and sfidras reach the highest goal*. 
The Sandilya-bhakti-sutra provides 1578 that all down to persons 
of the despised castes are entitled (to follow the path of bhakti) 
as they are oapable of learning bhakti at second hand just as 
they can learn the common rules (of ahimsa, truthfulness &o.). 
The-PuranaB speak in the same strain as the Gita and are some- 
times even more explicit and emphatic. The Brahma-purana 
paraphrases Gita IX. 32 and proceeds 'my devotee even if he be 
a candala attains the desired beatitude, if he be endowed with 
the right faith; what need be said about others?' The Padma 1579 
states ' A Pulkasa or even a svapaka and other persons belong- 
ing to Mleccha tribes become eminent and worthy of being 
honoured, if they are solely devoted to the worship of the feet of 
Hari '; ' Even a svapaka is a Vaisnava if on his lips there is the 
name of Hari, in whose heart there is Visnu and in whose 
Btomach goes food offered to Visnu* The Bhagavata contains' 560 

1578. 3<|H«3l4i«<4riftEh<kl mWjf^WHIvWt^l *Ill< J S«r<Hi=f 78. a 

3toi. » tst I 5. io ^n g# sf^tTn ^n? fi°^: *hiim . i '*<£ fiag&tf ff 
aarraSsft §vm- u «rer iv. io 66 

1S80. Hi< l rft£UU. Sr ii l ri><jag-h«l 3n*TR3i5jr *PRr. *l«lt{<n " ^sft *t TOI 
TjftnsPtTSPJT gi-*lfs3 5RH JTOf^mft *un U unrra H. 4 18. ft*nftV pronounc- 
ed a curse on his 50 elder sons, who did not consent to accepting Sunalj&pa 
adopted as a son by Vis'vamitra as their eldest brother, that their progeny 
would be Andhras, be reduced to the statusof the lowest class and they would 
be Sabaras &c. and mostly dasyus as follows • ' dHd^Mij FCT'tTt^' 'f^TT Wtefr I 

^ffcn:l S 5*1. VII 18 (cbap. 33. 6) In E. I. VIII p 88 there is an Ie"- 
cnptlon of the 9th year of king Isvarasena, an Abhlra, son of Sivadatta, 
an abhlra, in the Nasik oaves ( No. IS plate VII ). 

BMkti spiead among sudras and foreign tubes 969 

the following remarkable statement : ' Homage to that Supreme 
Lord, by resorting to whom as refuge Kiratas 1531 (mountain- 
dwellers like Bhils), the Hunas, Andhras, Fulindas, 
Pulkasas, Abhiias, Kankas, Yavanas, Khasas and the like and 
other degraded men are purified.' These sentiments were not 
mere platitudes, but had been very largely acted upon. Even in 
the medieval ages in India we have women saints like Mirabai 
and Andal ( in South India), untouchables as saints like Nanda, 
Cokhamela (in Maharastra), Rai Das (a cliamai disciple of 
Bamananda ), sinners like Ajamila honoured as saints. Saints 
like Kabir ^ (a Moslem weaver) and Tukaram had probably 
not muoh book learning, but their hymns are recited by Hindus 
including orthodox brahmanas. 

The invasions and gradual conquest of India by Moslem in- 
vaders from the Northwest threw down a challenge to Hindus from 
11th century A.D. onwards. It was met in various ways. The first 
was the composition of comprehensive digests of smrtis of which 
the earliest extant one is the Kityakalpataru of Laksmtdhara 
( about 1110-1130 A.D. ) in the North and Hemadri in the Decoan 
(third quarter of 13th century). The second and the most important 
way was on the spiritual front. B"rom the 13th to the 17 th century 
there was a great revival of spirituality on an unprecedented 
scale which produced saints and mystics in all parts of India such 
as Jnanesvara, Namadeva, Eamananda, Kabir, issi Oaitanya, 

1581. Pulkasas and Svapakas were degraded and untouchable castes 
Vide H. of Bh. vol. II pp. 88-89 for Pulfcasa and p. 97 for Svapaka ( lit. 
who subsists on dog-meat). Pulkasa occurs in Vaj. S. 30. 17. Kiratas are 
assigned to caves in Vaj. S. 30. 16 The Abhiras are described as dasyus 
and mlecchas in Mausala-parva 7. 46-63, they are said to have attacked 
Arjuna in paficanada when he was taking -women with htm after Krsna's 
passing away and to have carried away Vrsni women (Mansala 8. 16-17) 
Vide also the jame account in Visnupurana V. 38 12-28 Matsya 273 18 
speaks of ten Abhira kings. The Khasa tribe had the custom of a brother mar- 
rying his deceased brother's widow. Vide H of Dh vol. III. p 861 n 1671. 

1582. Vide G H. Weslcott on ' Kabir and Kabir-panth • (Cawnpore, 
1907) and 'Kabir and his followers ' by F. E Keay (1931 ). Kabir's teach- 
ing was an amalgam of both Hindu and Moslem ideas He preached a 
doctrme of theism that did not tolerate polytheism, incarnations and idols. 
Kabir is said to have been a diiciple of Raminanda ( who lived about 
1400-1470 A. D ), an ascetic who preached at Benares that God should be 
worshiped under the name of Rama. Kabir held to the doctrines of Karma 
and Transmigration. He believed in the unity of God. but makes use of many 
names such as Rama, Khuda. Allah. Sakti m speaking of Him. 

H. D. 133 

970 History of Dharmaiash a [ Sec. V, Ch. XXIV 

Dadu (in Rajasthan), Nanak, Vallabhacarya, Ekanatha.Tukaram, 
Ramadasa ( and many others of lesser fame ) who all agreed on 
fundamentals vis. unity of God, the need of self- purification, com- 
demnation of the pride of caste and of formalities of worship, and 
surrender to the Deity for salvation. The third was the creation 
of such independent kingdoms as that of Yijayanagara ( 1330- 
1565 A. D.), of Maharastra (under Shivaji and the Peshwas) and 
of the Sikhs in Punjab. This last cannot be dealt with way in 
this work The doctrine of bhakti had a great appeal to all 
sections of the Hindu community and its propagation by the 
Puranas went a long away in weaning away Hindus from 
Buddhism. Hot only so, Mahayana Buddhism took over the 
doctrine of bhakti and works like the ' Questions of Milinda ' 
and the Saddharmapundarlka 1583 contain passages which agree 
closely with the Gita. The Gita exhibits a wonderful spirit of 
tolerance and accommodation, not found in the scriptures 
of other religions which were founded by great prophets. 
It says 1584 ' even those, who are devotees of other deities and 
worship them with faith, ( indirectly ) worship me only but with 
a non-sastric ( or irregular ) procedure.' The Bhagavata-purana 
elaborates the same idea ; ' O Adorable One ! others worship you 
alone in the form of Siva while following the path promulgated 
by Siva and propounded in different ways by several acaryas, all 
worship you who are Lord and who comprehend in yourself all 
gods ; those also who are devotees of other deities and appear to 
have different ideas do in the end reach you, just as all rivers 
rising in mountains and flooded by rains enter the ocean from 
all sides'. The Santiparva 1585 also contains a similar idea 'Those 
who worship Brahma, Siva or other deities and whose conduct 
( or practice ) is intelligent will ( ultimately ) come to me, who 
am the Highest*. This doctrine has its germs in the Rgveda 1586 

1583. Vide H Kern's Introduction to the translation of the Saddharma- 
pundarlka in SBE. vol. 21 , pp. XXVI-XXVIII and XXIX n. 2. XXXI n. 1, 
XXXI n 2 

1584. SHW.qifcd l H-di l ^ra^ -H£->i\plM I fisft Hlftl ^fiNfT ^«<il4l3- 

g^K^n nrat IX 23; ^wi^ ram^sr wiHor ren^Rara i srGVzrqf&Rfi *•■■••*■ 
*raiflj!wrr *m- ^■*HM.Rdr jthi i fl?ri5a wfcf ra^g agrir mwtsttt n vuirra 

X. 40. 8-10, 

1585. 3rginii?ira*D3'g-5i!3i»qT%^cn v&n. ' sr^^^sfn^ft'JprW'ri^* 

1586. ess origin =ig*n n^nGi *ra jmrR^rpraig: u 3? i- 164 - 4e - 

The Rgveda teaching of One God 97i 

itself where it is said ' the One Reality the sage3 speak of under 
various names ; they call it Agni, Tama, Matarisvan (wind-god )'. 
Thi3 work cannot afford, for reasons of space, to go into the several 
hhakti schools such as those of Ramanuja, Madhva (who postulated 
five eternal bhedas), Caitanya and Yallahha ( that gave rise to an 
erotico-mystical brand of bhakti ) and others. 

In their zeal for the spread of the cult of bhakti the Puranas 
are sometimes guilty of gross exaggeration. The Brahuia- 
purana 1587 says ' men even after having committed many sins 
under the influence of error ( or delusion ), do not go to Hell, if 
they worship Hari who removes all sins ; those men also who 
always remember Janardana, though they may be guilty of 
roguery, reach, after they die, the happy world of Yisnu. Even 
a man who is habituated to flying into extreme rage, if he recites 
the name of Hari, has his faults destroyed and attains mukti 
(liberation) as the king of Cedi country did'. The Vamana- 
pmana 1588 observes " what has that person got to do with many 
mantras (i. e. he has no use for those), who is a bhakta of Yisnu ? 
The mantra ' namo Narayanaya ' is able to accomplish all objects. 
Success is for those who have bhakti for Yisnu ; how can there be 
failure for them in whose heart is enthroned Janardana dark like 
a blue lotus?" The Vamana and Padma Puranas say that a 
man secures the same results by repeating the names of Visnu 
that he would secure by visiting all the tfrthas ( sacred places ) 
and holy shrines US9 in the world. 

Many Puranas, particularly the Yisnu and the Bhagavata, 
are replete with the eulogies, the theory and p ractice of bhakti 

1587- ^^Wj^TO^^W^OT:I^^I^I?I^WHt«5wiltli^n 

oh ; „, ^^ aPPeatS t0 " £er t0 ^5TO5. whose story occurs in ^m^ 
Hapten 43-45 He was the aster's son o£ Krsna who had promised to forgive 
yZZT -rl fhlsandat Ia * "tad him at the Riyasuva sacnBce of 
fs said w 'fJ T ° £ %3Tra 3lS ° ° CCUrS ia ^5= IV 15 1-17 and it 
«™Tu ^ STC5 ayS ta0t the nan > e °* Krsna and always thought of him 
though a s an enemy, and therefore he ultimately reached the Lord 'apffi 

WRt 94. 58-59 Tor the first verse, vide also mren!S=> 63 6 

972 History of DharmaiUstra I Sec. V, Ch. XXIV 

and illustrative stories about it. For reasons of space it is not 
possible to go into this matter at any length. A few noteworthy 
points alone will be touched. A few verses eulogising the 
Bhagavatapurana may be cited as samples of extreme exaggera- 
tion. ' Thousands 1590 of Asvamedhas and hundreds of Vajapeya 
sacrifices are not equal to even the 16th part of the story narrated 
by Suka ; he who always recites a half or a quarter verse of the 
Bhagavata secures the merit of Kajasuya and Asvamedha; he 
who listens to the words of the saatra of Suka ( i.e. Bhagavata ) at 
the time of death, Govinda being pleased with him confers on him 
Vaikuntha ; this is a good expiation for all sinners viz. uttering 
the name of Visnu, since ( at that time ) their mind has Visnu 
as the only object of thought '. 1SM Another point is the story of 
Ajamila in the Bhagavata ( VI. 1. 20 ff and VI. 2 ), Padma( I. 31. 
109 and VI. 87. 7 ) and other Pur anas. Ajamila 1552 ( who aban- 
doned his brahmana wife and kept a mistress ) was a moral 
wreck addicted to gambling and thieving. When on his death- 
bed at the age of 80 he loudly called upon his youngest son 
named Narayana ( out of ten sons born of the mistress ) with 
affection and recited that name and thought of that alone, he 
became free from his sins and attained a high position difficult 
to attain '. Such stories have given rise to the common belief 
that the last thought at one's death leads to a new birth appro- 
priate to that thought ( ante matih su gahh ). The TJpanisads 
contain the germ of the idea of the last thought; vide. Oban. Up. 
III. 14. 1, VIII. 2. 10, Br. Up. IV. 4. 5. In the ' Questions of 
Milinda ' ( SBE vol 35 pp. 123-124 ) this idea of the importance 
of the last thought is taken up. It may be that a single heart-felt 
invocation of the name of God, a single act of faith after 

1590 st- ^i»iM4W wi ^isiqTsrarf^ =er 1 ara i tare arapg *bht iiuPa "ft* - 
3i«t5BiS a ?&n h& a-w i iwi't; ' StcTt <rc£r srg»3 'iif^?h'S jprssrel « irr VI. 


1591 The Fadmapurana ( VI. 189-194, 518 verses ) contains a lengthy 
eulogy of the Bhagavata-purana and of listening to its recitation for seven 
days [saptaha ) &c 

tfTO:i'^sr^4Vw53rsf%*rf5ra ' «i*n* VI - *• zl ~ 22 ' ft"*"* «^J 
qnm {iJw-«u(w* ' arai rarfinHwtw ig; yt. vF&n wfj.u * n * rm J2Lvr a 
5reqtn cqfcMtUia<ja.< gT3cg*rai;i srm^ns^T ffcoWrfWiaeiii wf&- n inn-ravi. z 
10, f&*mm. ga^rsteihaT ^ptrq^^ ^ i Jt^wRimnirnrc^ Sh b|3h** " «nr 
IV. 87. 7; fr*?? g^Ji^nFiicpaifaiiJra ^Rpron* farrow inn ur*n » tb 


I 31. 109. 

The idea of the l last thought ' 973 

repentance and complete surrender to God's will, cancels the result 
of a whole life of crime and sin. This is the moral of Ajamila's 
story, but it is liable to be grossly misapprehended and might 
create a complacent belief that a man may commit as many sins 
in his life as possible, but if he remembers God at his death and 
repeats His name then, all sins of his are cleared away and wiped 
out. Thi3 is a rather dangerous doctrine. The Glta ( VIII. 5-7 ) 
puts the matteT in a clear light. 'That person, who remembers me 
at the time of death and passes from the world leaving the body, 
attains my essence, there is no doubt about that "Whatever 
foTin a man remembers when he leaves the body, to that he goes, 
because he was alivays engrossed m that form. Therefore remem- 
ber me at all times and engage in battle ; there is no doubt that 
having fixed your mind and intellect on me you will attain to me '. 
This passage of the Glta suggests that a person will remember 
the name of God at the time of his death only if he had been so 
doing all his life, while engaged in actively performing all his 
duties and not caring for the rewards thereof and that it is 
extremely rare or almost impossible for a man to remember 
God at the last moment when throughout his life he had been 
ungodly and a great sinner. The above idea is agam emphasized 
in verses 10-13 of chap VIII ( of the Glta ) and in chap. XKL 3 
(yo yac-chraddhah sa eva sah ) 

In spite of the doctrine that God is one"" 3 and the doctrine 
that whatever form of the deity one may worship, the worship 
reaches tiie Supreme Being, Vaisnavas and Saivas have been 
wrangling and abusing one another For example, the Varaha- 

1593. The proposition that God is only one. that He is worshipped 
under vanous perceptible forms for concentrating the mind on Him, 
worship or contemplation of a formless object being difficult, are doctrines' 
taught in the Puranas in spite of the fact that they preach worship of Yisnu, 
Krsna. Siva, Devi and others. Vide H of Dh. vol. II pp 714-715 and' pp 
U8-U9 above The fifjmh, I „. 32 atates . ^^ ^^^ 
^WRIWWJWiWRww ffhu^.s vide also ftmrita 
HI 108^3 ff. parucularly the verse «,* ^T ««pn%«I«ftOTl*« n *| 
w* *Utft «nra ^s% wtft itfftOT „ 26 Indian theologians and philosophers 
dehberately spare a lower forms of worship with the thonght that it was better 
|o begm at a lower rung of the ladder to the highest goal than not to have a 
ooungatall. A well-known verse is : *& f*^* W ^ ^ ^^^ , 
-•Rwrasq^SRr Tftfiisrt && iR: u ^f^grrjr 63. 5 q .by 3*ro^ on p .no. 

9^4 History of Dharmaiastra [Sec. V,Ch,XXrv 

purana makes Rudra declare the supremacy of Visnu (chap. UM 
70. 14 Narayanan parodevah), denounce Saiva-siddhantas that 
are outside the pale of the Vedas and put forward the outstanding 
view 'that such non-Vedic views were promulgated by Siva 
himself at the request of Visnu in order to delude people*. Some 
Puranas started by saying that the Bauddhas and Jainas 15 ' 5 
were asuras and enemies of gods that were purposely deluded by 
god. For example, the Matsya ( 24. 43-49 ) says that the sons 
of Raji deprived Indra of his kingdom and share in sacrifices, 
that Brhaspati, at Indra's request, deluded the sons of Ban by 
composing a treatise of Jina-dharma which was opposed to the 
Veda and then Indra killed them. Vayu 96. 230-32, Matsya 
47. 11-12, Bhagavata I. 3 24 appear to suggest that Visnu 
himself deluded the people The Agni(16. 1-4) also says with 
reference to the Bauddhas that Visnu deluded them. The Visnu- 
purana 1556 (III 17-18) narrates that when the gods were 

1594 #<xr ^5 HsSWlifl fltearaiioi qn**i I S HcMI't l W qjftw i wtg'itg 
1^*^ ( < ' ) •' TO? 70 36, this verse and several more are quoted from TO^ by 

3jrrn^ p 10S2, it ^nijfRiiThKttui i jftwrofo ^r • «wRi>sii«*wMif>' 1 fai ?ira 3 
4i*i*j(jisra? 70. 41, j#^^5nwRnwi , ''T5Tt^g^isqra:i twsra^of ufi j§5«9 
■^ ufwSr n duttirft jpiuup giwira ^ wr^ i© • jitstP =5 ^rratffi g^ "* 
*mu# ihot vi. 263. 24-25, asntngira 5ira sifti ^^ @arai w^itWMMiqus- 

11lfklf%Hq«i: I 3H35*J TOI ■H+^fld.'IWj QiiltUU: I IwrifWrtRof: 5ERf>ii3»Hpd 1 
H^J: U qgr VI. 263. 32-33 th^lrfjfc s are the grnT^RS. Compare similar 
passages in Kurma I 12 261-62, Devibhagavata VII. 39 26-31 (3p*m3- 

*ii-*iw3g ^ i <iiuitu<tii snroro qnfhir *i^lui giitig Ign^^nsRtgTii <;* tg&R. 

1595. f^rnrorTq vrnf iwfq ^^i-H-ura; i ^«*<H*i-twi4 ^ wn^raH 
^bhtm fte ^^rar t^. *w<$ <*nf§rat gsr u #sss= i«- is- »-W- Th,s 1S an 
obvious reference to the Jain doctrine of -eranfffcrT 

1596 ^5^=f i| eotSt wqw fe w ttsgw: • « H3«tKtWfcs ;t *pt! g jfrprffaa t 
gram ii 3> fti3H *<{i t?nn %3w w A. igsr i ^j^rsR^EBOTrer asm^ jsr ^*)* M " , 'V 
^dffiww «rm ithir trer? =ti^ i ^innra^nnP qusr^nfo'H^ra ' w" 
v^^pumi i ^ui gsqir i W i^ ^ % ?SHra as* trsrg^ ig- ' agHra "^^ 

%aa. I aiN'^i WWrara n 353: JRn%t II ra»S3° ra 1S * 24-29, Vi ° a 
similar narrative about Mayamoba or Mahamoha and his being nakcu, 
shaved, carrying peacock feathers &c intrerV. 3. 346-390 (this last refers 
to 24 tffes). In the W J«j, {ed by M. M. VasndevashasW 
Abhyantar, 1924 ) under ^re k^H certain verses are quoted from jfsrWW 
which closely resemble the above, e g. ijgaraga ^S sjTiraeift hibWw 
^Rcti ^rm^r m «m i^ia a P . 13. Vide «m v. 13. 37Q-37* for almost 
the same verses as in retnsgtra 

Asuras in the form of heretics purposely misled by Visnu 975 

defeated by the asuras (who also practised tapas and studied 
the Veda) they approached Visnu and prayed to him to help 
them and to destroy the asuras and that then Visnu produced 
from bis body Maya-moha (lit. who causes delusion by wiles) 
and made him over to the gods. Mayamoha, who was naked, 
had shaved his head and held a bunch of peacock feathers in 
hia hand, went to the asuras that were practising tapas on 
the banks of the Narmada (HE. 18. 1-3) and told them that 
if they followed his words they would secure muktt, led them 
away from the path of the Veda, taught them formulas of 
sceptical reasoning and weaned them away from their dharma. 
Then he approached other asuras and taught them that sacri- 
ficing animals was sinful, taught them nirvana and the doctrines 
of vijnanavada. Some of the passages are very striking ' In a 
short time the asuras were deluded by Mayamoha and abandoned 
all concern with the path depending on the three Vedas. Some 
condemned the Vedas, some condemned the god3, while others 
condemned the body of sacrificial rites and brahmanas. (They 
thought or said) The statement that killing an animal (in 
sacrifices) is desirable for the sake of Dhajma (for accumulating 
merit) does not stand to reason; to say that offerings burnt by 
fire would conduce to reward (in the next world) is childish 
talk; (if it be said that ) Indra attained the position of God by 
means of many sacrifices and enjoys the fuel-sticks of the sami 
tree, then an animal ( that subsists on leaves) is superior to Indra 
(who enjoys hard and thorny sami samidhs) If it is desired 
(by the Veda) that tbe animal killed in a sacrifice attains 
heaven, then why does not the sacrificer kill his own father in 
a sacrifice ( and send him to heaven) ? If one ( the son) performs 
sraddha (with the thought) that what is eaten by one (brahmana 
diner at sraddha) tends to give satisfaction to another ( i. e. the 
deceased father of the offerer of sraddha), then travellers would 
not carry food ( on their backs ) which causes weariness to them.' 
These are the arguments used by atheists (carvakas). It is 
remarkable that even tantrtk works like the Kularnavatantra 
make Siva say that he declared certain sastras purely for 
deluding certain had peonle who did not know the Zaula 
dharma. 1597 

Brom condemning the Jainas and Bauddhas some Puranas, 
entirely unmindful of wh at the Glta, declared ( in note 1584 ), 

SSFJretim II. 96-97 ( ed by Arthur Avalon ). 

976 History of Dhat maiaslra [ Sac. V, Oh. XXIV 

proceeded so far as to say 1593 that a brahmana who is not a 
Vaisnava is a heretic, that Visnu himself assuming the form of 
Buddha proclaimed a false sastra, and that all sastras such as the 
Pasupata, Vaisesika of Xanada, iNyaya of Gautama, Sankhya of 
Xapila, Carvaka of Brhaspati are tamasa; that the mayavada 
(of Sankara) is a false sastra and is disguised Bauddha (doctrine) 
and the extensive sastra ( PurvarDlmansa ) of Jaimini is con- 
demned, since it made gods as of no U3e ( in his system ). The 
words of the Padma-purana are , ' Listen O Goddess, while I 
declare to you in order the tamasa sastras, by merely remembering 
which even wise men become sinners. First of all I promulgated 
Saiva sastras such as the Pasupata system ; then the following were 
declared by brahmanas that were possessed ( or engrossed ) by my 
sakti (power), viz Xanada proclaimed the great Vaisesika system, 
the Nyaya and Sankhya systems were declared respectively by 
Gautama and Xapila . the much despised Carvaka doctrine was 
declared by Brhaspati, while Visnu, assuming the form of Buddha, 
promulgated, for bringing about the destruction of daityas, the 
false doctrine of Bauddhas that go about naked or dressed in 
blue garments , I myself, O goddess, assuming the form of a 
brahmana declared in the Xali age the false sastras of the 
doctrine of Maya which is bauddha in disguise. The brahmana 
Jaimini composed the great system of PurvamlmamBa, which is 
unmeaning on account of its atheistic discourse'. Vijnana-bhiksu 
in his Sankhya-pravacanabhasya ( who flourished about 1550 
A. D. ) quotes eleven verses from the Padma VI 263 and holds the 
peculiar view that no sastra that is astilca ( admits a soul ) is 
unauthoritative nor is there any contradiction, each sastra being 
of full force and true in its own sphere. The original Sankhya 
sutra, on which he comments, tries to establish the impossible 
thesis that the teachings of the Sankhya are not in real or 
irreconcilable contradiction with the doctrine of all-pervading 
oneness of biahma or with the doctrine that biahma is bliss 
(ananda) or the system of theism (i. e. a personal God). 
Sectarian exclusiveness and bigotry went so far that tbo 
Brahmanda 1599 contains a dialogue between sage Agastyaand 

1598 31§oti<R3 ift fta. *r mwxg nqfri&B I "RT VI. 262 27. Tbo XSr 
SraaHTH a,5 ° requires the zealous Vaisnava not to pay homage toor 
worship another god nor to enter the temple of another god ' rnrsi \* i»iv§4T- 
! wft 55 igpi^n 1 -ti*<im ng grffct Tr^^nnpT mrec'i 8 85-86. ^ 

1599. sjgr %3 JPRFOTW aroaim *niranpr. i wjHgrw^'r jmaw snm*'- 

(Continued on nextpaSe) 

Secta) ian bigotry exemplified 977 

Rama in which it is said that the 108 names of Krsna ( who is 
acknowledged by all to be an incarnation of Visnu ) are so potent 
that the merit secured by repeating thrice the 1008 names of 
Visnu is secured by repeating only once one of the 108 names 
(of Krsna ). uw 

The Visnu and Padma do not stand alone in this strange 
story of Visnu himself or through Eudra teaching false doctrines 
for deluding the ungodly or those that dissented from or reviled 
the Vedas. There were other Puranas that sing the same tune ; 
for example, the Kurma-purana indulges in a tendetta against 
many sastras and systems in several places. A few passages are 
set out here. ( Devi says ) ' the various 1601 sastras that are found 
in this world and are opposed to the Vedas and smrtis are based 
on tamas ( ignorance ), viz Kapala, Bhairava, Yamala ( a class 
of Tantra works ), Vama (left-hand practices of a class of Tantras), 
jSrhata ( Jain doctrines ), these and others are meant for deluding 
(persons ); I produced these sastras in another birth for deluding 
people ' ; ' therefore in order to protect (people ) against those who 
were beyond the pate of the Vedas and for the destruction of 
sinners we shall, O Siva, compose sastras for deluding them ; 
Rudra being thus advised by Madhava ( Visnu) composed sastras 
that delude and Visnu also urged on by Eudra did the same, 

( Continued from last page) 

W VI. 263 67-71 and 75-76. quoted by iSsrprftg u> tfwnronn, pp. 
6-7 (B I. edition) w 

^3^' ^r^rr g ^boi^ ^^ a^'M^ui t a wi<u"<w 'tag- sat* tobh- 
jJRR^K asn^S HI 36 18-20. Verses 21-41 set out the 108 names of 
Krsna The one thousand and eight names of Visnu are set out in Maha- 
DHarata, Anusasanaparva 149 14-120 and the Garuda-purana ( I IS 1-160) 
contains names of f^sor, but often different from those in sjgsrRPr 

«W«y - T* ?*** TOw*mi ^%nri> =31^1^ ifc&vwm sini 

J 7 jg ^n^lfSnDmiwnrqtvrais^llEgnl 12 261-263 , vide also ^jf I. 16 
«oned a a ° 5 n^jf 6 ^ h r e ^ WR5 ' ,f " S5 '' W ''^'' I5a,craand ""3^ are men- 

m»,„! , T S«3Wr passage and remarks that those passages are 

ZT^f i 0r - Pra,Sin S the ™* ^d are not to be understood as oonveymg 
mat Tantrik agamas are unauthoritative. 5 

H. D. 123 

978 History of Dharniaiastra I Sec. V, Oh. XXIV 

(they produced the sastras ) called Kapala, Makula, 1602 Varnai 
Bhairava (early and later), Paficaratra, Pasupata and thousands 
of others -, Sankara came down to the earth, wearing garlands of 
skull-bones and covered with ashes from a cemetery and wearing 
profuse matted pair, trying to delude this world and engaged in 
begging for the benefit of these"; 'One should 1603 not honour 
even by words Paficaratra and Pasupata people that are herotios, 
following prohibited avocations and those who follow left-hand 
sakta practices; when Buddhist mendicants, Nirgranthas, those 
who study the Paficaratra doctrines, Kapahkas, Pasupatas and 
other similar heretics, being bad and deluded, eat the sraddha 
food ( meant for a deceased person ) that sraddha would be of no 
use in this world and the next. ' For details of some of the 
heretical sects, vide ' Heretical sects in the Puranas ' by Sri 
Radhakrishna Ohoudhary in ABORI vol 37 (1956 ) pp. 234-257. 

The Gita ( in chapter 16 ) speaks of two classes of people, viz. 
those born to godlike endowments and those born with demoniac 
qualities and describes the latter in verses 7-20. Some of the 
verses probably indioate that the reference is to atheists and the 
like; for verse 8 BtateB ' they say that the world is devoid of truth 

1602. Nakula stands {or what is Lakullsa-pas'upata-darbana In the 
Sarvadarsanasangraha. The Lihgapurana (24 124-133} dilates upoa 
Lakuli. The Vayupurana ( chap. 23 221-224 ) mentions in a prophotlc 
vein Nakuli (Lakuli) as the founder of a Saiva sect and Kayaroliana 
( modern Karavan in Dabhoi Taluka of former Baroda Stato ) as its sacred 
placo (siddha-ksctra). The Mathura Ins. of Candragupta II dated in 
Gupta era 61 (380 A. D ) in E. I. vol. XXI pp Iff shows that Lakuli, too 
founder of the Pasupata sect, flourished about the first century A. D. Vide 
Dr R. G. Bhandarkar's ' Vai-navism, Samsm ' &c. p 166 (in collected 
works ) and the paper ' Antiquities in Karvan with reference to Lakuhsa 
worship ' in Journal of Bom. Um. vol 18 part 4 pp. 43-67 by Mr. M R- 
Majmudar and Pas'upata-sutra of Nakulika in T. S. S , E. I. vol XXI pp. 1-9. 
JBBRAS vol. XXII pp 151-167 (both by D. R. BbandarLar ), IHQ. vol. 15 
( 1043 ) pp. 270-271 for the origin and history of the Lakul^'a sect, 

1603. nrofogsfr mmwpKnJtraRnaifr ^ i itsKramvig'rai^srara'Tnv 

fc»r 3s «R3n?^ii w n - 21 - 32 ~ 33 The vcrs0 irawni '"*®m ls q by "' 
on airs P 36S from #3WT and on P- 476 « quotes both tho verses from 
^ and reads ^3rn:fi». Tho fSfcfcia were naked Jaina monks ( vide SUE. 
vol 21 p 263 and E I vol 20 p 50) where a Jain teacher 10 calico 
Nigrantha Sramanacarya in Gupta year 159 I a. (478-79 A. D ). Tlio words 
are : ' vm&-www3i-f^v-2(wim$-awi^i%wGwimifaft<!i*- ' 

GUa references to heretics 979 

( i. e. contains nothing that one can beliave ), devoid of any fixed 
principle ( such as virtue and vice ), devoid of a Ruler, and is 
produced by union brought about by lu3t and nothing else *. 
After describing their thoughts and aspirations the Glta winds 
up ' these perform sacrifices which are so in name only with 
hypocrisy and against the prescribed procedure ; they hate me in 
their own bodies and in those of others; these impure and cruel 
enemies I continually throw down in demoniac wombs ; coming 
into demoniac wombs and being deluded, in each birth they go 
to vilest states without ever coming to me '. This is entirely 
different from what the Padma and other Puranas say about 
Pasupatas, Pancaratras and about non-Vaisnavas. 

Both the Bhggavata and the Padma say that W3i (the cult of ) 
bhakti first arose in Dravida country, it progressed or prospered 
in the Kamataka, it was found in only a few places in Maha- 
rastra and deolined in the Gurjara country; it was, on account 
of the terrible Kaliyuga, broken up by heresies and remained 
weak for a long time , but having reached Vrndavana ( near 
Mathura ) it got a fresh start and assumed fine form. In book 
XI. the Bhagavata again reverts to this assertion that in Kali 
people are solely devoted to Karayana only in a few places but 
to the greatest extent in the Dravida country where flow the 
rivers TamraparnI, Krtamala, Kaverl and MahanadI flowing 
to the west and states that those who drink the waters of these 
riveTS are generally devotees of Vasudeva. 

Most great moral and spiritual upheavals have a tendency 
to reach a very low level in course of time. That appears to 
have happened in the case of bhagavatas The Atri-smrti has a 
verse containing a sarcastic reference to bhagavatas 1603 • ' Those 
who are devoid of Vedio studies learn sastras ( such as grammar 

3f J ! 10 & °" }t th ° Se Wh ° are Wantins in ^ stri0 lo * e become 
?£Z«l ^°* ° tW ' th0se wh0 °^ot be readers of 

Puranas become tillers; but those who are broken down even 


WV?K^^* Wan ''"' PraI l 48 - 5 °- ^ VI. 189.- 54-56. The 

980 History of Dharma&astra [ Seo. V, Oh. XXIV 

there, become bhagavatas '. Atri appears to aay that bhagavatas 
are idlers, who do not study Veda or sSstra or who cannot even 
read Puranas to others for their livelihood or do not engage in 
agriculture and who pretend to be worshippers ( or bhaldas ) of 
Vianu or Kisna and fatten on what is given by others that are 
deluded into thinking that they have forsaken everything for 
the sake of their love of God. They become what are called 
• buwas ' in Marathi and other modern Indian languages 

Another striking development of the bhakti cult is the 
Erotic Mysticism (madhura bhalcli) associated with the worship 
of Krsna and of Radha in that form of Yaisnavism established 
by Oaitanya and Vallabhacarya ]?or the Vaisnava movement 
inspired by Caitanya, vide Dr. S. K. De's work on ' the Vaisnava 
faith and movement in Bengal' (Calcutta 1942) and the 
author's 'History of Sanskrit Poetics* (1951) about Ujjvala- 
nllamani of Rupa-gosvamin pp. 298-302. In the bhakti oult 
established by Vallabhacarya great importance is attached to 
the guru, who is one of the descendants of Vallabhacarya and 
to whom almost divine honours are paid. A wonderful develop- 
ment of bhakti towards Rama, regarded in the Ramayana and 
in popular tradition as a paragon of restraint and all manly 
virtues, oulminated in an erotic mystioism about Rarna and 
Slta, also. The devotees of this mystic cult have to consider 
themselves as brides of Rama or the female friends of Slta, they 
are supposed to seek Lord Rama's favour through Slta, who 
graciously intercedes with the Lord for the devotees Among 
the followers of Vallabhacarya the guru tells the devotee to look 
upon him ( the guru ) as Krsna and upon himself or herself as 

Por want of space further details about these bhakti cults 
have to be passed over 

Supreme importance is attached to Vedic mantras and also 
Fauranika mantras. They will have to be dealt with at some 
length in the sections on Tantras and on Purvamimansa. But 
some treatment of mantras, particularly vedic, may be given 
here as well. The word mantia occurs about twenty-five times 
in the Rgveda Only once does the word manti akrt ocour in 
the Rgveda 1606 (IX 114.2) 'O sage Kasyapa! offer obeisance 

1606 igft rarest sa ta g^ms^nii^- ' *> "a** ***"* * 5 ^"' twt 
[Continued on next page ) 

Bgveda mantras 981 

to king Soma Lord of plants with the chants of the composers 
(or authors) of mantras, thereby sending forth your own 
voice &c* Mr. Kapali Sasfccy is inaccurate when he states 
(on p. 67 of the translation of his ' Rgbhasya-bhumika in 
English) 'we see fiequent mention, made in the Rik Samhita 
of the rishi as the author of the mantra' and he cites only 
Pg. IX 114. 2 and I. 67. 2. The latter contains no word like 
mantrakrt. Eg. 3. 67. 2 (addressed to Agni) runs 'holding 
in his hand all powers (or riches), sitting in a cave (i. e. 
concealed) he placed the gods in fright , heroes (men or gods) 
that place (offer) prayers know him (Agni) to be here when 
they recite mantras formed in the heart * There is no direct 
reference to rsis here (but to narah) and what is emphasized 
is that mantras already extant as the heait'3 outpourings enable 
the reciters of the mantras to find him ( Agni ) There is nothing 
to show that the mantras referred to in the verse are meant 
toh& impi omptu , the idea is rather that mantras that already 
existed and conveyed heartfelt devotion have to be employed 
to find Agni The very next verse makes the position clear when 
it says, ' like the unborn ( Sun ) he ( Agni ) supports the wide 
earth and fixes in its place the sky on account of the mantras 
that turn out true \ This clarifies two things, viz. that when 
this mantra (I 67. 3 ) was recited there already existed a host of 
mantras"" and secondly, that the mantras that existed long 
before were deemed to have helped in supporting the earth and 
the sky. The ancient mantras were supposed to bring Indra to 
attend thrice in the day for a short time to the sacrifices of 
devotees when invoked with mantras addressed to him ( Bg. HI. 
53 8 ) , similarly, mantras when recited by wise men bring Yama 
to receive offerings ( Rg X 14 4 ) ; Rg. X 88 14 states ' we raise 
our voices with mantras towards Vaisvanara Agni, who is wise 
and who shines brilliantly all days' The word mantra"" is 

( Continued from last page ) 
gPWTTOTVTin a»tffiri^ ; 1^ I 67.3. 

«^*2!!OTnTOBin w .m 53. s. ^ ^^ t . ^3^ ^^ ££, 

f% ST"""* " 4 " **"* m *™ **"* «*<« ^^T «r«, b 

^ 1608.^ , ^ ■^■wRiifrg ssngcR^ , - ^Ru ^ ^fffeft 3^ ^ 

^2^^*^%^^^%^ ^^ot: . « 1.40. 5-6; ^. 

982 History of Dkannaiastra [ Sec. V, Ch. XXIV 

also employed in the singular several times. A few striking 
passages are set out here ' Indeed, God Brahmanaspati (Lord 
of Prayer) proclaims the mantra fit for recitation (by the mouth 
of the hotr ), in which the gods Indra, Varuna, Mitra, Aryaman 
make their abode, O Gods I ', ' We utter that very mantra ( in 
which Indra and other gods are praised together) in our sacrifices, 
the mantra being one that produces bliss and being free from all 
blemishes (oris incomparable), 'Do place among the Gods a 
mantra that is not short, that is well-arranged and that is well 
ornamented; ancient fetters do not reach him who is in ( the good 
grace of ) Indra by the sacrifice ( or praise ); 'I address the same 
mantra for you (all) and offer for y ou ( all ) one offering ( into fira )'. 
From these passages it appears that when these verses were recited 
there was a body of already existing mantras; which were 
supposed to be inspired by the Lord of prayers ( or speeoh ) and 
from which the choice of a long and well-formed one was to be 
made Apart from the above passages the word mantra occurs 
in ftg I 31 13, 1 74 1, I 147, 4, I 152 2, II. 35 2, VI 50 14, 
VII. 7 6, X 50 4 and 6, X. 106. 11, in only one of which (Bg. H. 
35. 3), apart from Bg I 67. 2 already quoted, the words 'hrda a 
sutastam mantram' (mantra well chiselled from the heart) are 
used and in another verse more simply the word * ataksan ' ( in 
VII 7. 6 mantiam ye varam naryS ataksan) alone is UBed. In two 
passages (Rg. X 95.1 and X 191, 3 first half) the word 'mantra' 
appears to mean 'consultations, holding counsel together' In 
Bg I 20 4, Bbhus are called ' satyamantrah' and are said to 
have made their parents young There are controversies about 
what the Bbhus stand for and it is difficult to say what is meant 
by ' satyamantrah" in relation to Bbhus Bg. VII 76. 4. is a 160 ' 
somewhat enigmatic verse It means 'they (Angirases) alone, 
(our) ancient pitrs, learned (or wise) and following the right 
path, enjoyed companionship among gods and they found out 
the Light ( the Sun ) concealed (by Svarbhanu, eclipse) ; they, 
whose mantras were true, brought forth Usas ' In some passages 
where other words like stoma or biahina are used, there is 

1609. ST rt^ISil WJTT? 3Tre*3crMTST. 5R5T <pi!w. I IjHf s^S Rafts"* 
fteT^nrerr S UH W^H " 3? VII 76 4. Anjjirases are spoken of as 
FitrsmRg X 14 6 ( ^T^t H« ffcjft spmn ) and in Rg V. 40 9 Attuaw 
said to have found out the Sun afflicted with darkness by Svarbhanu, an 
Asura and no one else was able to do so (zf % g£ swraWTOrraCT^ig*- ' 

of the Sun, on the occurrence of theAtns probably assured fr. B blen..a 
people that the sun would shine forth in a short time 

Other Rgveda words for prayer like btafima, stoma 9S3 

mention of the stoma or brahma being made and polished 
by the devotee ( e. g. X. 39. 14 ' etam vain stomam-Asvinavakar- 
mataksama bhrgavo na ratham ') Vide Rg.I 63.13 for 'navyam 
ataksad biahma', Rg. V. 39.15 (Indra brahma kriyamaua jusasva 
savisthayatenavya, akaima) , brahmakrtah (composers of prayers 
or praises ) are mentioned in Rg. VII 33 3 and X. 50. 7. Other 
words like gir ( several hundred times ), dhlti ( about 1G0 times )i 
brahma ( over a hundred times ) mati ( about 100 times ), manisa 
( over 60 times ), vaoas and vacasya ( over 100 times ), stoma 
( about 200 times ), suklrti (five times), sukta (four times) are 
employed in the sense of ' thought, word or thought out hymn 
or verse of praise' and in several cases the sages of the Rgveda 
state that it is a new verse or hymn of praise that they employ. 
Vide 'navyaslbhir-glrbhih.' and 'giram bhare navyaslm jaya- 
manam' in Rg V. 43. 13 , in Rg VI 49. 1, VII. 53.3; 'Pra 
tavyaslm nauyasvn dhltimagnaye' in Rg. 1. 143 1 ; ' vaisvanaraya 
mahr-navyasi sucih soma iva pavate' ( Rg. VI 8. 1 ) and ' iyam 
te navyasi mahr agne adhayyasmada' ( Rg VIII. 74. 7 ) ; iyam te 
agne navyasl manisa' Rg. X. 4 6 ; * ta valgu I610 Dasra purusa- 
katamaprafwa navyasa vacasa. vivase' ( Rg VI. 63. 5 ) ; ' navyasl 
suklrtih' in Rg. I 60. 3 , 'sa pratnavat navyase visvavara suktaya 
pathab krnuhi' in Rg IX. 91. 5; 'nu navyase naviyase suktaya 
sadhaya pathah' in Rg. IX 9. 8. It is a remarkable fact that 
when words like 'sukirtth' and 'sukta' that occur only four or 
five times in the whole of the Rgveda are qualified by the word 
'new or fresh', the word 'mantra' occurring so many times does 
not even once bear the adjective 'new'. This emphasizes the 
conclusion stated above that in the times of many of the extant 
Rgvedic verses mantras were a large group already existing, 
from which prayers were drawn as occasion required, though 
now and then new verses were added to those already existing. 
It may here be stated that in some places the Rgveda looks upon 
prayers ( dhxli ) as divine and as on the same level with Asvins, 
Usas, and the Sun (VIII. 35. 3 ) and that ancient prayers were 
inherited from ancestors (III. 39. 3 ' seyamasme sanaia. uitrya 

Several hymns and verses of the Rgveda are purely philo- 
sophical, cosmological, mystic and speculative as 1. 164. 4, 6, 39, 

1610 Here the contrast is great The Asvins are pratna ( ancient) 
but the rsi (m VI 62 5) says that he worships the ancient Dasras (As'vins) 
with a new prayer. This rsi at least does not convey that the Asvins were 
seen by him. 

984 .Sisto if of Dhat masasira [ Sec. V, Oh. XXIV 

IV™ ~ ; X 71, X - 9 ° ( Purus ^ukta), X. 121 (Hiranyagarbha), 
X 129, X. 81-82 (Visvakarman), X. 72, X. 125 (Vak), X. 154 
(state after death), X. 190 (creation). 

About the meaning and purpose of Vedio mantras there are 
great controversies. This much may be said here that according 
to the PuTvamlmamsS system the whole Veda is concerned with 
sacrifices, that Veda is divided into two classes, Mantra and 
Brahmana, that Vidhis (hortatory passages) are the moat 
important part of the Veda, that a very large number of Vedio 
passages are mere arthavadas ( that contain either praises of 
vidhis or are to be explained metaphorically or merely repeat 
what already exists or are of a legendary character ) and that 
mantras only serve the purpose of bringing to the mind of the 
sacrificer or priests what is to be done in a sacrifice and that the\ 
words used in the mantras ordinarily bear the same meaning as 
that in popular Sanskrit. 

Long before Yaska ( several centuries before Christ ) there 
were several schools of Vedio interpretation such as the 
Aitihasikas ( who ace to Nir. II 16 said that Vitra was an Asura 
sonofTvastr, while ace to the Nairuktas Vrtra means only 
cloud' and the Veda contains metaphorical descriptions- of 
battles, that the twins that Saranyu is said in F.g. X 17. 3 to 
have given up are according to the Nairuktas Indra and the 
Madbyamika-vak, while according to the Aitihasikas they are 
Yama and YamI, as stated in Nir. XII. 10), the sohool of 
ITaidanas is mentioned about 'syala'and *sama* inNir. VI 19, 
the school of ancient yajnikas in Nir. V. 11 Rg. 1. 164. 32 ( ya 
im oakara ) is differently explained by the Panvrajakas ( ascetic 
sohool) and the Nairuktas (etymologists). The Nirukta also 
mentions the names of seventeen individual predecessors ( from 
whom it differs often and who differ among themselves ) such as 
Agrayana, Audumbarayana, Kautsa, Gargya, Galava, Sakata- 
yana, Sakapuni There are several mantras of which two different 
meanings are given m the Nirukta as in Nir V. 11 on Rg. VIII. 
77. 4, In Rg. 1. 164 there are several verses with two meanings or 
more e. g verse 21 (yatra suparna &o.) has two meanings (aco to 
Nir. Ill 13 ) one relating to the devata Surya ( adkidauata ) and 
the other spiritual ( adhyatma ); similarly, verso 32 of the same 
hymn has two meanings in the Nirukta (II. 8), the vor3o39 
( rco aksare parame vyoman ) is explained in four ways by 
Sayana, verse 41 (gaurlr-mimaya) is explained by Sayana in 
two ways, both being different from Yaska's explanation ( in Nir. 

Varying interpretations of Bgveda verses 985 

XI 40 ) ; verse 45 ( catvari vak parimita padani) is explained in 
six' ways (more oi less different from each other > by Sayana; it 
is also explained in the Mahabhasya (p. 7 of M. M. Abhyankara- 
saBtri's ed. ). The versa * catvari srnga ' ( Rg. IV. 58. 3 ) has been 
the subject of varying explanations from very early times. Kir. 
(XTTT. 7) explains it as referring to Yajna. The Mahabhasya 
(p 6 of the Mahabhasya ibid. ) also does the same. Sayana 
explains it as referring to Agni ( identified with yajna ) and 
Sarya. This verse is a riddle. Sahara 1611 in his bhasya on P. M. S. 
1.2.38. ('abhidhane arthavadah') explains it but Kumarila 
differs from him. Sayana and others explain it (e.g. the word 
'tridha') with reference to Mantra, Brahmana and Kalpa, but 
when this verse was first proclaimed there must bave been no 
Brabmanas and Kalpasutras. In several cases the Nirukta gives 
the adhidaivata (physical) and adhyatma ( metaphysical or 
spiritual ) or adhiyajfia and adhyatma as in Hir. X. 26 ( on 
$g. X. 82. 2 ' Visvakamia vimana ), Nir. XI. 4 ( on Kg. X. 85. 3, 
adhiyajna and adhidaivata meanings ), Eve. XII. 37 ( on Vaj. S. 
34.55 'saptarsayah', both adhidaivata and adhyatma), Nir. 
XII. 38 (on Atharva X 8. 9 ' Tiryag-bilas-camasa &c.' both 
adhidaivata and adhyatma ). In Bg. (1. 164) verses 11-13 and 
48 contain a very imaginative and poetic description of the year, 
the seasons, months and total days and nights. 

In recent years Sri Aurobindo in ' Hymns to the mystic 
Fire ' ( translated in the esoteric sense, 1946 ) and his ardent 
and devout disciple Sri. T. V. Kapali Sastry ( in c Rgbhasya- 
bhumika in Sanskrit and its English translation, Pondioherry 
1952 ) have started a theory about the Hgveda mantras which 
must be briefly stated and examined. Sri Aurobindo first 
intended, to publish an edition of the Rgveda with a word by word 
construction and an English translation. But he gave up that 
idea on account of other pre-occupations and rests content in the 
above book with the text and translation of about 230 verses in 
all from the 1st, 2nd and 6th mandalas of the Ilgveda and a 
foreword of 48 pages in which he propounds his theory. While 

X611. 5PR ( on ^. ifr. % 1.2.38) explains : ' ^gjRJj ffc=n: ^|ufi^n<l l 
?lfH5?T I fkm *Fg gfi l^wf^f ig; I '. The d'rHll&h on this says ' ^cj | R 

gftS *sH3igKut WRgnt; gvfen^ ?5Errg 3i€mr » " m^i i R ig^r %B i^mmni 

-^«oi3' ' l^stt *Fg %m -timiuiM^u r I.' It would be noticed that the «|--^UUH] 
differs from 51^ on almost every clanse. 

a. D, 124 

986 History of Dharmasastra [Seo.V,Gh.XXIV 

this was being written by the present writer, Sri Aurobindo's 
large work of 634 pages 'on tbe Veda' published in 1956 reached 
his hands. Over 60 hymns are dealt with in this big book and 
283 pages are devoted to the elaboration of his theory first out- 
lined in the brief work of Sri Aurobindo mentioned above and 
reiterated with greater emphasis. On page 9 of the work of 
1956 he states " the ritual system recognized by Sayana may 
stand, the naturalistic sense discovered by European scholar- 
ship may, in its general conceptions be accepted, but behind 
thereis always the true and still hidden secret oftheveda-ih* secret 
words which were spoken for the purified in soul and the awakened 
in knowledge'. In this work also he sticks to the meaning 
of rta as truth and on p 84 translates 'rtam* as 'Truth-conscious- 
ness', when in his first work he translated ' rfca-cit' as Truth»con- 
soiousness '. Instead of comparing the several hundred passages 
where the word rta occurs in the Rgveda he sticks to hia own 
rendering which is unacceptable to most scholars and makes a 
very perfunctory attempt at finding the correct meaning. One 
should like to have some clear examples of the distinction between 
Light and Consciousness in modern times and also in the Yeda. 
So far as the present writer knows, in the language of anoient 
symbolism Consciousness is identified with Light. In the recently 
published book he deals with less than T V*h of the total hymn3 
( 1017 or 1028 ) of the Bgveda. Headers are asked to subscribe 
to his views although he condescends to translate in the first 
work less than ^foth of the total number of verses in the Rgveda 
and hardly ever enters into a discussion about the meaning of 
words like rta. Sri Aurobindo ( Foreword p. HL ) concedes that 
Sayana does not reject the spiritual authority of the Veda and 
that Sayana does not deny that there is a higher truth contained 
in the rks He further says (IX) that we must take seriously 
the hint of Yaska ( Sri Aurobindo does not quote the Nirukta> 
but probably he has in mind UTir. I. 20 ' saksatkrtadharmSna 
rsayobabhuvuh"). Then he proceeds to state (XVH) thatmany 
whole hymns of the Veda bear on their face a mystic meaning 
and that the rsis (p. XIX) for the sake of seoreoy resorted to 
double meanings, a device easily manageable in the Sanskrit 
language. This is a hypothesis which cannot at all be accepted 
and is no more than mere conjecture. The Vedic mantras were 
composed thousands of years ago, when all persons among whom 
the sages moved must have spoken the same language, thougn 
generally not so polished and poetical as that of the mantras 
and they were not addressed to men like the moderns wBo=o 

§ri Aurobmdo's Vedic interpretations 98? 

every day thoughts, surroundings and languages are entirely 
different. Both the Master and the disciple (Mr. Kapali Sastry ) 
cause confusion ( or, may be, are themselves confused ) by sup- 
posing that the difficulties of the modern students of mantras did 
exist even at or near the time of the mantra3. The most sublime 
thought of the IJgveda is that there is only one Spirit behind the 
various gods, Indra, Mitra, Vairuna, Agni, Yama, Matarisvan, 
that originally there was only that One, there was no day and 
night, no death and immortality. Sri Aurobindo himself describes 
(p. XXXTT)Bg. 1. 164. 46 and X. 129. 3 as « the summit of the 
vedic teaching.' This view of the one Entity is also illustrated 
in Rg. VIII. 58. 2 ' one and the same Agni is kindled in many 
places, the one Sun enters the whole world and becomes many ; 
the one Dawn illumines all this (physical) world, One became all 
this (assumes various forms)'. No secrecy waB observed about 
this fundamental truth and it was proclaimed in mantras that 
oan be understood even by an ordinary man of to-day who knows 
* a little Sanskrit. Because we of these recent centuries cannot 
understand some mantras, that does not mean that the ancient 
seeis were guilty of a subterfuge and purposely composed 
mantras with two meanings. They might have indulged in the 
pastime of two meanings ( express and metaphorical ) in a few 
cases as poetic devices" 12 It is no fault of the sages, if we 
cannot understand their meaning, just as a blind man, who does 
not see a wooden post and comes to grief by dashing against it, 
should not blame the post, but should blame himself; we are to 
blame ourselves and should not foist upon the ancient sages 
a stratagem created by our own imagination or lack of know- 
ledge (Nir. 1. 16 )«i3 

a hJ?>, ™ eM t Ster ( Srl Aurobindo) and the pupil are at variance 
about the poehc character of the Mantras. Sri Aurobmdo (p. XXXIV i 

l e VTi th . athiStranS,aUOniSahterar y and not * ^ctlv literal one 
mil? 1m y T; aS '^ eat ^ et ^'- magnificent m their colouring and 
images noble and beautiiul in rhythm. Now let us hear the disciple On 

olher ^ ? V atatM ' the hymnal P° etr y 1S nnusu al. different from 

the rla J " T fr ° m the m ° St ^P«b specimen- and then he chides 
the readers and men Uke the present author and .mphedly his own 

at*« * a n0t PCTn " sslble < wh * ' ) to class Ved.c hymns wthpoetrT* 
We^ aeS ' hetl ° W - ° np - 31 Mr - Wastry asserts that • maLfs 
iue m r D meam T' the,,lnerWh,Cl1 iS ™^°&* or spmtual and the 
^That'thf agr °^ ° r exteraaIme — S *» -mmon men- and he 

Z^'atd^ir' 8 withdoubie meanings was deiibe "*° «* - 

988 History of Dliamiaiastra [ Seo. V, Ch. XXIV 

Sri Aurobindo admits ( p. XXXTIT ) that there are soma key 
words in the 5gveda suoh as rta, kratu, iravas, fcetu and that elabo - 
late work would have to be done to fix the meanings of such words. 
But he does not undertake a study of the key words (each of 
which except 'ketu' occurs hundreds of times in the Bgveda) by 
comparison of Ijtgvedic passages and considering the light shed 
on these words by the other Samhitas and the Brahmanas. He 
mentions the occurrence of the word rta in 1. 164. 47 and IV. 
21.3 (sadanat-rtasya) an&'Ttasyapathya' in Rg. III. 12. 7 and 
jumps to the conclusion that the last two words mean 'the path 
of truth' and remarks that 'we have to find the path of Truth' 
(Foreword p. XXX. ). In the H. of Dh. vol. IV. pp. 2-5 it has 
been shown that rta in the Bgveda has three meanings, viz. 
( 1 ) the regular and general order in the cosmos ; (2) the correct 
and ordered way of the cult of the gods , (3) 'moral conduct of 
man.' In the Rgveda rta is not the same as 'satya', but the 
two are differentiated. In Bg. V. 51. 2 the Visve-devas im are 
described as rtadhltayah (whose thoughts are fixed on rta) and v 
' satyadharmanah ' (whose ordinances are true or fixed) and the 
sage prays to them to come to his saorifice and to drink (ajya 
and soma) by the tongue of Agni. In Rg. X 190. 1 both rta 
and satya are said to have arisen from rigorous or refulgent 
tapas ( of the Creator ). In the Rgveda rta involved a very wide 
conception as stated above and ' satya* had a restricted meaning 
viz truth or static order. In Rg. IX. 113. 4 Soma ia described 
as one who proclaims rta, satya and sraddha ( faith ). Therefore, 
Sri. Aurobindo is quite inaccurate when he translates rta by 
the word 'Truth' and draws important conclusions from his 
inaccurate renderings. Similarly, Sri. Aurobindo does not give 
a correct rendering when he translates ( Foreword p XXX) the 
word ' rtaat ' as truth-conscious ( whatever that may mean aco. 
to Sri. Aurobindo). Mr. Kapali Sa3try (p. 46) goes a step further 
than his great master by stating that m the mantras taw know- 
ledge is termed 'rtacit' Truth-consciousness ( with a capital 0). 
It appears that both Master and disciple are misled by the 
meaning of *cit" in such an attribute as 'sat-ciMnanda , 
applied to brahma They appear to take «rta-oit' as meaning 
two distinct things 'rta* and 'cif The word 'rtacit occurs 

1614. jgcflfcre an »ia gc-wHfrft sre rac < 3T &. nfra j3rqgr « ^ v ' 3 ^. 

qR 3*113* IX. 113.4. 

Meaning of ' rtacit ' in Bgveda 989 

five times in the Bg. , in" 15 L 145.5, IV. 3.4, V. 3. 9 (' rtacit is here 
an epithet of Agni ), in VH 85.4 (it is an adjective of hotr) 
and in IV. 16. 10 it qualifies the word nari ( in the context, Sapl, 
the wife of Indra ). The present author wonders whether Sri 
Aurobindo and his disciple cared to go into the meaning of 
'rtacit' in the several verses where it occurs. They pay no 
attention to the word ' rnacit ' that occurs in Rg. II. 23. 17 as 
an attribute of Brahmanaspati. 1616 . 

The space at the author's disposal does not allow him to 
show up the other unwarranted propositions and conclusions of 
SrL Aurobindo and Mr. Kapali Sastry. The author will set out 
the final conclusion of SrL Aurobindo ( Foreword p. XXIX ) 
"what then is the secret meaning, the esoteric sense which 

emerges by this way of understanding the Veda? The 

thought around whioh all is centred is the seeking after Truth, 
Light, Immortality. There is a truth deeper and higher than the 
truth of outward existence, a Light greater and higher than the 
light of human understanding which comes by' revelation and 
inspiration, an immortality towards whioh the soul has to rise. 
We have to find our way to that, to get into touch with this 
Truth and Immortality." This is a grand peroration, but all this is 
built on shaky and meagre foundations, such as the wrong mean- 
ings attached to the words rta and rtacit. Mr. Kapali Sastry ( on 
p. 46 ) practically reproduces this grand summing up of his guru- 

Mr. Kapali Sastry launches ( on pp. 22-26 ) a bitter diatribe 
against Sayana but ultimately he has to admit ( pp. 27-28 ) 
that Sayana is not merely useful, but indispensable to the 
students of the Veda. On p. 23 he translates a sutea from 
Jaimini's work ' the purpose of the Veda being ritualistic, words 
which do not have that significance are useless' and remarks that 
this clearly lays down that the only purpose of the Vedas is that 
of ritual, those that do not pertain to that ( ritualistic action ) 
are worthless. The author doubts whether Mr. Kapali Sastry 
has carefully read the Furvamlmansasutras or has at least 

1613. ^iM-Ti^.^! *| JMURjffJ 5ggt%f% 3TiT ; U 3? I. 145 5. It will 
be noticed that here -fadRt^ anii ^&q are both epithets of Agni. They must 
begwen SQme separate meanings, 5T tt*i&&ife«t*a wfcn *r 3nf%c*r ^prcn :ri 
•flWKl 55 VII, 85. 4 I O sons of Aditi ! May that Hotr priest, who makes 
obeisance to you with strength (in a loud voice ),■ be a man of good deeds 
{ or will ) and knowing rta, moral conduct ( or cosmic law ). ^j: in I. 145 5 
would have to be rendered as truthful or pure The word f%^ may be 
derived from root (^ to gather or from j^[ to know 

1615. *T sfailfoti unn siBliiRHu) sgg> ipgT *g 5«FFT Haft II a< II. 23. 17 

990 History of MarmasUstra [ Sec. V, Oh. XXIV 

correctly stated the position; what he quotes is the Purvapaksa 
view { prima facie view ). Jaimim's position is contained in the 
7thsutra 1617 'as those passages (that do not directly concern 
themselves with ritualistic actions) form one syntaotically 
connected whole with the passages prescribing vidhis they are to 
be considered as commendatory of the vidhis '. Mr Sastry is not 
satisfied with saying ( on p. 8 ) ' the sages Madhucchandas and 
others are seers of the mantra, the Gods were pi esent to the vision of 
these seers of old ', but he adds ' this seer of the beyond is also the 
hearer of the truth, therefore that the poet-seers are truth-hearers 
kavaydh satyahutah, is famous in the Veda' (p. 64). The present 
writer workers whether Mr. Sastry carefully read the original 
passages where the words 'kavayah satyasrutah' occur in the Veda. 
The words kavih and kaoayah occur several hundred times in the 
Rgveda, but 'satyasrutah' occurs only thrice in $g. V. 57. 8, V. 
58 8 and VI 49 6 ; Bg. V. 57. 8 and V. 58. 8 are identical. In ?g. 
V. 57. 8 and un " V. 58. 8 it is the wind-gods (Maruts) that are 
addressed as kavayah (wise) and satyasrutah (well-known as 
conferring true rewards) andnoJ sages. VI. 49 6 (first half of which 
is addressed to Parjanya and Vata-wind god) runs '0 esta- 
blishes of the world' ( O Maruts t ) that are wise and well-known 
as conferring true rewards, make the world turn towards the man 
by whose lauds you are praised ' ( this half seems to be addressed 
to the hand of Maruts). Further comment is superfluous. 1618 

&wr* qa ia=g^iw ittJtar ^: it £ aft ^ I. Z. 1 and 7. 

1617a. gSr^it *reaj^gaj»n35faq^3tggfr5iagtni fl^ggiqi^ S*n^ 

1^%*" m| 3 ffll m l II ^t V 57 8 and V. 58. 8, Ij4^j4|d| gtpWgfiten- SftoV® 

faHdfl"»H i Trergargj^nfy wr <ijf&>i>Mi wnr£»i?r imwH" 3f. VI - 49, 6 " 
All words including <sm^3 SfH*l in the latter half of V 57 8 are epithets 
applied to Maruts in the first half, wmzgj. sr^t. in the latter half of VI. 
49. 6 are vocatives as the nqmj shows and are addressed to Maruts as to 
V 57 8 and V. 58 8. The words Ht^rga. sfi^PT. do not refer at all to Vedic 
poets in any of the three cases. 

, 1618 The present author is aware that thousands of people look upon 
Sn Aurobmdo as a yogm, a prophet and as a World Teacher. But the search 
for truth is higher than all prophets and yogms put together Sri Aurobindo 
and his disciple claim that be has received a new revelation about the Veda 
beyond the ken of all scholars of antiquity and modern times and they have 
very severely bandied Yaska, Jaimim, Sayana and other commentators The 
devotees and admirers of Sri Aurobmdo must allow the same freedom lo the 
critics of Sri Aurobmdo's Vedic lucubrations for showing how and why thoy 
are wrong and are requested not to take umbrage at what the present «""* 
has said about his theories but only to reply to the author's brief criticism* 
on their merits or demerits. 

Mimahsa generalisation as to Veda 991 

The Mlmansakas made a sweeping generalisation that the 

whole Veda is meant for sacrifice. They went rather too far but 

they had substantial grounds for doing so. On pp. 980-982 of 

the H. of Dh. vol. II. it has been shown how even the Egveda 

discloses that a complicated system of sacrifices with three 

savanas, numerous priests, three fires, existed in those far-off days 

and sacrifices like Atiratra ( Rg. "VII. 103. 7 ) and Trikadruka 

( Eg. I 32. 3, H. 11. 17, VIII. 13, 18, VEQ. 92. 21, X. 14. 16) 

were being performed. The Mlmansakas had a long tradition 

behind them. But the case of Sri Aurobindo's theories is entirely 

different. On flimsy grounds and mistaken meanings he builds 

up an imposing structure of an esoteric and also an esoteric 

meaning of vedic mantras, propounds that the sages wanted 

seorecy for their doctrines and all that they were concerned with 

was Truth, Light and Consciousness. It has been already shown 

that there are several philosophical and speculative hymns in 

the Egveda. But there is no motive of secrecy therein. If it is 

only Truth, Light and Consciousness with which the vedic sages 

were concerned ten thousand verses would not have been 

necessary. One should like to know what secret or higher 

or deeper esoteric Truth or Light or Consciousness to be kept 

concealed from common men is contained in hymns such as 

Eg. VH. 55 (sleeping oharm), VIL 103 (manduka-stuti), X. 34 

(gambler's song), X. 119 (exhilaration of power of Soma on 

Indra), X 166 (invoking destruction of enemies), X. 190 

(brief creation hymn ), X191 (for concord and co-operation ). 

Many more such hymns may be cited, where the theory of 

seorecy and Truth, Light and Consciousness would entirely fail. 

Besides, what is the secret (or spiritual or esoteric) element in 

such passages as those quoted above viz. 1. 164 46, X 129. 2, 

VIII. 58.2, which clearly express the most profound Truth. If the 

Mlmansakas made a too wide generalization, Sri Aurobindo 

makes a fat wider generalization with very little basis 

The mantras of the Egveda have a meaning and are not 
unmeaning letters as often in Tantrik works. There is a discus- 
sion in Nirukta 1. 15-16 where it is said that in the absence of 
the Nirukta the apprehension of the meaning of the words used 
in mantras would not follow and the view of Kautsa is cited 
that the Nirukta is useless for understanding the meaning of 
mantras, since the mantras themselves have no sense ( or are 
useless or purposeless ). Yaska^g" replies that mantras do possess 

( Continued on next £age ) 

992 Ststouj of Dharmasastoa I Sec. V, Ch. XXIV 

a meaning since they employ the very same words that are used 
in ordinary Sanskrit, and then quotes a passage of the Ait. Br. 
{ I. 5 ). Sahara on Jai. I. 2, 41 states that where one cannot get 
at the meaning one has to come to some meaning on a con- 
sideration of other Vedic passages and on the basis of roots 
following Nirukta and Grammar. 

One of the important topics dwelt upon at length in the 
Puranas is that of avalaias. This emphasis on the conception 
of avataras has greatly influenced the forms of religious worship, 
vratas and festivals. The subject of avataras has been dealt 
with in the H. of Dh. vol II. pp. 717-734. It has been shown 
there that the beginnings of the doctrine of avataras and of 
some of the well-known avataras may be traced to the Vedio 
Literature viz. to the Satapatha-Brahmana ( story of Manu and 
the fish in I. 8. 1. 1-6), story of Kurma (tortoise) in Satapatha 
VII, 5. 1. 5, of Varaha (Boar) in Sat. Br. XIV. 1. 2. ll, Vamana 
{ Dwarf) in Sat. Br, I. %. 5. 1 ff., Krsna, son of DevakI, in Chan- 
Up. m. 17. 6 and that the number of avataras and the names 
also varied. But the treatment was not exhaustive and hence 
some details are added here from the Puranas and from general 

Avatara (from root tr. with'ava') means 'descending' or 
' descent ' and the word is applied to gods, assuming the form 
of a human being or even of an animal and continuing to live 
in that form till the purpose for which that form was assumed 
was oarried out. Reincarnation is one of the fundamental 
doctrines of Christianity. But there is a vast difference between 
that doctrine and the Hindu theory. Re-incarnation in Chris- 
tianity is Bingle and unique, while in the Hindu theory as 
adumbrated in the Glta (IV. 5-8) and the Puranas there have 
been many incarnations of the Deity and there may he many 
more in future. It is a comforting belief for ordinary men to 
hold that when the affairs of the world are in a mess God comes 
down to the earth to set matters right. And this belief is held 
not only by the Hindus and Buddhists but by many peoples 
( including some in the rich and educated West) far apart from 
each other. Most Hindus, however, do not believe that great 

{Continued front last page) ^ 

Avataraa in ancient and modern times 99$ 

men, saints or prophets like Sankaracarya, Nanak, Shivaji or 
Mahatma Gandhi are born again as avataraa in times of crisis. 
The Buddhists made Buddha in their Mahayana teachings go 
through many avataras as bodhtsattm before he attained Buddha- 
hood. In modern times many persons pose or are made to pose 
as avataras by their admirers or followers Recently, Mr. J. G. 
Bennett (Hodder and Stoughton, 1958) has published a book called 
'Subud' ( Sushila, Buddha, Dharma ) in which he suggests his 
firm belief that one Pak Subuh who hails from Indonesia ia an 
avatar, the messenger from above for whom mankind is waiting. 
The Indian theory of avataras is connected with the theory about 
yugas and manvantaras. When the world is in serious trouble > 
people believe that deliverance will come by the grace of God and 
they aTe often justified in their belief by the appearance of godly 
men who appear with some noble mission and masterly idea 
suited to the particular time and place when they appear. 

In medieval and modern times the avataras of Visnu have 
been regarded as ten, viz. Matsya, Kurma, Varaha, ITrsirhha or 
Narasimha (Man-lion), Vamana, Parasurama, Rama (son of 
DasarathaJ.Kisna, Buddha and Kalkin. The Yaraha-purana 
mentions these ten in that order 1619 In an inscription on the 
lintel above the figure of Sankara-Narayana in the VaTaha- 
Perumal 1 ™ temple, this Pauranik verse except the first six letters 
(whieh cannot be read) is seen inscribed. The locus ciassicus 

• °imi deSC9nt ° f God in dafeient foims i s in the Bhagavad- 
g»a viz. 'Whenever piety or righteousness {dharma) 

n JS? A T" *i "" 285 ' M ( ^^ **^ "f «™t> Th * ^ ««• ta 
quoted by airo^ p. 338, 

1620 Vxde Memoir No. 26 of the Archaeological Survey of India by 
H. Krishna Sastr. on two statues of Pallava kings and five Fallava Inscrip- 
tions ,n a rock-cut temple at Mahabahpuram (p. 5). which the writer 

-ad's . S ^^ erIlalf0f ^ '^ A »' ^ »*™™* «*^£ 

si 1 ne f a e h s T:r genotestbatat s,rpur * the <**™*°££Zl 

,m2 f »- Ut8thCentUry A " D - ln which are £ °™* side by side the 
•mages of R ama Md Buddha in his usual meditative attitude. 

( Continued on next page ) 
H. D. 125 

994 History of Dharmaiasto a [See. V, Ch. XXIV 

declines and impiety grows up, I create myself. Age after 
age I am bora for tlie protection of the good, for the destruc- 
tion of evil-doers and the establishment of piety'. The 
same idea occurs in some of the paivans of the Mahabharata, as 
in Vanaparva 272. 71 and Sivamedhika-parva 54. 13. None of 
the ten avataras, except those of Krsna and probably Rama, 
( 'Raman sastrabhrtam-ahain ', GitaX. 31) are, however, men- 
tioned by name in the Bhagavad-glta. The number and names 
of the avataras are not uniform in the Mahabharata. In the 
Narayanlya section of the SSntiparva (chap. 339. verses 77-102) 
only six avataras and their exploits are expressly mentioned, 
viz Varaha (bringing up the earth submerged in the ocean), 
Narasimha (killing demon Hiranyakasipu ), Vamana (van- 
quishing Bali and making him dwell in Patala), Bhargava 
Rfima ( extirpating ksatriyas), Rama, son of Dasaratha (killing 
Havana), Krsna ( killing or vanquishing Kamsa, Harakasura, 
B5na, K&layavana, JaTSsandha, Sisupala). Then the same 
chapter 16M mentions ten avataras as follows: Hamsa, Kurma, 
Matsya, Varaha, Narasimha, Vamana, Eama ( Bhargava ), Rama 
DSsarathi, Satvata, Ealki. Here Buddha is omitted and Krsna 
is called Satvata and Hamsa is added. In the Harivamsa ^ 3 
it is said that the past avataras have been thousands and in 
future also they would be thousands. SSntiparva says the same 
thing. The Harlvamsa (I. 41. 27 ff) names only the following 
and their exploits, viz. Varaha, Narasimha, Vamana, Dattatreya, 
Jamadagnya (Parasurama), Rama, Krsna and Vedavyaaa. 
But as Kesava is said to be the 9th (1. 41. 6 ) it is to be under- 
stood that Matsya and Kurma were counted, though not 
expressly named and Kalki Visnuyasas is mentioned as a 

( Continued from last page ) 
=^ian*raraiH54 13. srcrai nni3T«fa stfwaTPi =3" awsfioff 1 agmn-ni-niia 
™^ u v tnj wpu%S! ^ra «nx^rpa i «r<t5 272. 71-72. mm- I "» 
26-27 and 181. 2-4 ) has almost the same words as ifiar 3*f?*H»nH ivli. i J\ 
22-23 is ^r ^mi—mfc gjre 1 3ng" a?r fora i^npfec » 

1622. fci: #*t nu^«r ^I^ftng »S^hm i iraift *mm*f ww"* w? tt 
^ UOTtTRma^rWcTO.^ro^ U 5lri58 339. 103-104. i» airi? »" 12 
qxg^q is called HItW 

1623. ^'^^^^^^-^-'^^.t^^Vfi^' 
uppra I 3. 26 and sn^ 16. 11-12 for similar words. 

Avataras in the Puraqas 995 

future avatara. The usual ten avataras are named in Varaha 1624 
(4. 2, 48. 17-22, 55. 36-37), Mataya 285. 6-7, Agni (ohap. 
2-16 atoriea about all ten), Narasimhapurana ( chap. 36 ), Padma 
VI 43. 13-15). In Vayu 98. 68-104 the text presents the 
avataras in a confused manner and appears to mention ten 
avataras, viz. Varaha, Narasimha, Vamana, Dattatreya, 
Mandhatr, Jamadagnya, Kama ( Dasarathi ), Veda-vyasa, Vasu- 
deva, Kalkin Yisnuyasas. In Brahmanda III. 73. 75 ff there 
are lists of avataras different from the present ten. In the 
Bhagavata the avataras of Visnu are mentioned in several 
places In 1. 3. 1-25 twenty-two avataras including Brahms, 
Devarsi Narada ( who promulgated the Satvata system), Nara- 
Narayana, Kapila (who taught to Asuri the Sankhya system), 
Dattatreya, Bsabha, (son of Nabhi and Merudevi ), 162s Dhanvan- 
tari, Mohinl, Yedavyasa, Balarama and Krsna, Buddha, Kalki 
are mentioned. InlL 7 twenty-three avataras are mentioned, 
many of which are the same as in I. 3, but in II. 7 Dhruva, 
Prthu son of Yena, Hayagrlva are mentioned, the first two of 
which are mentioned as avataras hardly anywhere else. In 
Bhagavata SI. 40. 17-22 the following avataTas are mentioned, 
viz. Matsya, Hayasfrsa, Kurma, Sukara, Narasimha, Yamana, 
Bhargava Sams, Rama, Vasudeva, Sankarsana, Pradyumna, 
Aniruddha, Buddha, Kalki. In Bhagavata XI. 4. 17-22 sixteen 
avataras are set out, viz. usual ten plus Hamsa, Datta 
(Dattatreya ), Kumara (Naiada ), Bsabha, Yyasa and Hayagrlva. 
Twelve avataras are noted in Matsya 99. 14 and Padma Y. 13. 
182-186. The Prapaficasaratantra (ascribed to the great advaita 
teacher Sankaracaiya) mentions ( in Patala 20. 59 ) Matsya, 
Kurma, Varaha, Nrsimha, Kubja (i. e. Yamana), three Eamas 

1624. The passage of Matsya (285. 6-7) is very hkely a later Inter- 
polation, because in another place in the Matsya. the names of avataras are 
different. In Matsya 47. 1.06 there is a reference to the curse on Visnu by 
Bhrgu that since Visnu killed his *»fe he would have to be born 'seven 
times as a human being and the seven avataras are Dattatreya, Mandhata 
Jamadagnya (Bhargava) Rama. Rama Dasarathi, Vedavyasa. Buddha. 
Kalkm and three more (in 47. 237-240), viz. Narayana, Narasimha and 
Vamana are added: in Matsya S4. 15 -19. Naksatrapurusa-vrata is described 
and the usnal ten avataras are named. 

Jama^a *""",: 1? ° f N5bhi ' 3PPearS '° be *» first &***>*** °f the 
asBa^h 3SP * yralS6d tQ the statns of an i°^rnation of Visnu 
^ISl a ^ a :!!!kJ! WHaI - 3 24 l^^"f e rr e d,o as follows:^ 

ST31T 4<-<*>ti-t<tnii^ i »mraa x. 40. 22. ' ** 

996 History of DharntaiOstra ISeo. V, Oh. X20V 

( i. e. Bhargavarama, Dasarathi Bama and Balarama }, Ejsna 
and Kalkin ( i. e. it omits Buddha ). The Ahirbudhnya Samhita 
( 5. 50-57 ) enumerates 39 avataras of Vasudeva, that are set out 
by Otto Sohrader in his Introduction to the Pancaratra and the 
Ahirbudhnya Samhita, pp. 42-43. The Visnupurana MM states 
that Lafcsmi follows Visnu in his avataras The Furanas are 
full of the descriptions of the exploits of Visnu in his several 
avataras. But it should not be supposed that Siva had no 
avataras The Vayu (chap. 23) mentions 28 avataras of 
Mahesvara the last of which was Nakull (Lakull) as verso 221 
says. In Varaha 15 10-19 all avataras are praised except that 
of Buddha. But Varaha (48.20-22) provides that worship of 
Narasimha frees men from the fear of sins, of Vamana leads to 
removal of delusion, of Parasurama to wealth, one should 
worship Dasarathi Bama for the destruction of cruel enemies, 
one desirous of a son should worship Balarama and Krsna, one 
who desires a handsome form should worship Buddha and one 
should worship Kalkin for the slaughter of enemies. 1627 The 
Agnipurana ( chap. 49. 1-9 ) describes what characteristics the 
imageB of the ten avataras should possess and says that the 
image of Buddha should be represented as having a quiet face, 
long ear-lobes, fair complexion, wearing an upper garment, 
seated in Padrnasana posture and his hands should have the 
tat ada and abJiaya poses, 

Krom the facts that Ksemendra in his Dasivatara-carita 1628 
(composed in 1066 A. D ), and the Gltagovmda of Jayadeva 
( court poet of Laksmanasena) mention the usual ten avatara3 
with 2?ish as the first and that the Matsya passage about ten 
avataras is quoted by Apararka (first half of 12th century), it 
follows that all the ten avataras of Visnu had become recognised 
throughout India at least about the 10th century A. D. 

1626. xft *m spR^mft q-unJ t swi^r. ■ 3nrnr *sx\$to am ztimw 

<ni^s«nt#tn ^rvvfff & mM'H& i sa«rg ; snrarcg flwrfwr *r?ifa€r » ft<m *■ 
9. 139-141 ; anRftf means TOW here. 

1627. BPrtnHr i?»TnW« arNTrf &ll+'-Hh.lg . ' 3>*5 1"tff?<lfft 33* IWH* 

giw: » a?© 49 8. ^5tttR!ai 57 4 irsnr^iit^Di- gtnr?f3. gsito^siw ' 
«rara^krasr i5&7 sprar mfa g^ ». vide surer 48. 20^2 2 jw r jftsprRtra 

snagR: wn^rrar ^ i5«H: u ?«Ndi*^Rti i> 3- 

Avataras in Pur anas and Inscriptions &c. 997 

Kumarila (7th century A. D ) did not accept Buddha as an 
avatara, though about that century some people had come to 
recognize him as such (vide note 1629). Besides, as shown 
above, there were many views about the total number of 
avataras, their names and the order in which they appeared. 
Vide Dr. Katre's paper in Allahabad University Studies, vol. X. 
pp 37-130 for discussion on 33 avataras. The Varaha avatara is 
mentioned in the Eran stone Boar 1629 Inscription of Toramana 
(Gupta inscriptions pp 158-160) in the first quarter of the 6th 
century. The Raghuvamsa ( IV. 53 and 58 ) refers to the recovery 
of land near the Sahya mountain from the Western Sea by Rama 
(Bhargava); vide pp. 89-90 and note 224 above for references 
in the Mahahharata and Puranas to Parasurama's exploits. The 
Sarvanukramaru p 42 on Rg. X, 110 names as rsi Jamadagni or 
his son Rama The Meghaduta mentions the planting of the left 
foot of Visnu on Bali (ie, the Vamana avatara). Magha in 
Sisupala-vadha(XV. 58) regards Bodhisattva ( Buddha) as an 
avatara of Hari and as sought to be tempted by the hordes of 
Mara. Magha 1630 flourished about 725-775 A. D. The know- 
ledge of Vamana and Krsna avataras can be carried back 
centuries before the Mahabhasya of Patanjali, since it refers to 
works and dramatic representations of the imprisonment of Bali 
and the killing of Kamsa (vide pp. 130, 203 and notes 330, 531 
above ). In the Dasavatara cave at Bllora one sees the repre- 
sentations of Varaha, Narasimha, Vamana and Krsna. These 
caves are ascribed to the 8th century A. T>. ltsl Therefore, it 
appears almost certain that some at least (viz. Vamana, Parasu- 
rama and Krsna) of the usual ten avataras had been recognised 
some centuries before Christ and all ten had come to be recognised 
by some writers and other people before the 7th century A D. 

1629 The firstverse of the Inscription is . 3pira W^g^ «M.fiuimkt - 
^jSRm^tet. I %ft , g^i}3fel a t«Hm3HUffM*' T. n Gupta Inscriptions p 159, 
Tins was engraved in the first year of the Huna king a Umm 's reign on 10th 
o£ Phalguna, when the temple o£ Narayana in his Boar avatara was built. 
The prob able date is about 500 to 510 A. B. This smm is sometimes called 
3WJ v».ig, qg W^, %j=rcti|, HijWilij Compare ^rf^Ra III ' WfmtfUTOgpsr- 
"n* ■<™at. gsr g=ft 1 x1^ . 1 ». Vide • Royal conquests and cultural 
migrations ' by C Sivarama Murti ( Calcutta. 1955 ) for plate U C. for 
' Adivaraha ' of 4th century A D 

, 1 j 3 w<5 sr agi i3^dt&w+M.jitffr«^tffl< i wi ri fik vprgxai greftf^- 

5^WRTO03S^I1 R l ^ma^t rXV 58. For Magha's date, vide the author's 
' History of Sanskrit Poetics • ( 1951 ) pp 112-113 and 139. 

1631. Vide 'Cave Temples of India* by Fergusson and Burgess p 438- 
Archaeological Survey of Western India by Burgess, Vol V. p. 35. 

998 History of Dharmaiastra I Sao. V, Ch. X22V 

The conception of avataras contributed largely to the 
increase of Dharmasastra material. They gave rise to numerous 
vratas and festivals. For example, the Varahapurana devotes 
chapters 39—48 to dvadasl-vratas in honour of the ten avataraa 
from Matsya to Kalkin. There are separate festivals called 
Jayantls of the avataraa such as Narasimha-jayantl on Vaiaakha 
su 14, Parasurama- jayanti ( on Vaisakha su 3 ) Vide pp. 262- 
263 for the tithis and months in which the different avataraa 
appeared 1631< * 

Descriptions of each of the ten well-known avataras occur 

in several Puranas ; for example, Matsya avatara is described 

in Matsya chap. 1-2, Agni 2, Warasimua 37 , KQrma in Agni 3, 

Bhagavata I 3 16, VIH 7-8-10, iNarasimha 38, Varaha in 

Matsya 247-248, Vayu 6 11-26, Bhagavata in. 13. 18-45, III. 

19.25-30, Narasimha 39; Narasimha avatara in Brahma 58. 

12 ff , 213, 43 ff , Matsya 161-163, Bhagavata I 3. 18, VH. 8. 18, 

Narasimha-purana 41-44, Vamana in Brahma 73 and 213 

80-155, Vayu 98, 74-87, Vamanapurana 78 51, Bhagavata Vffl. 

18. 12 to VIII. 22. 33, Narasimha 45; Parasurama in Matsya 

244-246, Bhagavata IX. 15 13, IX. 16. 1-26 and vide above 

pp. 89-90 and note 204; Eama in Brahma 176, Agni 5-11 (the 

seven kanfas of the Ramayana are summarised), Vayu 88. 183- 

198, Bhag. IX 10-11, Padma IV. 1-68, Farasimha 47-52 , Krsna 

in Brahma 14-17, 180-212, Agni 12-15, Bhag X. 3, 44-45, 50- 

52&c, Xll and 30, Karasimha 53; Buddha in Brahma 180. 

27-39, Agni 16. 1-3, Varaha 180. 27-29, 213 32 ff., Padma VI. 

31. 13-15, Bhag I. 3. 24 , Kalkin— Vide H. of Dh. IH. pp. 923- 

925 for references. The avataras and their jaijantis are described 

in many Dharmasastra works, but the Todarananda, voL I. 

edited by Dr P. L. Vaidya in the Ganga Oriental Series probably 

contains the longest account of the ten avataraa (pp. 39-386) 

Thousands of verses are devoted by the Puranaa to each of tbo 

topics of dana (gifts), sraddha, tlrfcha and vrata and they have 

been quoted at length by works on Dharmasastra It would be 

1631 a The following versa is cited from the jtw wagK m ^' •* 
p 81 . sc^sgogagt 5 ?'* "graft s«f (^apft, *rmsf nrR^n^ *>"*& **" 

xpH mrm mft. ii awitem i iwrar nra<re, <3ri*r5 v **} 1 ?! m-, ^™" 

^H^g^q^rt =bhoi ii. The unRTORr P. 79 ( of the inrpnfcpr ) also quo 
this The ^ Rr remarks that others cite some stray verses where sonooi 
the tithis are different and that some Koakana writers cite some vc ^ 

occurring in *Hi«tji<M i° which snPRn^m is on sannsg^ eleventh, 
should be worshipped on tftqga 7th and so on. 

Summary: Portia i«f a men to dana & other topics in Dh. 999 

best to bring together by way of illustration a few of the pages 
of the previous volumes of the History of Dharmasastra on 
these subjects. 

Vide vol IT. pp. 880-881 (for gifts of certain danaa called 
dhmus from Matsya chap. 82, Varaha, chap. 99-110, Agni, chap. 
810), p. 882 (for gifts called parvata or meru from Matsya 83-92. 
Agni 210 quoted by Apararka pp. 344-454), pp. 884-885 (for 
grahasanti from Matsya 93 and about images of planets from 
Matsya 84 ), p. 892 ( for dedication of a reservoir of water to the 
public from Matsya 58), pp. 895-896 for the planting of trees 
and the dedication of a garden to the public ( Matsya 59, Agni 
70), pp. 896-899 (for dedication of temples and consecration of 
images in Matsya 264-266, Agni 60 and 66 ) ; vol. IV. pp. 162-164 
about various hells (Agni 203, 371, Brahma 22, 214-215, 
Brahmavaivarta, Prakrtikhanda 29 and 33, Waradapurana 1. 15, 
Padma IV. 227, Bhavisya, Brahmaparva 192, Bhagavata V. 26, 
Visnu V. 6, Markandeya 12 and 14) ; vol. IV. p. 170 about heaven 
being really happiness of the mind ( Brahma 22. 44 and 47, 
Visnu IV. 6. 46); vol. IV. pp. 177-178 on the doctrine of 
Karmavipaka ( Vamana 12, Markandeya 15, Varaha 203, Vismi- 
dharmottara II. 102); vol. IV. p. 181 on the signs of approaching 
death ( Vayu 19, Linga 91, Mark. 43. 29-39 or chap. 40 of Venk. 
ed. and VisnudhaTmottara 3H. 218) ; vol. IV. p. 212 on cremation 
(Varaha 187, Garuda II. 4 ) ; vol. IV. p. 256 on the persons entitled 
to perform funeral rites ( Visnu III. 13, Mark chap. 30 of B. I. ed. 
and 27 of Venk. ed.); vol. IV. pp. 261-262 the rites after death 
being called purva or nava, madhyama ( navami&ra ) and uttara 
( or purana ) in Visnupuiana DX 13 ; vol IV. p. 265 about an 
ativahika body being assumed by the soul of a dead person 
(Brahma 214, Mark. 16, Agni 230 and 371); vol IV. p. 272 on 
asauca (impurity on birth and death) from Kurma II. 23, Linga 
1. 89, Garuda, pretakhanda 5, Agni 157-158, Vamana 14. It is 
unnecessary to refer to the pages of this volume itself for 
numerous references to Puranas as regards tithis, various vratas, 
times for religious rites, astrological matters &c. 

It should not be supposed that the Puranas are restricted to 
topics called religious in popular parlance and to the five charac- 
teristic topics of creation, re-creation ( sarga, pratisarga &c. ) 
Some of the Puranas contain an exhaustive treatment of the 
duties of kings, ministers, commander-in-chief, judge, envoy 
scribes, court physician and of coronation, invasion &c 

1000 Hmoty of Dhannasasha [ Seo. V, Ch. XXIV 

Many of these matters have already been dealt with in 

vol. III. of the H. of Dh. The most exhaustive treatment 

of what may be called political matters is found in Matsya 

chap. 215-226 and 240, Agni 218-242, Visnudharmottara II, 

chap. 2-7, 18-21, 24-26, 28, 61-63, 66-72, 145-152, 177. Among 

other Puranas Garuda I 108-115, Markandeya 24 (inVenk. 

ed, or 27 in Baner]i's ed ), Kalika 87 contain some discussion 

of matters political It should be noticed that both Matsya 

( 240. 2 ) and Agni ( 228. 1 ) employ the two technical words, 

'Akranda' and ' Parsnigraha ' that are part of the theory of 

Mandate in Kautilya { VI 2 p 260 ) explained in H. of Dh. vol. 

Ill p. 222. The Matsyapurana is profusely quoted by one of 

the earliest extant digests on Dharmasastra viz. the Krtya- 

kalpataru on Rajadharma (pp. 23,25-30,34-38,42-43,55-61, 

118-122, 123-124, 158-161 and many verses from chap 227 and 

241 of the Matsya on the administration of justice in Vyavahara- 

kanda pp. 342, 345, 348, 377, 406, 409-10, 562, 581, 594-95, 599). 

The same digest quotes many verses ( pp. 9-13, 128, 166, 178-181 ) 

from the Brahmapurana which are not found m the printed 

Brahma (Anan. ed.), but which are quoted by the Rajanlii- 

prakasa of Mitramisra (borrowing from Kityakalpataru) pp. 

138, 158, 283, 416-419 and some by the Rajadharmakaustubha 

of Anantadeva (pp. 326-330) The Visnudharmottara on 

rajadharma is not quoted m the Krtyakalpataru on rajadharma, 

but it is frequently quoted by the Rajannuprakasa e. g. Vi. Dh. 

II. 18. 1, 5-14 are quoted by R. N. P. on pp. 32-33, Vi. Dh. H. 

18. 2-4 are quoted by R N. P. p. 61, Vi. Dh. II. 22. 1-185 are 

quoted by E.N.P. pp. 66-81 (on mantras to be recited and 

the several divinities to be invoked at a king's coronation), 

Vi. Dh. II. 23. 1-13 are quoted by R. N. P. on pp. 82-83 

( describing the rewards of the mantras recited in Vi. Dh. II. 

22). Vi. Dh. is quoted 21 times by the Rajadharrna-kaustubha. 

These three Puranas alone ( Matsya, Agni, Visnudharmottara ) 

devote several thousand verses to the topic of raja-dharma 

and allied matters. The Garuda-purana (I. 108-115) devotes 

about four hundred verses to Rajaniti (political thought) 

but many of them are like subhasitas (bon mots) and are 

borrowed from Manu ( e. g. Garuda 1. 109. 1 and 52, 110. 7, li5 - 

63 are respectively Manu VII. 213, VIII. 26, IL 239, IX 3 ), the 

Mahabharata, the Naradasmrfci (e.g. 'nasa sabhi'w Garuua 

115. 52 is Narada HI. 18 ). The Garuda itself states that it wbi 

expound the essence of wti (Rajadharma) based upon Artba- 

Summary ofreferencesto dana and other topicsin EC. o/Dh. 1001 

sastra 1632 and the like; while the colophons at the end of chapters 
108-114 aver that they contain the Nltisara promulgated by 
Brhaspati. One versa is almost the same as the Introductory 
verse 5 of Bana's Kadambart 1633 and I am disposed to hold that 
it is the Garuda that is the borrower. 

Certain verses from the Markandeya-purana ( 24. 5, 23-33 
or ohap. 27 and 21-31 in Banerji's ed. ) are quoted by R. N. P. 
pp. 30-31 ( about the duties of kings and their acting in the 
peouliar ways of five gods, viz. Indra, Surya, Yama, Soma and 
Vayu). The Dayabhaga quoteB the Markandeya-purana for 
pointing out that sdpiifdya in the matter of inheritance and 
succession is different from sapindya for the periods of asauca 
(impurity on death 1 ® 4 ). The Krtyakalpataru on Rajadharma 
( pp. 182-183 } quotes a passage from Skandapurana on the 
festival of Kaumudimahotsava to be celebrated by the king. 
The same passage is quoted by R. N. P. pp. 419-421. 

The Krtyakalpataru ( on Rajadharma) quotes a long passage 
( pp. 201-212 ) from Bhavisyapurana on ' Vasordhara *, whioh is 
quoted by the R N.P. ( pp. 447-457 ) from the DevTpurana. The 
Kalikapurana in chapter 87 devotes 131 verses to RSjanlti, in 
which a summary is furnished of the course of conduct that 
should be followed by the king. This chapter expressly mentions 
the works of TJsanas and Brhaspati ( verses 99 and 130 ) and 
advises the king to honour brahmanas that are advanced in 
knowledge, learning, tapas and age, to control his senses, to 
employ the four upayas ( sama, dana, danda and bheda ), to avoid 
the vices of gambling, drinking, indulgence in sexual matters and 
hunting, to practise the six gunas ( yana, asana &o. ), to test the 
princes, councillors, the queens and other female relatives by 
upadhSs ( inv estigation of character by various tricks). 1635 

^ 32 "^wi JRSTriJ* 3?&sireirit*n«ra , rJ < w t> 3' *<n f%S sp^ramsnrrrs- 

1PJ*R*»»rcBl. 108 1. a w uw, 

-sj^l' ^""^ rtJinmiyq. isrenspjqi^ ^ *tm srrait i fire ^H < ra t v 
5^- 3| gt^W^g^ tg^mregl m X6. compare qn^^fi Introductory 

fl!£ \ VerS6S < *" ! * 1 "WlW^qi ' are ht&%*i 28. 4-5 mth slightly 
different read.ngs ( chap 31 m B. I. ). «igntiy 

*«"• Compare the heading of ^ii^ I. 10 '^snrorfSN ^ Ml ^ aM . 
*«*W and the folWng passages; ^^^ whlle comment^^e 
*°rd »,„, quotes ttal heading about *„, from ^S^ ( expressly named >' 
H. D. 126 

1002 Bistoiy of Dlmrma&aslra I Sec. V, Ch, XXIV 

It appears that Kautilya's Arthasastra was not available 
to most medieval writers and therefore they relied on the puranas 
for the treatment of Rajadharma. But the early purSnas like 
the Matsya appear to have made use of Kautilya's work. Vide 
the author's paper on 'Kautilya and the Matsya-purana' in Dr. 
B. 0. Law presentation volume H. pp. 13-15. 

In the matter of the administration of justice and the law of 
succession and inheritance also some of the Puranas have 
influenced the views of writers of mbandhas. The Krtya- 
kalpataru on Vyavahara quotes about twelve verses from the 
Kalika-purana on the marks of a truthful party or witness and 
on the appropriate ordeals in the case of the several varnas," 36 
their procedure and the different causes of action ( vide pp. 79, 
205,210, 211, 221, 231, 238). Three verses from theKahka 
( chap. 91. 35-37 ) about the twelve kinds of sons and the impro- 
priety of making a punarhhava, svayamdatta and a dasa 
successor to a kingdom are quoted in the R. IT. P. pp. 35 and 42. 
Verses 38-41 of Kahka, chapter 91, about the Bons that can ba 
adopted and the age up to which they can be adopted are quoted 
by the DattakamlmUmsa p. 60 (Snan, ed.) and by the Vyava- 
haramayukha p. 114, though the latter remarks that they were 
not found in two or three mss. of the Purana. 1637 In connection 
with the question of the seniority among twinB the Mayukha 
quotes Srldhara's comment on Bhagavata (III. 19 18) that the 
son born first is the younger one; but the Vyavaharamayukha 163 
makes the interesting remark that in the Purana3 practices 
opposed to the smrtis are frequently seen. 

1636. The throe verses on pp. 210-211 beginning tvltn ' paradarabbi- 
rape ' &c. in Krtyakalpataru are quoted also by the Vyavabaramayukba p. « 
and the Rajadharmakaustubba p. 408. 

1637 ^ gnfentsnSt-Pta 1 ^ v &>:■ •'srerm Tarwr* saia wn^fc« 
asnnihwvr. i • spj 3 qr* * hut ftsjwTN nr=rmfew5w>i!naSe^5^Rt ' 

vq.H 114 (B O. R I ed. 1926). 

1638 its - i\ w *nii» mff ^fi^-ri^^n^r whim w™^ 

Causes of the Disappearance of Buddhism from India. 

At the beginning of Chapter XXIV (pp. 913-14, n 1448) 
above, it was stated that the Furanas had a large share in 
bringing about the final disappearance of Buddhism from 
India, the land of its birth. The disappearance of Buddhism 
from India was complete and seemed to be sudden and is a com- 
plex problem. No single cause, nor even a few causes can fully 
account for this phenomenon. A combination of causes, both 
internal and external, must have been in operation for a pretty- 
long time to bring about this remarkable event. It may be 
admitted that some of the causes are more or les3 conjectural. 
In the first quarter of the 5th century A. D. Fa-Hian found 
Buddhism in a flourishing condition in India, while in the first 
half of the 7th century A.D. Yuan Chwang appears to say that 
the decline of Buddhism had set in. It-sing found Buddhism 
very much on the decline in the beginning of the 8th century 
A.D. An attempt will be made here to discuss briefly the several 
causes that have been put forward by scholars for explaining the 
almost total disappearance of Buddhism from India. A few of 
the contributions bearing on this subject may be noted here. 
Religions of India' by A. Barth, translated by J. Wood (1882) 
PP. 133-139 ; Journal of Pali Texts Society ( 1896 pp. 87-92 ) on 
Persecution of Buddhists in India* by Rhys Davids , Kern's 
Manual of Buddhism' (in the German Grundriss pp 133-134) - 
•Buddhist India' by Rhys Davids (1903, pp. 157-158. 319); 
L H. Q. toL IX pp. 361-371 (where the causes of the disappear- 
ance of Buddhism emphasized by M. M. Haraprasad Shastri are 
enumerated); 'The Sum of History* by Rene Grousset, trans- 
lated by A. and H. Temple Patterson pp. 101-105 ( Tower Bridge 
Publications, 1951); 'The Decline of Buddhism in India' by 
**• R. C. Mifcra (1954), particularly pp. 125-164; 'Life and 
leaching of Buddha' by Devamitta Dharmapala (G. A. Natesan 
s Co, Madras, 1938) ; « 3500 years of Buddhism' edited by Prof. 
-P. V.Bapat, 1956 pp. 360-376; 'The Path of the Buddha' by 
^k- ^ 8th W - Morsan PP-«-50 (New York, 1956); 'How 
Ohio ( 19 1U ndia * by K J - ' CoIlno1 . ***&■ Letcher Seymour, 

1004 History of Dharaiaiastm [Sec, V.ChXXV 

Before setting out the main causes of the virtual disappear- 
ance of Buddhism from India certain general points have to bo 
emphasized. Buddha was only a great reformer of the Hindu 
religion as practised in his time. He did not feei or claim that 
he was forming a new religion, nor did he renounce the Hindu 
religion and all its practices and beliefs. The Buddha referred 
to the Vedas and Hindu sages with honour in some of his 
sermons. He recognised the importance of Yogic practices and 
meditation. His teaching took over several beliefs current 
among the Hindus in his day suoh as the doctrine of Karma and 
Rebirth and cosmological theories. A substantial portion of the 
teaching of Buddha formed part of the tenets of the Upanisadio 
period. At the time when he was born there were two main 
currents of thoughts and practices prevalent among the people, 
one being the path of sacrifices to Gods and the other being the 
path of moral endeavour, self-restraint and spiritual goal. It has 
been shown above (pp. 917-918) how the Upanisads assigned a 
lower position to the Vedas and the sacrifices enjoined therein and 
how spiritual knowledge after cultivating high ethical qualities 
was deemed greater than sacrifices. The Upanisads first 
began by symbolical interpretation of Vedic sacrifices, as for 
example in Br. Up. 1. 1. 1, where Usas, Snrya and Samvaisara 
are said to be respectively the head, the eye and the soul of 
the saorifioial horse or as in Chan. Up H. 2. 1-2, where the 
five parts of the Saman employed in a sacrifice are symbolically 
identified with earth, fire, sky, sun and heaven. Then thoy 
proceed to belittle the Veda as mere name and as much inferior 
to brahmmtdya (e. g. Br. Up, 3V. 4. 21, I. 4.10, Chan. Up. VII. 
1-4, Mundaka 1. 1. 4-5. It is generally held by all Sanskrit 
scholars that at least the oldest Upanisads like the Brhada- 
ranyaka and the Chandogya are earlier than Buddha, that thoy ' 
do not refer to Buddha or to his teachings or to tho pitakas. On 
tbe other hand, though in dozens of Suttas meetings of brahmanos 
and Buddha or his disciples and missionaries are reportod they 
almost always seem to he marked by courtesy on both sidoa. No 
meetings are recorded in the early Pali Texts or brahmanical 
Texts about Sakyans condemning tho tenets of ancient brahma- 
nism or about brahmanas censuring the Bauddba heterodoxy. 
Besides, in all these meetings and talks, tho central Upanisad 
conception of the immanence of brahma is novor attacked hy 
Buddha or by the early propagators of Buddhism. What Buddha 
says may be briefly rendered as follows. "Even so haval, 
BhikkhUB, seen an ancient path, an ancient road followodby 

Buddha proclaimed only an ancient path 1005 

lightly enlightened persons of former times. And what, O 
Bhikkhus, is that ancient path, that ancient road, followed by 
the rightly enlightened ones of former times ? Just this very 
Noble Eightfold Path, viz. right views ..&o. This, O Bhikkhus, 
is that ancient path, that ancient road, followed by the rightly 
enlightened ones of former times. Along that (path) I have 
gone and while going along that path, I have fully come to know, 
old age and death. Having come to know it fully, I have told it 
to the monks, the nuns, the lay followers, men and women ; this 
brahmacarya is prosperous, flourishing, widespread, widely known, 
has become popular and made manifest well by gods and 
men."" 39 It will be noticed that the Noble Eightfold Path which 
the Buddha put forward as the one that would put an end to 
misery and suffering is here expressly stated to be an ancient 
path trod by ancient enlightened men. Buddha does not claim 
that he was unique, but claimed that he was only one of a series 
of Enlightened men and stressed that the moral qualities which he 
urged men to cultivate belonged to antiquity. In the Dhamma- 
pada and the Suttanipata (Mahavagga, Vasettha sutta) the truly 
virtuous man is spoken of as brahmana:'. "I speak of him as 
brahmana, who causes no harm (or evil) in body, word and 
thought, who is guarded as regards these three sources " ; ' neither 
by matted hair nor by lineage, nor by caste, does one become a 
brahmana'; * that man in whom there is truth and righteousness 
is blessed and is a brahmana', 'him who does not cling to desires 
(or pleasures) as water does not stick to a lotus leaf or as 
a mustard grain (does not stick) on the top of an awl, I call a 
brahmana.'" 4 " Moreover, it does not appear that at any time 

1639. Vide ^ a ^ ^ w (P . t. S ). part II ( Nidanavagga ) edited by 
M LeonFeerpp 106-107 paragraphs 21-33, a few sentences from winch 
nay be quoted here : ' ^fc, ^ f^^ 3,^ g^ ^ g^^f gsnfcfg 

-^'"^ - ^aa'Jrerii ^smir =5 «t i^a% ?nnr wWtft — a ^mJH 1 3t*ti& 

2L!&i ^12? i*™™ arfvtesnro 1 -a? saftegfnr 3nf%fiw fn^ 
"isnssr ass?} im %rogsin§ gnpfimre iti 1 > 

l6 * °- ^ £ ^ ^^ ^ «i ^j^i*^gTf|gi^ ^^ri5=ng I qp I [ 1 
^5^2 *3* 1 srai Win* wignm 1 ^ wm ^ <**ft *z id ^H ^ ^ sngnft 11 
*nrc -ii^awa^ airoiife^ra*! 1 4V * rawira <s&m a«i wfi* ^isrora u mans- 

ver^esSQl 393,401 (ofDr P L Vaidya's ed.tion'of 193? mDeTanagarlly^f 

3,r ' TO (»«5H«r, m^fess) has the last verse. With the verse ■ na jatahi 

( Continued on next page ) 

1006 History of Dharmasastra [ Sec. V, Oh. XXV 

the whole of India or even large portions of it were completely 
Buddhistic The people of India as a whole were always 
Hindus. 1641 . There were many millions of people at all times 
who professed Hinduism and not Buddhism. Bssides, even 
when Buddhism secured the patronage of emperors like Asoka, 
Kaniska and Harsa Buddhism was mainly restricted to mona- 
steries and schools and great tolerance prevailed. l?or example, 
Harsa's father was a great devotee of the Sun and he himself is 
described in his Banskhera and Madhuban plates as a great 
devotee of Siva, though his elder brother Rajyavardbana is 
described as pat amasaugat a ( a great devotee of Buddha) and he 
appears to have shown favour to the Buddhist pilgrim (Yuan 
Chwang). 1612 

Some recent authors like Prof K. W. Morgan hold that the 
most important causes of the disappearance of Buddhism were 
decline of vigour in the Sangha, the Moslem invasions and the 
opposition of the Hindu community (' The Path of the Buddha" 
p. 48). 

There is a good deal of truth m A. Ooomaraswamy's con- 
tention that the more profound is one's study of Buddhism and 
Brahmanism the more difficult it becomes to distinguish between 

{Continued from last page) 
&o ' compare HglWcT, ^T? 216 14-15 '^Rg^T gft^'trw^T WffiftfilliT ' 
a -U^umij Tl^r <r%f ^ **r? fg^f: » Vide H oi Dh. vol. Up 101 for other 
passages from the Great Epic similar to these With the verse ^ri% <it<nsH" 
iHfa &c. compare Chan Up IV 14 3 ' yvq au=h<MriH?l strir 1 ^4»l«l t ^ ?t ' 
®t^ «n<I arf 1 is&PtH %(& > and GIta V. 10 ' EiHd 1 W qi^T "RTT3fS^I"Wf ' 

1641. Vide for a similar view expressed by a great French savaitt and 
Sanskrit scholar Prof. L Renou «n 'Religions of ancient India ' ( University 
of London, 1953 ) p 100. 

1642 For Banskhera Plate of the year 22 (of the Harsa era) i.e. 
628-29 A D., vide E. I vol IV pp 210-211 and for the Madhuban plate 
of Harsa in the year 25 i e. 631-32 A, D., vide E. I vol. I PP 72-73 
(Bilhler)andE I vol. VII pp 157-158 { Kielhorn ). Yuan Chwang does 
not mention that Rajyavardhana was a great devotee of Buddha but he 
tries to paint Harsa as full of faith in Buddha from the beginning and 
narrates a fictitious story describing how Harsa was prevented from mount- 
ing the throne and induced to tako the title Kumara by a Bodbisattva wno 
miraculously appeared to him in return for his worship This shows tba 
the accounts by the ■ Master of the Law • must sometimes be taken wit « 
pinch of salt. Vide Watters on ' Yuan Chwang's Travels in India ' (Lonoo , 
1904 ) vol I p 343 for this story, 

Ooomaraswamy on Buddhism 1007 

the two or to say in what respects Buddhism is really unortho- 
dox (vide his 'Hinduism and Buddhism' p. 452). Buddha and 
his successors really attacked some popular varieties of Brahma- 
nism. Mrs. Rhys Davids in her lecture on 'The relations 
between Early Buddhism and Brahmanism' (published in I. H.Q. 
vol. X pp. 274-386 ) endeavours to show that the Tripitakas do 
not refer to rupture with brahmanas and that what Buddha 
preached was in agreement with the central tenet of immanence 
in the Brahmanism of the day. Buddha agreed (or at least had 
no quarrel) with the Upanisad teaching about high moral 
endeavour being a necessary pre-requisite for brahma realization 
and moksa (as in Br. Up. IV. 4.23 ' tasmgd-evamvicchanto 
danta upratas-titiksuh samahito bhutva atmanyevatmanam 
pasyati', Katha Up. I. 2. 23, 1. 3, 8, 9, 13, 15, Prasna Up. 1. 15-16, 
Mundaka T. 2. 12-13 ). 

The main matters of controversy between Buddha and the 
Hindu religious and philosophical system current in his time 
are generally held to have been caste divisions and pride of 
caste, the absolute authoritativeness of the Vedas and the great 
importance attached to sacrifices. lftBa Buddha asserted that 
righteousness and wisdom were the best, he did not expressly 
deny the existence of God but proclaimed that it was unnecessary 
to be definite nor did he pronounce his definite views on such 
questions as whether the world is eternal or non-eternal, since 
according to him, to cogitate on suoh points would be " a thicket 
of theorizing, wilderness of theorizing, the tangle of theorizing, 

the bondage and shackles of theorizing nor would it 

conduce to aversion, passionlessness, tranquillity, peace, 
illumination and nirva,uz."™z Buddha did not think much 

1642a. Barth in 'Religions of India 1 (pp. 135-126) scouts the 
tneory that the institution of the Sahgha and primitive Buddhism were a 
reaction against the regime of caste and the spiritual yoke of the brahmanas. 
ana calls that theory ' a fiction of romance • 

1643 Vide Majjhima-nikaya (Cnla-Milnnkyasutta and Aggi-vaccagotta- 

SJSir ' ^LZ_J reokner " vo1 * suttas 63 and 72 pp 431 and 486 ' 1 

^^iH^f^pn^^immni5T^Rrr(r«r * aifinjsjnr *» **fcm * ft ^ m p i 
wranr ' These very words occur in the Potthapada-sutta of the Dlgha- 
ukaya when Buddha was asked by Potthapada whether the world was 
permanent or otherwise, whether it was without end or not. whether the 
«W„ JlV ?. . b ° dy W8re d,fferent «"* he replied that he did not expound 
fpfhT "o becausethe y served no purpose and did not lead to nirvana 
I Pali Texts Society, vol. I pp 188-189 para 28 ). 

1008 Htstonj of Dharmasaslra [ Sec. V, Ch, XXV 

of worship or prayer. According to him, what mattered was 
the deliverance of man from sorrow and suffering and tho 
attainment of nirvana 1613 * ( which state he did not care to define 
clearly and precisely ). The original dootrine (called hinayana, 
' the lesser way or vehicle ' ) held that the experience of enlighten- 
ment and mrvana can be secured by human beings m this very 
life if they follow the path chalked out by Buddha. 

The causes that have been advanced from time to time by 
scholars for the total disappearance of Buddhism from India 
must now be dealt with. (1) Persecution is alleged by some 
soholars as at least one of the main causes. King Pusyamitra 
of the Sunga dynasty is charged with having proclaimed that 
whoever would bring to him the head of a siamarta would 
receive one hundred dinaras; 1&iA Mihirakula, king of Kashmir, 

1643 a. The word ' Nirvana ' literally means ' blown out, extinguished, 
or become cooled '. Taking the view most favourable to Buddha's teaching, 
it implies the blowing out or extinction of the fires of bama ( lust or desire ), 
krodha (anger or ill-will), moha (ignorance or stupidity) and transfor- 
mation of these into moral purity, goodwill { or charity ) and wisdom. It is 
not like the Biblical Heaven It is a state of perfect enlightenment, peace 
and bliss, attainable not merely after death, but m this very life and on this 
earth. It is really indescribable as stated in the Pali UdSna VIII ' nn- 
become, unborn, unformed &c. ' and resembles the words used in speaking of 
brahma as ■ neti neti ' in Br Up. II. 3. 6, IV 2. I. IV. 4. 22. IV 5 l* 

1644. The words in the Asokavadana No. 29 ( tho Divyavndaoa ed. by 
Cowell and Neil, Cambridge, 1886, p 434 ) ' UFRr, S^Sfefi' TPRHgiflH f>TO?J 

mitra is said by most authorities to bo a Sunga and was called sttiam in 
the Puranas, in Harsacarita (VI) and in the Ayodhya Inscription (in E I. 
vol. 20 p. 54 ), while the above avadantt calls him Maurya. This shows 
either the ignorance of the writer of tho Divyavadana ( which is a lato «ork) 
or the text itself may be incorrect or corrupt. Vide Pro. of the 6th Indian 
History Congress ( Allgarh, 1943 ) pp 109-116 where Mr. N. N. CM» 
propounds the theory that Pusyamitra did persecute Buddhists, though m» 
successors did not. on the other hand Dr Ray Chaudharl m PomUcm 
History of India ' (5th ed.) does not agree to the theory of persecution J>y 
««(** In thoAryamar.]U S 'ri-mula-kalpa(T.S S part III, Mrd etapW 
pp 619-620 ) it is stated tu a prophetic vein that a certain king called Ooiai- 
mukbya (and also Gomiwda) extending bis rule from East Indtt w 
Kashmir will make Buddha's i5s«»« (s>stem) disappear. v.Ul da f^f"' a 
and kill monks'. K. P Jayaswal in 'Imperial History of India te » 
Sanskrit text' (p. 19) holds that Comimukhya is a concealed name 
(Continued on next pag*J 

Mihirakula persecuted Buddhists 1009 

is accused by Yuan Chwang ( or more correctly, Hsuan Tsang 
according to some modern writers ) with having overthrown 
Buddhist topes in Gandhara, with destruction of monasteries and 
the slaughter of myriads of Buddhists ( vide ' In the footsteps 
of Buddha' by Bene Grousset pp. 119-120 on Mihirakula, the 
Indian Attila) , king Sasanka is said by Yuan Ghwang to have 
destroyed the Bo-tree { Bodhidiuma), replaced the image of 
Buddba by one of Mahesvara and to have destroyed the religion 
of Buddha and dispersed the order (vide Beal's 'Buddhist 
Reooids of the Western World* Vol. II. pp. 118, 132 and 
WatteTS on • Yuan Ohwang's Travels' Vol, H, pp 115-116) ; king 
Sudhanvan is supposed to have issued at the instigation of 
Kumarila lsw <« a proclamation to take effect from the Himalayas 
to Gape Oomorin ( which is palpably absurd ) that he would put 
to death any servant of his who did not kill the Buddhists. 
These instances are carefully examined by no less a scholar than 
Rhys Davids in the Journal of the Pali Texts Society for 1896 
(pp 87-92). After adverting to the facts that there is nothing 
about persecution in the Pali Fitakas, that the tone of Pali 
books is throughout appreciative of brahmanas, that no details 
are given and that haTdly any names of persons suffering by 

{Continued from last page) 
Pusyamitra, that the portion above quoted was written about 800 A D and 
was translated into Tibetan in 1060 A D. (Intro, p 3). Vide • Pnsyamitra 
and the Sunga Empire ■ by Ramaprasad Chanda in I H.Q. vol V pp. 393-407 
at p. 397 (for the concluding sentences of the Divyavadana in English) and 
pp. 587-613 and a recent paper on ' Pusyamitra Sunga and Buddhists ' by 
Hart Kishore Prasad in JBRS. vol. 40 pp. 29-38 

1644 a. Vide also ' Buddhist India • by Rhys Davids pp 318-320 (Sth 
ed of 1917. the first being of 1903 ) about persecution and ' Life and 
Teaching of Buddha 1 by Devamitta Bharmapala p. 7 about Kumarila and 
Saukara having waged only a polemic war and nothing more TheTantra- 
vartiia of Kumarila also suggests that the Buddhists were afraid of polemic 
skirmishes with the Mimahsakas and that, while stating in one breath that 
everything is momentary, the Buddhists at the same time foolishly boasted 
that their sacred texts also were eternal, borrowing that idea from the Vedic 

doctrines ; otji riiflm^.^x^ i- _.._j.^ •■-- , j&-„ — 

a»=~ ,, - * %U«t , W*lWMit<4T I BBI HTOWI «m«hBwj|g : ^ct. 

^^RW^ it p 236. Vide note (2011 ) which will show that Kumariirwas 

Z2T ed n l ° adm ' tthe "^fulness of Buddha's teachings up to a certain 

Point. Other hterary works also show that it was a polemic war e g the 

^I2L 0f 55! * S Uot lal6r tban 6th ce =""y A. D.) says '&!%*&&© 
^DlS^LSg^nnasg^g. ' (p 14*. Hall's ed. ). ' •*•«—«* 

H. D. 127 

1010 History of Bha? maiUstra [ Sec. V, Oh. XXV 

persecution are mentioned, be asserts that he does not holiovo 
in these stories, but adds that he does not go so far as to 
maintain that there is no truth at all in the legend about 
Pusyamitra (but judgment must be reserved in view of the text 
in the aoadana being corrupt and the author of it being 
grossly ignorant). As to the legend about Sudhanvan 
and Kumarila he holds that of all the cases of alleged 
persecution this is the weakest and that it is no more than 
boastful and rhetorical exaggeration 1615 Rhys Davids 
emphasizes that the adherents of both faiths so diametrically 
opposed to each other lived in continuous peace side by side 
fox a thousand years, that thiB redounds to the credit 
of the whole Indian people from the time of Asoka 

1643. In the ji^Qft-MJf of mvpir^rf It Is stated ( I 56 and 59 ) that 
king Sudhanvan was an avatars of Indra and Kumarila of Skanda ( who is 
also known as Kumara). The order of Sudbanvan ia couched in that work 
as follows . *ror?iSTf vrar war *ranr SsffiHreFfP* i air trafcr aTncr^Tngrsn W 
xirf.w, i si nfci v. w gsaw ft Tg^r nteregnggT. » ( w^dqftRpr *• 92 " 93 >• 
This seems to be a palpably absurd legend. No king in ancient India, much 
less one called Sudhanva, ruled over the vast territory from tho Himalayas 
to Eamesvara. Further, it may be noted that tho order, supposing ono wa« 
issued, was addressed only to tho king's servants and not to ono and all. 
The Sankaradigvijaya (XV. 1 ) states that when Sanknracarya started on a 
pilgrimage to Ramesvara king Sudhanvan accompanied him. Madliavii- 
carya. being blinded by his zeal to glorify his hero to the utmost, goes on 
heaping one legend on another and casts all history and chronology to tho 
winds. For example, ho narrates that Acarya Abhinavagupta (a u" at 
Saiva and Tantrika teacher) was vanquished by Sankara in disputations 
(XV. 158) and that Abhinavagupta practised black magic against tho groat 
Acarya. From Abhtnavagupta's own works it appears that his literary 
activity lay between 980 to 1020 A D. (vide the author's 'History of 
Sanskrit Poetics'. 1951, pp 231-232), while no scholar would place 
Sankaracarya later than 800 A D Madhavacarya also says (XV. 157 ) that 
Sankara vanquished by his arguments Sriharw, author of Khanelanakhamto. 
khadya, who could not be vanquished by Guru, Bhafta and Udayana 
Sriharsa flourished about the end of tho 12th century A D. Taranath in 
his ' History of Buddhism ' says ■ It was probably about this timo that tho 
terrible enemies of the Buddhists, Sankaracarya and his disciple BbatU- 
carya appeared, the former in Bengal and tho latter in Orissa. A «MH 
time after the Buddhists were persecuted ,n the South by Kumarahla «U 
Kanadaruru; hero mention is made of tho king SiHwbaM. Itoug 
the Buddhists relate that in tho end Dharmaklrti triumphed in the Hue" 
s,on with Kumaralila, Sankaracarya or Bhaffacarya &c. (I. A vol • 
p 365 ) It will be noticed how the account is altogether confused. VM. 
Dr. Mitra'8 • Decline of Buddhism * p. 129. 

Mvs Daotds on tolerance of Indian people 10li 

downwards and that India never indulged in persecution in 
a™2p*oachin g tothe persecution of reforming Christians 
tetheoraodoxChurehorthe persecution of Christians by the 
S^uthorities. D, B. 0. Mite in "Decline of Buddhism 
inlndia" (pp. 135-130) arrives at the same conclusion about 
the cases of persecution. Barth ( in 'Religions of India p. 136 ) 
admits that everything tends to prove that Buddhism became 
extinct from sheer exhaustion and that it is m its own inherent 
defects that we must seek for the causes of its disappearance. 
He prefaces this remark with the words 'the most reliable 
documents, coins and inscriptions, bear evidence of a tolerance 
exceptionally generous on the part of the civil powers' (p. 133) and 
illustrates this by examples. 1 " 5 " It should be noted that great 
Smrtikaras like Yajnavalkya laid down that when an Indian 
king reduoed a kingdom to subjection, it was the conquerors 
duty to honour the usages, the transactions and family tradi- 
tions of the conquered country and to protect them. Asoka, 
though himself a believer in Buddha's teachings, shows great 

1645 a. ^Rurjj i ^ sarEtrc* a*mrc. gaK*irefe i atfcr mIWCIs^ '^t 
^ISHTOBll. Nothing is gained by a total denial ol even sporadic cases of 
religious persecution and vandalism. But such cases are very few and 
their very paucity emphasizes and illuminates the great religious tolerance 
of the Indian people for more than two thousand years. One interesting 
instance is found in an inscription from Ablur published in £ I vol. V 
pp 213 ff( at p. 243), where the story is told of an intense devotee of 
Saivism named Ekantada Rama, who, in a controversy with the Jainas of 
Hungers ( Laksmesvara ) led by a village headman named Sahkagauda made 
a wager in a writing on palmyra leaf to the effect that he would cut his own 
head, place it at the feet of Somanatha in Huligere and have the head 
restored after seven days and that, if he succeeded, the Jains were to give np 
their faith and God. Ekantada Rama succeeded, but the Jainas refused to 
destroy the image of Jma, whereupon Rama routed the horses and guards 
sent by the Jainas, laid waste the Jaina shrine and built a big Siva shrine 
there. The Jainas complained to king Bijjala who sent for Rama and 
questioned him Rama produced the writing containing the terms of the 
wager, but offered to perform the same feat. The Jainas were not prepared 
to face the same test again Bijjala asked the Jainas to live peaceably with 
their neighbours, gave a jayapatra ( document of Rama's success ) and 
granted a village to the temple of Somanatha. It is clear that a Jain image 
was overthrown and a Saiva one was substituted by Rama (leaving aside 
the superhuman feat ascribed to him ) Rama is to be placed shortly 
before 1162 A. D. There is a great difference between local brawls as in 
the above case and a general policy by a community or a king of wholesale 
persecution. ' 

iOlS History of Dliarmaiastra [ See. V, Ch. XXV 

tolerance by requiring honour to be shown to all beliefs and 
sects in his 12th Bock Edict in the words 'Neither praising 
one's own sect nor blaming other sects should take place,' that 
'other sects ought to be duly honoured in every case', that 
'concord (samavaya) alone is meritorious, that is they should 
both hear and honour each other's Dhamma' 1616 In the 7th 
Pillar Edict (Delhi-Topra p 136) Asoka proclaims that he 
appointed officers called Mahamatras to look after the Sangba 
(the community or body of preaching Buddhist mendicants), 
brahmanas, Ajlvikas, Nigganthas and all other pasanfas (seots). 
India has been for thousands of years a country of nearly 
absolute tolerance, which is literally a religion, while European 
religiosity has nearly always been intolerant and, when not 
intolerant, it is tantamount to mental hostility or complete 
indifference Most Indian religious people were and are ready 
to agree that there may be alternative approaches to the mystery 
of life and the salvation of the soul Indians feel amused at the 
claims of millions of people that some prophet revered by them 
has got the monopoly of the knowledge of God and the Here- 
after. This tolerance for differing tenets and cults persisted 
in India with rare exceptions throughout the long stretch of 
time from centuries before Asoka onwards till about 1200 A. D. 
when Moslems overran India. A few striking instances (both 
early and late ) may be cited here : ( 1 ) Kharavela again, a Jain 
king of Kalinga ( 2nd or 1st century BO), granted freedom from 
taxation to brahmanas in the 9th year of his reign (E I vol 
XX p. 79 and 88 ) ; ( 2 ) The Nasik cave Ins No. 10 records that 
Usavadata, son-in-law of Ksatrapa Nahapana of the Ksaharata 
lineage made very large gifts to gods and brahmanas on the 

1646. Vide ' Inscriptions of Asoka ' ed by Dr. Hultzsch ( 1925 ) pp. 
30-21 for the text and translation of the Hock Edict from Girnar. Dr 
Minakshi in ' Administration and Social life under the Pallavas ■ ( Univer- 
sity of Madras, 1938, pp 170-172) after remarking that Paltava monarcus 
as a class were tolerant towards all religious sects, points out that king 
Pallavacnalla indulged m some harsh methods and persecution. Prof. 
Arnold Toynbee in ' East and West ' (Oxford Urn Press) points out that 
Christianity and Islam have seldom been content to follow the practice o 
•live and let live' and that both of them have been responsible for some of 1 1 « 
bitterest conflicts and cruellest atrocities that have disgraced history <p W 
Similarly. V O. Vogt in 'Cult and Culture' condemns the unbend w< 
arrogance of Moslems and Christian Missionaries in their claims ot " V «V 
authority and laments that religion will meet disaster unless it »»'«'""* 
its own conception of Revelation to embrace the future as v,eu a* 
past (p. 70) 

Nitsilc Insaiption of Usavadata 1013 

a of sacied rivers and at Bharukacoha ( modern Broach ), 
pura Govardhana and donated a field for feeding a congre- 
m of Buddhist monks (E.I. Vol. VHI p. 78); (3) The 
;a kings were generally devotees of Visnu but they also 
gifts to Buddhist monks e. g. Gupta Inscription No. 5 
npta Inscriptions' ed. by Fleet pp 31-34 ) records_a grant by 
fakardava ( an officer of Ohandragupta II) to an Aryasangha 
be Gupta year 93 ( 412-3 A. D ), (4 ) Siri Chantamula I, an 
r aku king of Sriparvata in Andhradesa, had performed 
istoma, Vajapeya and Asvamedha sacrifices but the ladies of 
>■ family were almost all Buddhist and one of them erected a 
it in honour of the supreme Buddha ( B I. Vol XX p 8 and 
aswal's 'History of India' 50-350 A D, pl75); (5) The 
itraka rulers of Valabhl ( in Kathiawar ) were all orthodox 
idus and almost all are described as great devotees of 
hesvara(Siva) The Journal of the University of Bombay 
HI. (pp. 74-91 ) sets out five grants ( four Buddhist and one 
brahmana ) The first is issued by a feudatory Garulaka 
laraia Varahadasa in ValabhJ year 230 ( = 549 A.D ) and the 
era by the Valabhl kings themselves. The four Buddhist records 
:e grants to Yaksasura-vihara and Puraabhatta-vihara ( both 
nasfceries for nuns) of lands and villages for providing 
rments, food, beds, seats and medicines to the nuns and for 
viding for incense, flowers, sandalwood &c. for the worship 
Buddha images; (6) A king of Orissa, named Subhakara- 
a, who was son of a Buddhist king and who styles himself 
ramasougata, made a grant of two villages in the latter half 
■"ihe 8th century to a hundred brahmanas belonging to various 
tras (E. I. vol. 15 at pp. 3-5 Eeulpur grant ) ; ( 7 ) Vigrahapala, 
Qg of Bengal, who belonged to the Buddhist Pala'dynasty, 
anted in the 12th year of his reign a village to a Samavedi 
"hmana after taking a bath in the Ganges on a lunar 
ipse in honour of Buddha (Bhagavantam Buddhabhattarakam 
disya) by the Amgacohi grant (E J. Vol. XV. p. 293 at 
>. 295-298, about 1000 A. D); (8) The successor of king 
igrahapala ( iii) by name Mahlpala granted a village in honour 
Buddha after a bath in the Ganges in Visuva-sankrSnti to a 
hmana (E I. Vol XtV. p. 324), vide also I. A. vol. 21 
253-258 for a grant of Devapaladeva, a Buddhist king of 
angal, about the end of the 9th century, recording a grant of a 
llage to a learned brahmana (9) In the Kalacuri stone 
iscription from Kasia (E. I vol XVIII p 128) the first invoca- 
on in prose is to Rudra and then to Buddha, the first two 

1014 History of Dharmaiaslra [ Sec. V, Ch, XXV 

verses axe in praise of Sankara, 3rd in praise of Tara (a Buddhist 
deity) and the 4th and 56h verses praise Buddha (who is styled 
Munlndra); (10) Kumaradevi, 4th queen of Govindacandra 
(1114-1154 A D.), a Gahadavala king of Kanauj and an 
orthodox Hindu, built a uhara in which she placed an image of 
Dharma-cakra Jina i e. Buddha ( vide E. I. Vol. IX p. 319 at 
p. 324); (11) Govindacandra himself made a gift of six villages 
to a Buddhist learned ascetic (Sakyaraksita by name) who hailed 
from Utkala(Orissa) and to his pupil for the benefit of the 
Sangha at Jetavana Mahavihara (vide the Sahet-Mahet plate 
of Govindacandra dated samuib 1186, i. e. 1128-29 A- D. 
recorded in E L vol. XI p. 20 at p. 24). (12) The Madanapur 
plate of the Buddhist king Srlcandra 1547 of East Bengal records 
that the king made a grant of land to a brahmana named 
Sukradeva 'in honour of Buddha-bhattaraka' after having 
bathed on the Agastitrtlya day. (13) The Dambal (inscription 
of the time3 of Calukya Tribhuvanamalla alias Vikramaditya 
( in saka 1017 i e. 1095-96 A. D. ) begins with an invocation to 
Buddha and records certain grants to two vihara3, one of Buddha 
built by certain Settis of Dharmapura or Dharmavolal (Le. 
Dambal in Dharwar District ) and the other of TaradevI by a 
Setti of Lokkigundi (or modern Lakkundi ). (14) In E. I. vol. XVI 
p. 48 at p. 51 (Inscription of Laksmesvara in 1147 A. D. ) a 
general ia styled a3 the restorer of the four sects viz. Saiva, 
Vaisnava, Bauddha and Jaina ( catuh-samaya-samuddbaranam ). 
(15) A stone inscription from Sravasti (modern Sahet-Mahet) 
of ( Vikrama ) samvat 1276 ( 1219-20 A. D. ) records that a certain 
person Vidyadhara of the Vastavya family established a 
convent /or Buddhist ascetics at the town where the inscription 
was put up (I. A. VoL17 p. 61). (16) The Kumbhakonam 
Inscription of Sevappa Nayaka of Tanjore ( of 1580 A. V ) 
records the gift of some land in the brahmana village [agrahara) 
of Tirumaliarajapuram to an individual attached to a temple oi 
Buddha at Tiruvilandura. lfils ^ 

16*7 There is divergence of vie//s about the date of Srieao 
Vide Dr. R C Ma;mudar' s ' History of Bengal \ vol. I p 196 ( wh< - re '° e 
beginning of lltb century A D has been accepted by some scholars a 
dale of Srlcandra ) d a of 

1«3 The last two examples indicate that, tbourfo Ja/acaTl 
Kanauj^asdcfeatrfandKanaujwas taken by the iuto»««»»» «? ^ 
A D . Buddhism had not become totally extmct in North loll* >o » - ■ 
quarter of the 13th century A D and that some remnant* of Bad-«-» 
existed in Soath India up to the 16th century A D. 

General tolerance for all faiths m India 1015 

The above examples show that in all parts of India in the 
North as well as in the South, the general rule among kings and 
their officers was tolerance and care for all faiths. If there was 
rarely some perseoution it was hy an individual king or officer 
or the like. On the other hand, though Asoka, as an inheritor 
of the Indian royal tradition of showing honour and respect to 
all faiths of the subjects irrespective of his own religious views, 
breathes a striking spirit of tolerance in his 7th and 12th Rock 
edicts, one cannot help a suspicion that in the later part of his 
life he seems to gloat over the fact that the gods worshipped as 
divinities in Jambudvlpa had been rendered false and he proudly 
proclaims that this result is 'not the effect of my greatness hut 
of my zeal". 

It should be noted that even Asoka's ahimsa was at first not 
thorough-going but qualified. In his first Rock Edict he himself 
states that in his royal kitchen thousands of animals were killed, 
but that he had reduced the slaughter to two peacocks a day 
and one deer (that too rarely) and that even the three animals 
would not be killed in future (vide Oil. vol. I. pp 1-2). 
Whether this last promise was really carried out is not clear. 
Besides, Asoka appears to have carried his solicitude for the 
protection of all life too far and used against human beings his 
absolute power like a dictator. In the 4th Delhi Topra Pillar edict 
( 0. 1. 1., vol. I p. 124) he mentions that his revenue settlement 
officers called Lajukas had to deal with many hundred thousands 
of men and were given the discretion to award punishments 
including the death sentence and that a respite of three days was 
allowed in which the relatives of the man condemned to death 
could persuade the lajukas to grant reprieves. In the fifth 
iJettu-Topra pillar edict (ifod. pp 125-128), after 26 years of his 
Demg anointed he declared that 23 kinds of birds and other 
ammals (such as parrots, mamas, ruddy and wild geese, doves, 
certam kmds of fish, tortoises) were not to he killed at all, that 
ewes and sowb that were with young or were in milk or the 
young of these that were less than six months old were also not 
to be killed; he also forbade the sale of fish on certain Full Moon 
days and the days previous to them and following them, the 
castration of bulls, rams, horses on 8th, 14th and 15th days of a 
month and the branding of horses and bulls on Pusya and 
funarvasn and on caturmasls These sweeping regulations must 

uZLUST / PMB * haldshi P 3 t0 P° OT P e °P le and must have 
assumed the form of rigid coercion more or less, particularly 

1016 History of Dharmaiaatt a lSeo.V f Ch.XXV 

when all discretion was left to the lajukas. Later in life Asoka 
appears to have tried to undeimine the worship of Hindu Gods. 
In a Eupnath Bock Inscription 1649 published by Buhler in I. A. 
vol. "VT pp. 154r-156 it was stated that he had been an upasaku 
(lay worshipper of Buddha) for certain years but that he was 
not zealous, that for a year or more (he had become zealous), 
that during that (last interval) those gods that were held 
to be true gods in Jambudvlpa (i e. India) had been made 
(to be regarded as) false and that was the reward of his zeal. 
This could be construed as saying that when he became a 
zealous Buddhist he tried to dissuade people from the 

1649. The important words in the Rook edict at Brahmagm, Rupa- 
nath and six other places are quoted here ( there are slight variations and 
some omissions in almost all of them here and there ) ; I follow tho reading 
in the Rupanath text given by Prof Jules Bloch in ' Les Inscriptions d' 
Asoka ' (Pans, 1950 pp 145-148) '%srpii33r §?nns • mitftfiri*! sBKtmft * 


('Rrrf^^gw umiw^ (g u.w& ?)*ft^ is nii'rei1> (qgpa) wRfe* 3 tn*3\ 

ft tmffift* M Gn^i RsS fa <frin amrS^ • ( the rest is omitted ). The Erragudl 
copy of the edict reads ' gfitar ^j ebtSt 3tt^fti sp^st ?^n*?» gift fSrt^rgjrt '■ 
Two others from near by regions read g?i%RT g wra^f arfS^tn Wn»n aPWW 
'^^st'Twi^H t*lit» fftnf There are some gaps and mistakes in tbeso and it 
is not clear what is meant Probably the sentence m these latter may b" 
rendered ' During that time men that were true ( or, if we take aimssi as 
equal to amisra ' that were not mixed with gods ' ) became false (or, 
became mixed with gods ' ). The words from MtfaiHM onwards mean ' this 
is the result of zeal ; it cannot be attained by greatness ( by one occupying a 
merely high position ) , even for a small person it is possible to reach 
heaven by zeal. ' Mr. Ramcbandra Diksbitar in Prof Rangaswami 
Aiyangar Presentation volume pp. 25-30 argues that As'oka was a Hindu as 
he refers to ' Svarga ' This is not correct, since the edict itself recites that 
Asoka had been a lay follower of Buddha for more than 2J years before tlie 
date of the edict and that for more than a year before it be approached the 
community of monks and became a zealous Buddhist ( or probably a monk J 
Even early Pali works speak of Gods from heaven coming to pay respect to 
Buddha. So the mere mention of svarga means little. Asoka does not 
appear to have been trained in the sacred Pah books if any existed. IW 
hardly ever mentions nirvana, never mentions fundamental tcntts of ear j 
Buddhism ( in alt his numerous edicts ) like the Four Noble Truths or u> B 
Noble Eight-fold Path or Pralltya samutpzda Hi was probably attracted b) 
Buddha's teachings on moral endeavour and subscribed to them and dull" 
sacrifices. He appears to have believed in gods and desired that the people 
should strive for heaven (vide Glh Rock edict at Cirnar 'ijrj "3 H™ 
antnpng • and similar words in the 10th Rock edict J This is all <bat « 
be said positively. 

Asoka's coerabe measures 1017 

worship of gods and probably resorted to coercive measures 
in that direction. This very inscription is edited at 
0. 1 I , Vol. I. pp 166 by Dr. Hultzsch and the translation of 
the important sentence is changed and is given as 'And 
those gods who during that time had been unmingled with men 
m Jambudvlpa have now been made (by me) mingled with 
them; for this is the fruit of zeal '. This new translation cannot 
be understood as it stands and on p 168 (note 3) Hultzsch 
admits that this sentence is enigmatical and tries to show that 
it refers to religious shows at which effigies of gods were shown 
in order to convey to the subjects that they would be able to 
reach the abodes of gods by the zealous practice of Buddha's 
Dharama. This interpretation is extremely far-fetched and does 
not fit into the context How can the mere showing of exhibi- 
tions and their effect on people be regarded as the reward of 
zeal * Besides, in the very first rock edict he forbids assemblies 
orfestival meetings ( 0. 1. 1, vol. I. p. 1 ' na ca samajo kattavyo ) ' 
except such as were regarded good by Asoka and asserts that 
the king sees great evil in festival meetings. Asoka probably 
followed what Ap. Dh. S. 1. 11. 32. 19 provides for Vedic house- 
holders 'sabhah samajamsca' (varjayet), sabha meaning 
' gambling hall '. The author is not satisfied with the translation 
of Hultzsch, particularly when Buhler and Senart (pp. 168 note) 
agreed as to the meaning of the important sentence about 
gods. 1650 

About Emperor Harsa also Yuan Ohwang narrates that he 
caused the use of animal food to cease throughout the five 
indies and he prohibited the taking of life under severe penalties 
(vide Waiters' work cited above p. 344) This also must have 
oeen felt by large populations as coercive and bordering on 
persecution. It is remarkable that Haisa felt no qualms in 
reconciling his zeal for bird and animal life and keeping vast 
armies on a war footing for conquest. 

who «,!* . h h,mSe,£ m JRAS f «191°atp 1310 translated 'those 

aT 1 * .? V" < considered ^ »"»> 'he true gods of Jambudvlpa are 

•™JV „ W ° rd ,tbOSe " Th6 great dl&CuUy is about ' he wrd s 
fake 1 • -T? k3tS ' Th6y may res P echve] y «■»* for ■ amrsa • ( not 
fZl ai T ra ( notm >*ea) and 'mrsS krtS' (made false) or misri krta 

raSZll Th ! re «- -rd for -considered. A UgbtfanS 
^a n sl atl o„ f. amissadevShusu , „ onM be . that « 

Sods aQ d of 'missi kata' would be 'were made false'. ' 

1018 History of Dhariwiaslru L See. V, Ch. XXV 

A few more striking examples of tolerance of other faithi 
and spirit of accommodation may be cited here. The great 
Hindu emperor Samudragupta allowed the building of a splendid 
three-storied convent at Bodh Gaya at the request of the 
Buddhist king Meghavarna of Ceylon about 360 A. D Vide 
'Early History of India* by V. A. Smith (4th ed. of 1924 
pp. 303-304), where the historian further points out that when 
Yuan Ohwang visited Bodh Gaya, that convent wa3 a magni- 
ficent establishment occupied by a thousand monks. One 
Muhammad TTfi relates an anecdote Though Mahomed of Gazm 
plundered Kafchiawad and Gujarat several times and desecrated 
temples, the Hindus made a distinction between such invading 
and destructive marauders and peaceful Muslims residing in 
Gujarat for trade. Some Hindus at Cambay, being incited by 
some Parais, destroyed a mosque and killed some Muslima One 
Muslim that escaped approached the king Siddhawja with a 
petition. The king in disguise inquired into the matter, punished 
the offenders, gave to the Moslems one lakh of Balotras to 
rebuild the mosque and presented to the Khatib four articles of 
dress which were preserved in the mosque. Iffi declares that he 
never heard a story comparable to this. Vide Elliotts 1 History 
of India, Vol H pp 163-163. The Somanath-Fattan Inscription 
(in I. A. Vol XI p. 241) is a most remarkable document, A 
Muslim ship-owner from Hormuz acquired a piece of land in the 
sacred town of Somanath-pattan, built a mosque, a bouso and 
shop3 thereon. The purpose of the grant W33 to confirm the 
purchase and to provide for the application of the income from 
the shops for particular Moslem religious festivals to be cele- 
brated by the Shia sailors of Somanath and to provide that the 
surplus left, if any, wa3 to be made over to the sacred town3 of 
Mecca and Medina. It is dated in four eras, first inEasul 
Mahammad sanaat i e Hijra year 662, then Vikrama tamuU 
1320 (1264 AD.), Valabhl year 945 and Simha samvatlsl 
(i e. probably of Calukya Siddharija Jayasimha). S7mn 
Christians were given special privileges by gonerou3 Hindu 
rulera in South India. 

The above examples will indicate what tolerance was 
practised by Indian kings and people even in the nwdiaaw 
period when Moslem invaders were ruthlessly ^^^t 
The reader should visualise to himself what the fa* of a tun 
would have been, ,f he had the audacity to build a .tanp. * 
Christian or Moslem countries, or tried to collect motoriaJfcr 

Intolerance of moslem kirlgs 1019 

describing the Christian or Muslim religion and ways of life 
in the 13th century A D. like Alheruni, who was able to collect, 
without molestation, from Hindu Pandits and people vast 
material in the 11th century A. D. 

How intolerant most Moslem kings were need not be dwelt 

upon at length. A few typical examples may be cited from the 

Cambridge History of India, vol. HI. Firuz Shah Tughlak burnt 

a brahmana who tried to propagate his religion ( %bid. p. 187 ) ; 

Sikander Lodi did the same ( ibid p. 246 ) to a brahmana and 

was guilty of wholesale destruction of Hindu temples ; Sultan 

Sikandar of Kashmir offered his subjects the choice between 

Islam and exile ( ibid p 380 ) ; Hussein Shah of Bengal sent an 

army to destroy Navadvipa and converted many brahmanas 

forcibly Jehangir says in his 'Memoirs' (translated by A. 

Rogers and edited by H Beveridge, 1909 pp. 72-73) that he 

killed Guru Arjun for his religious activities. Vide ' History of 

Aurangzeb' by Jadunath Sarkar vol III. chap. XXX pp. 265-279 

for firmans to demolish temples such as those of Somanatha, 

Mathura, Visvanatha in Benares, TTjjain and Appendix Y. It 

is not necessary to go into great details about the terrible 

persecution of the Jews in Europe and the horrible deeds of the 

Inquisition in Europe and particularly in Spain and Portugal. 

For the persecution and expulsion of the Jews in Europe one may 

read 'A short History of the Jewish people' by Cecil Roth 

(MacMillan and Co 1936 ) chapters XX-XXI References to 

several works have been given above on p. 933 note 1494 

about the Inquisition A few instances of the intolerance and 

barbarities of that body may be cited The Inquisition staged 

what are called acts of faith or ' autos-da-f<§ '. In the presence of 

thousands of people severe punishment would be inflicted on 

harmless individuals whose adherence to the Holy Catholic faith 

was suspected Those that professed penitence were stripped of 

their property and condemned to imprisonment, deportation or 

tne galley. The minority who refused to confess to their crime of 

heresy or gloried in their views would be burnt at once. Kings 

and nobles graced such spectacles by their presence and such 

spectacles were arranged at the marriages of high persons or on 

me birth of a son to the reigning monarch During the three 

centuries when the Inquisition was active, it is found that the 

it cond 6mned ^bout 375000 people, of whom at least one-tenth 

r,^,^ 066 ' 150 ^ 3 ' A sh0lt Histor y of the Jewish 
People- (1936) p 312. Henry C. Lea in « Superstition IS 

1020 History of Dharma&usti a [ Sec. V, Oh. XXV 

force ' (1878) pp. 426-427 remarks 'The whole system of tho 
Inquisition was such as to render resort to torture inoyitablo. 
Its proceedings were seoret, the prisoner was carefully kept in 
ignorance of the exact charges against him and of the evidonco 
on which they were based. He was presumed to bo guilty and 
his judges bent all their energies to force him to confess. To 
accomplish this no means were too base or too cruel ' 

It would be instructive to read what the state of Hindus 
was under Portuguese rule in Goa, where the infamous Inquisi- 
tion was established in 1560 A D. and continued its intolerant 
and inhuman work for about 250 years more. Thoso interested 
may consult ' A India Portuguesa ', vol. II. published by tho 
Portuguese Government in 192-i, particularly the paper by 
Antonio de Noronha, a former judge of the High Court of Goa, 
on 'Os Indus de Goa* pp. 211-355. A brief passage from a paper 
on ' Historical essay on the Konkani Language ' by J H. do 
Cunha Rivara, who was General Secretary to tho Portuguoso 
Governor General in India from 1855 to 1870 A D., is vory 
illuminating. It runs (original in Portuguese) 'we shall now 
endeavour to investigate the causes, which under the Portuguoso 
regime, were either favourable or contrary to the culture of tho 
Konkani language. In the first ardour of conquest templos woro 
demolished, all the emblems of the Hindu cult woro destroyed 
and hooks written in the vernacular tongue, containing or 
suspected of containing idolatrous precepts and doctrines, wore 
burnt There was even the desire to exterminate all that part 
of the population which could not be quickly converted; thw 
was the desire not only during that period, but thoro was also 
at least ono person who, after a lapse of two centmies, advised 
the Government, with magisterial gravity, to mako uso of such 
a policy.' The writer further notes that tho long distanco of 
Goa from Portugal, the invincible resistance oftorod by a 
numerous population amongst whom the principal castoshad 
reached a very high degree of civilization, obliged tho conquerors 
to abstain from open violence and to prefer indirect, though not 
gentle, means to achieve tho samo end ,650a . 

Buddha's renunciation of his princoly position, of Ins young 
wife, child and homo, to become a wandoring ascetic for dis- 
covering the path of humanity's delivoranco from sorrow and 

1650a. Quoted from p 101 of ' Tba Printing I'rciJ m India • by I«(. 
A K Pnolkar ( Bombay, 1958 ) 

Noble grandeur of Buddha's life 1021 

suffering, his subsequent mortification of the body for yeara, 
his retirement into solitude for meditation, his struggle with 
Mara and final victory, his confidence that he had discovered 
the path of deliveranoe, his. constant travels from city to 
city and village to village for about forty-five years for 
preaching the great truths he had discovered, his crusade 
against the slaughter of innocent and dumb animals in sacri- 
fices, his passing away full of years and in peace and content- 
ment - this panorama of Buddha's life had a noble grandeur and 
irresistible human appeal Edwin Arnold in his preface (p. XIII} 
to his poem 'Light of' Asia' (1884) pays a very eloquent 
tribute to Buddha's teaching in the following words 'this vener- 
able religion which has in it the eternity of an universal hope, 
the immortality of a boundless love, an indestructible element 
of faith in the final good and the proudest assertion ever made 
of human freedom'. The torch lighted by Buddha was kept 
burning brightly by a succession of able and worthy disciples 
till Buddhism reached its peak about the 6th century A. D. A 
reaction had already begun by that time. Substantial changes 
in the old Buddhist faith had been made, the ideals had changed 
(as noted above). From being a faith without a clear accep- 
tance of God, many sects arose that had become thoroughly 
theistio and Buddha himself came to be worshipped as if he were 
God and the sects were gripped by the strange doctrines and 
evil practices of Vajrayana Tantrik sects; and Buddhism 
became a medley of conflicting dogmas and was riven with dis- 
sensions and internecine rupture. Discussions as to doctrines 
arose immediately on the passing away of Buddha, when the 
first council was held at Rajagrha, a second one being held about 
one hundred years later at Vesali and a third one at Pataliputra 
under Asoka In all four councils appear to have been held to 
secure 'sanglti' (standardized scriptural recital) according to 
traditions, but no Pali book can be traced back to a time before 
one council held in the time of Asoka ( about 350 B. C ) These 
discussions and subsequent schisms very much undermined 
■Buddhism. This is mentioned as the first of the four main 
oauses of ■the decline and disappearance of Buddhism from India 
oy JN. J O Connor. 

A ^a ¥t ° m about the end of the 7t31 oentur y A. D India was 
S! ■ mt ° T Mal ind8pendent but small and warring States 
iJudahjsm could not secure the favour and patronage of powerful 
and zealous monarchs and emperors like Asoka, Kaniska and 

1022 History of Dharmasasti a [Sec V,Ch.XXV 

Harsa Royal patronage on a large scale having ceased from 
the end of the 7th century A D , except under the Pala kings of 
Bengal, Buddhism began to wane 

IV Many of the ablest and most vigorous exponents of 
Buddhist thought and faith left India for propagating their faith 
in other lands Dr. Eadhakrishnan in ' India and China ' names 
24 eminent Indian scholars who went to China for propagating 
Buddha's teachings from the 3rd Century A D to 973 A. D. 
(p 27) and also mentions a few Chinese scholars who came to 
India for visiting the sacred places of Buddhism and for making 
a study of Buddhism on the spot ( ibid, pp 27-28 ) 

Y. The observance of the high moral ideals inoulcated by 
Qotama Buddha must have been found irksome by at least a 
great many of his followers, and particularly after his personal 
example ceased to exist In the Mabaparimbbanasutta ( S. B. E. 
vol XI. p 127 ) we are told that Subhadda, a barber who had 
been received in the Order in his old age, addressed the brethren, 
that deeply mourned and lamented on Buddha's nirvana, ai 
follows : " Weep not, neither lament "We are well rid of the 
Great Samana We used to be annoyed by being told 'this 
becomes you, this beseBms you not ' But now we shall be ablo 
to do whatever we like; and what we do not like that we shall 
not have to do " Ordinary people could not be fed for long on 
mere repetition of the sermon on suffering being the lot of man, 
on monasticism, aversion to speculation and on promises of 
nirvana which was hardly ever well defined By nirvana 
Buddha probably meant extinction of egoism and desires, a state 
of bliss beyond understanding and not a complete annihilation 
or extinction But this last was the sense in which many under- 
stood it Buddha had an aversion to speculation and parti- 
cularly to issues that were irrelevant to his purely moral 
approach and purpose. Several questions of a metaphysical or 
speculative character suoh as whether the world is permanent or 
not whether it is finite or not, whether the soul is the samo as tho 
body or other than the body, whether the Tathagata continued 
after death or not were left unanswered by Buddba ( vido 
Maijhima NikSya, discourse 63, Trencknor's od vol I. ) Mona- 
staries of Buddhist monks and nuns became in course of 
centres of idleness, pleasures and immorality, and of doto* 
practices like those of Vajrayana Tantricism A ■ «f ;™ n 
Sholarhke Kahula Saokrtyayana, himself a Buddhist bhiksu 
In a paper on ' Vajrayana and the 8i Siddhas' contributod to U. 

Debased state of Buddhist monasteries 1023 

Journal Asiatiq,ue vol. 235 ( 1934 ) pp. 209-230 was constrained 
to say " The monasteries and temples were gorged with riches 
due to the pious offerings made hy the multitudes. The life of 
the monk became more comfortable than that of the layman. 
The discipline weakened and many unfit persons entered the 
community. 1651 The easy life associated with the culture of a 
sensual art under the cover of cultured paintings, meditation, 
gods and goddesses mu3t have inclined the minds towards 
sensuality. Already from the Kathavatthu 1651 * (XXTEI. 1) we 
know that the Andhaka School was disposed to permit Maithuna 
( copulation ) for a special object ; it was introduced in the mystic 
cult Coming to the south, the practice of mantras, psychical 
practices, and a certain indulgence in the pleasures of sense were 
united; the Vajrayana was complete " 

VI. Smrtis like those of Gautama ( IX 47, 68, 73 ), Manu 
( IV. 176, 206, X 63 ), Yajfiavalkya ( 1. 156, HI. 312-313 ), while 
asking the people to honour the Vedas and learned brahmanas 
laid great emphasis 1652 on Ahimsa, truthfulness, charity, self- 

1631. A paper of Dr A S. Altekar in the Pro, of the 17th All India 
Oriental Conference at Ahmedabad, 1953 (pp. 243-246 ) on Sramanera-Tika 
(about 11th century A. D ) on the Acarasara (laying down rales for 
Buddhist novices ) enumerates admonitions ( some of the striking ones be- 
ing set out on p. 245 ) that lead to the conclusion that the monks had a fairly 
large number among them that brought Buddhism into disrepute In 
the ■ Questions of king Milinda ' S B, E, vol 35 pp. 49-50, to the question 
why people joined the saiigha, Nagasena gives the significant answer that 
some joined the saiigha for the reason that sorrow may perish and no 
further sorrow may arise, ' the complete passing away without clinging to 
the world is our heighest aim * , - some have left the world in terror at the 
tyranny of kings , some have joined to be safe from being robbed, some 
harassed by debts and some perhaps to gain a livelihood. 

1651 a. qssTiwormt JtgsJi ■%*$( MU&H^J t iS I 3<IH>dl I gjsn^g XXIII, 1 . 

1652 a^Ilh^ tre nm54 ^-duu ^j-m ^rerr. ■ qa -hihiwj. qg *grga<rjfe- 

*ffrug. II ng X. 63; 3Tttf«T Wra#4 ^ft-dSiPit^Mai : I gPT cpft <&n JgifSft: 

gforq£gnFreu m i. 22, aisjremRHaorr: i <nr n€^a grt fc i w<ni 5^- 

TTRft ^tawniM"^^^ ' *re=fe -=*c=tlK*l*H*=hKT *r ^rewicijgotr si ?r ggjnr: 
*i'!i»M m&terf TESia I >?It!*ra3g3 VIII 23-25 The Hc^rs^piT (52 8-10) 
mentions these very eight as ■ atmagunas ' after referring to the Veda and 

It?^ 52. 7-8, the Atnsmrti ( verses 34-41 ) mentions almost all these eight 
and defines them and Haradatta on Gautama quotes eight verses defining 
these eight g«„as *r«*nr verse 131 is ' fpsPRPnrl? ?&(& ^ .jof* f^rra 1 

1024 History of Dhai maiut>t> a [Sec. V, Ch. XXV 

restraint, sexual purity and other virtue3 for persons of all tho 
four vama3, just as Buddha and early Buddhist works did for Ins 
followers. The sentiment in Manu V. 45 and the Visnu-dharma- 
sutra 51 68 ' he, who kilb harmless animals ( like deer ) merely 
for the sake of hi3 own pleasure, never increases nor prospers in 
happiness, whether living or after death,' find3 a parallel in 
Dhammapada 1 31. Even the Rgveda solemnly says ( X. 85 1 } 
* the earth is supported by Truth, the sky is supported by the 
Sun '. The Mundaka Up. exhorts ' Truth alone is victorious, 
not falsehood * ( HI 1. 6 ) 

VII The strong faith and the alertness of brahmanas who 
welded into a coherent whole the Veda, the philosophy of the 
Upanisad3, Yogic practices of a middle path as in Glta VI. 15-17, 
the doctrine of salvation by faith and bbakti for all preached in 
the Glta gradually held an irresistible appeal. 

VIII In re orienting their religious outlook and practices 
to stem the tide of Buddhism and make Hinduism popular, tho 
brahmana3 and other leaders of Hindu society of the centuries 
before and after the Christian era had to make compromises of a 
far-reaching character; the oldVedic gods (like Indra and 
Varuna) receded into the background though not totally 
forgotten, mo3t of the Vedic sacrifices had to be given up, doitio3 
like Devi, Ganesa and the Matrs had to be brought to tho front, 
Pauranika mantra3 came to be used along with Vodio ones as 
the mantraa even in sraddha (eg' dataro nobhivardhantam ' 
&c. which occurs in Manu HI 259, Yaj I. 246, Matsya 16. 49-50, 
Padma, Srstikhanda 9 117, Kurma II. 22. 60 and 'other workb). 
Even an early writer like Varahamihira ( first half of 6th century 
A.D.) in describing the Pusyarsnanafor the king provides ordinary 
mantras ( Br. S 47. 55-70 ) to he recited by the pui o/nta along 
with mantras m the Atharvaveda, Rudra ( Tai. S. IV. 5. 1-11 )« 
the Kusmanda mantras ( Vaj S XX. 14-16 and others, Br. S. 
47. 71 ) and winds up the whole procedure with a well-known 
Pauranika verse 1&Si Even Apararka (pp. 14-15 ) had to say 
that in Devapup the procedure to bo followed iq that in tho 
Narasimhapurana ( probably something like tho ono in chap. 2 
of the Karasimha Purana ) and in the matter of * pratis^b j ' 
{ establishment of imaged ) also Pauranika procedure was to ba 
adopted. Be3ide3, emphasis was laid on ahim=a, charity (dCna), 

1C53 hfs V**™ fCi xstrar^rv <nfti3n?ji i*rrar W 3 "I'' 1 ^ m ' 

Clianges introduced by Puravas 1025 

pilgrimages and vratas and it was said that the latter two were 
more efficacious than even Vedio sacrifices. These changes 
seriously reduced the appeal of Buddhism. The puranas con- 
tained stories of gods and avataras that vied in their appeal to 
the common man with the Buddhist Jafcaka tales. The 
Kadambarl of Bana ( first half of 7th century A. D ) states that 
the people of U)jayinl were fond of the Mahabharata, Puranas 
and Ramayana ( Mahabharata-Purana-Ramayana-nuragina 
&c ). This is put down as the last of the four causes of the 
decline of Buddhism by O'Connor. 

IX. Erom about the 7th century A. D. Buddha began to be 
recognised by Hindus as an avatara of Visnu and by the 10th 
century Buddha came to be so recognised throughout India by 
almost all Hindus 

X Moslem fanaticism and invasions of India delivered 
the coup de grace (final blow) to Buddhism about and after 
1200 A. D. by ruining famous universities like those of Nalanda 
and Vikramasila and the monks were mercilessly killed in large 
numbers. Those who escaped the carnage fled to Tibet and 
Nepal. H. M. Elliott's History of India (as told by its own 
historians) vol. lip. 306 contains a passage from Tabakat-i- 
Nasiri about Bakhtiyar Khilji that states that Bakhtiyar led 
his army to Behar and ravaged it, that great plunder fell in his 
hands, that most of the inhabitants of the place were brahmanas 
with shaven heads, that they were put to death, that large 
numbers of books were found and it was discovered that the 
whole fort and city was a place of study ( madrasa). The des- 
cription mdioatas that brahmana with shaven heads were 
■tsuaaaist monks 

It should not be supposed that Buddhist bhikkhus renounc- 
fen^ ?^ 7 ide I-^ol.VHpp. 25^-256 (I nserip _ 
turns S and 9 at Kuda) where bhiksus and bhiksunls are donors 
ZL ^. nsams 'Bhilsa Topes' p. 235-236 where there are 

rpSrf 1 S USa - U - T? btikSUniS am ° ng donors The *"*' 
SitT 511 ? 1 Bu , ddMsm t0 °°«™ men lay in its spirit 
- « self-abnegation, discipline, service and sacrifice. 

hnZal^* 1 ^ 1 ^*™ 6 ^*™™^® 1 * monks *>» laity 

Slu&Z hl^° ng HindU3 - " haS been ahBad y stated 

theSaShabur^ WaSa - galnSttl19 admi3si °* °* women intc 

ebanghabu at the persistent revests of his favourite pupi 

1026 History of Dhai masasti a [ Sec. V, Ch. XXV 

Ananda he yielded and prophesied that his pure Dharma, whioh 
otherwise would have flourished for a thousand years, would not 
last so long but only for 500 years Vide ' Cullavagga ' in SBE. 
vol XX p 325 

The Patimokkha for monks contains 227 articles whioh were 
to be recited twice a month in an assembly of at least four 
monks and confessions of bleaches of the rules had to be made. 
If one reads the Cullavagga (SBE XX pp 330-340), one may 
understand how the gatherings of legions of monks and nuns in 
immense monasteries led in some cases to sapping the ordinary 
observances of decency and morality. At first the Patimokkha 
could be recited to nuns by monks and the nuns could confess 
their lapses to monks but this had to be changed later and it 
was laid down that only bhikkhunls could do these things for 
them. P 333 of the same shows how nuns quarrelled among 
themselves and came to blows and p 335 narrates how some 
monks threw dirty water on nuns and how they uncovered their 
bodies and thighs before nuns. 

The author has cited the above as the main causes of the 
disappearance of Buddhism following what most have written 
Different writers attach importance to a few of them according 
to their individual leanings. While prepared to concede that 
the causes noted above went a long way in bringing about the 
downfall of Buddhism in India, he feels that the principal cause 
was that large sections of the Indian population came to realize 
that the persistent teaohing of the world being a place of suffer- 
ing, of giving up all desires and of monasticism, which were 
preached by the writers on Buddhism to all and sundry, was too 
much for ordinary men to attempt and that the Hindu ideal of 
an ordered scheme of life into four uiiama%' i6s1 with peculiar 
duties and rights, particularly the importance attached to the 
grhasthSsrama showed to vast populations that family life 
properly regulated and disciplined was capable of realizing the 
highest that man was capable of and that too much insistence 
on the giving up of all desires (including deairo for life) sapped 
the very stability and continuance of human society and 

1654 In ' the Philosophy of the Upamsbads ' by Deussen tr. by A. S. 
Geden ( 1906 ), the distinguished author after adverting to thu peculiar 
rights and obligations of the four life-stages (asrama:. ) rtcnarlo * the entire 
history of mankind does not produce much that approaches in grandeur to 
this thought ' ( p. 367 ) 

Great praise of householder stage 1027 

gradually led on to the loss of physical and mental virility 
to idleness, base morals and race suicide. Manu III. 77-78, VI 
89-90, Vas. Dh. S VIII 14-17, Visnu Dh. S. 59, 29, Daksa II. 
57-60 and many other sages and writers praise the stage 
of householder as the highest. ,6SS The Mahabharata (Santi 
270. 6-11) and the Eamayana, Ayodhya 103, 2) and the 
PuTanas also sing the same tune , vide H of Dh. vol. II. pp. 425- 
426 and 540-541. 

Not only Dharmasastras but also great poets like Kalidasa 
emphasized the supreme importance of the householder's stage 
to society. In the Raghuvamsa 1S5S (V. 10) king Kaghu says 
to a learned brahmana student ' it is now time for you to pass on 
to the second stage of life that is capable of being useful to ( men 
of ) other asramas '. In the Sakuntala also Kalidasa harps on the 
same idea. 

When Buddha came to be worshipped by Buddhists as God, 
when Buddhists gave up the original characteristic doctrine of 
the attainment of the peace and bliss of nn uana in this very 
life through the eradication of selfish desires by following the 
Noble Eightfold Path, when Buddhists adopted the doctrines of 
bhakti and the ideal they set up was the evolution of bodhi- 
sattvas through aeons by good deeds, the line of demarcation 
between Buddhism and popular Hinduism became very thin 
and was gradually obliterated. Buddhism disappeared from 
India because of these deviations from the original doctrine and 
because the brahmanas made Hinduism very comprehensive by 
finding a place for purely monistic idealism, for the worship of 
several gods, for the performance of vedic or other religious 
rf ™" Kaimamarga) as a P le P M ation for higher spiritual 
Uie. lie ultimate victory of Hinduism shows the strength and 
comprehensiveness of its religion and philosophy as against the 
onesidedneas of Buddhism in its various phases and its silence 
on matters of great moment to the inquiring human min d. 

2?S« - ^ " " ™&^™ 26 3 " 5 ' «w ■^nw <*. otttft 

Tb^X™) ^PfWR^rt^r?^^^,, (chap . 29-3 _ 6 

*"™as25aEHasaii»'«a«8 v. «. w*^ ^^^^^ ^^ , 

wJ'to i ■ 

1028 History of Dhai maiusto a I Sec. V, Oh. XXV 

The Puranas an&Dharmasastrasput so much emphasis on 
ahimsa that millions of people in India became and are even 
now strict vegetarians not only among brahmanas, but also 
among vaisyas and sudras, while it appears that Buddhists all 
over the world are not strict vegetarians at all. To day very 
few of the ideal virtues that Buddhism set before even laymen 
are a matter of endeavour for most Buddhists in all lands. In 
spite of Buddha's crusade against animal sacrifices and Asoka's 
drastic measures to eliminate the killing and cruelty to birds 
and beasts, it is found that some Vedio sacrifices ( including 
animal sacrifices ) continued to be performed by Indian kings 
and common people during the centuries befoie and after the 
Christian era, A few examples are citBd here • ( I ) Senapati 
Pusyamitra (about 150 BO) performed two Asvamedhas (EI. 
voL XX pp 54-58, Harivamsa III. %. 35 ff 16 « (which latter 
speaks of Senani Kasyapa-dvija as performer of Asvamedha in 
Kali age ) and Xahdasa's Malavikagnimitra ( Act V ) where ho 
is spoken of as engaged m Rajaauya sacrifice ; ( 2 ) Kharavela> 
king of Kalinga and a Jain, performed in the 6 th year of his 
reign a Rajaauya ( E I. XX p. 79 ); ( 3 ) Bhavanaga of the 
Bharasiva lineage (about 300 A.D ) glorified as the performer of 
ten Asvamedhas in Vakataka plates (Chammak plate of 
Vakataka PravaraBena II in Gupta Inscriptions No. 55 pp. 236- 
337, l4H} and m Poona plates of Prabhavatlgupta, the chief 
queen of Vakataka Rudrasena II in E. I. voL XV. p. 39); 
( 4 ) Vakataka emperor Pravarasena I. ( about 250 A. D. ) J3 
described as the daughter 's son of Bhavanaga and as the per- 
former of four Asvamedhas ( in B I. vol. XV. p. 39 ) ; ( 5 ) The 
great Gupta emperor Samudragupta ( about 325-370 A. D ) is 
described in some Gupta Inscriptions as one who restored tho 
Asvamedha sacrifice that had long been in abeyance (vide 
Bilsad Stone inscription in Gupta Inscriptions No. 10 at p. 42 
and tho Bihar Stone pillar Inscription of Skandagupta, ibid, 

1(557. The reference from iju^ i is as follows . 3}"iR3psf( wtaf giBp iforift; 
sRivwi fi^T i 3t*tfat *nf&3»> s=i. qpn«?R<nmi a Era>r <G&gfrw wrq?mft urn*' 
3UgR"riS ureter -qa jjaiii Jl'rf-h - ll Hfi<"nre 2 <»0-41. Here it is said that a 
^ Hiui3 of the mfiSTPlNl w»H perform an awijw In qtffr&t and a scion of 
his family will perform tP4H>t 

1G58 About Bhavanaga it is said ' 3j^i7nwi^»f?iai?nrfHjf'' rifSt '' ,< '' 
girRgs-^rawiigti-'cratRii'jr qrniOTjfiJTO*mriu"^5TEE5ri5gjrff^m^>ni} 3312: 

fprpr <S-c ' I Gupta Inscriptions No. 53 pp. 236-237. 

Examples of performance of Vedia animal sacnfices 1029 

No. 13 at p. 51); (6) The Pallava King Sivaskanda-varman 
( about 300-350 A. D. ) is praised as the performer of Agnistoma, 
Vajapeya and Asvamedha ( E. I. vol. I p. 2 at p. 5 ); ( 7 ) The 
Pallava king Simhavaiman is spoken of as the performer of 
several Asvamedhas ( Plkira grant in E. I. voL VDX p. 159 at 
p. 162 ); ( 8 ) Calukya king Pulakesi I ( about 570 A. D. ) per- 
formed Asvamedha ( Aihole Inscription of saka 536 in E. I. vol. 
VI p. 1 ); ( 9 ) Calukya king Pulakesi II performed Asvamedha 
( Aihole Ins. of saka 536 in E. I. vol. VI. p. 1 and Talamanchi 
plates of Vikramaditya I. in E. I. vol. IX p 98 in A. D. 660 ) ; 
( 10 ) the Visnukundin Madhava-varma, ( a relative of the 
Vakataka family ) is recorded ( in E.I. vol IV. p. 196 ) as having 
performed eleven Asvamedhas, one thousand Agni-stomas, 
Paundarlka, 1659 Purusamedha, Vajapeya, Sodasin and Bajasuya 
( about the 7th or 8th century A D. ). For other instances of 
Asvamedhas performed by kings, vide H. of Dh. vol. II. 
pp. 1238-39. 

It may be noted that even learned brahmanas sometimes 
performed eleborate Vedie sacrifices For example, the fifth in 
ascent from Bhavabhuti performed a Vajapeya at Padmapura 
in Daksinapatha. In the Vajapeya, seventeen was a chara- 
cteristic number and seventeen animals were to be sacrificed 
therein. Vide for description of Vajapeya, H. of Dh. vol. II. 
pp. 1206-1213. As Bhavabhuti flourished in the first half of the 
8th century A. D, the fifth in ascent from him who performed 
Vajapeya must have flourished about a hundred years before 
him i. e in the first half of the 7th century A D. 

In these days it has become a fashion to praise Buddha and 
ins doctrines to the skies and to disparage Hinduism by making 
unfair comparisons between the original doctrines of Buddha 
witn the present practices and shortcomings of Hindu society 
Ate .present author has to enter a strong protest against this 
tendency If a f alr comparison is to be made it should be made 
between the later phases of Buddhism and the present practices 
of professed Buddhists on the one hand and modern phases and 
practices of Hinduism on the other The Upanisads had a 
nobler philosophy than that of Gautama the Buddha the 
latter merely based his doctrines on the philosophy of the 
^ads^Hindui sm 'decayed in course o f tim^LLdS 

man y 1 foLn t v 1 e dfc SSlbl V hattblSStatement ab ° Ut * B P**™*™" of so 
J SOlemn vedlc sacrifices is boastful and exaggerated 

1030 Htstot y of Dhai maiasto a [ Sec. V, Ch. XXV 

bited bad tendencies, the same or worse was the case with later 
Buddhism which gave up the noble but human Buddha, made 
him a god, worshipped his images and ran wild with such 
hideous practices as those of Vajrayana. As a counterblast to 
what modern encomiasts often say about Buddhism the present 
author will quota a strongly- worded ( but not unjust ) passage 
from Swami Vivekananda's lecture on "The sages of India" 
(Complete Works, volume III p 248-268, 7th ed. of 1953 publi- 
shed at Mayavatl, Almora) " The earlier Buddhists in their rage 
against the killing of animals had denounced the sacrifices of 
the Vedas; and these sacrifices used to be held in every house ... 
... These sacrifices were obliterated and in their place came 
gorgeous temples, gorgeous ceremonies and gorgeous priests and 
all that you see in India in modern times I smile when I read 
books written by some modern people who ought to know better 
that the Buddha was the destroyer of Brahmanical idolatry. 
Little do they know that Buddhism created brahmanism and 
idolatry in India. .. Thus in spite of the preaching of mercy to 
animals, in spite of the sublime ethical religion, in spite of the 
hair-splitting discussions about the existence or non-existence 
of a permanent soul, the whc^e building of Buddhism tumbled 
down piecemeal; and the rum was simply hideous. I have 
neither the time nor the inclination to describe to you the 
hideousness that came in the wake of Buddhism. The most 
hideous ceremonies, the most horrible, the most obscene books 
that human hands ever wrote or the human brain ever conceived, 
the most bestial forms that ever passed under the name of 
religion have all been the creation of degraded Buddhism" 
(pp 264-265) 



Tantrik doctrines and Dharmasastora 

In H. of Dh. vol. H. p. 739 while dealing with the worship 
of Durga, who is also worshipped as Sakti { cosmic power or 
energy ), it was stated that the influence of Sakta worship has 
been great throughout India and a promise was given that a 
brief treatment of Saktism would follow in a later volume. It is 
now time to deal with Saktas and Tantras, which exercised some 
influence over the Puranas and directly and through the Puranas 
over Indian Teligious ritual and practices in the medieval ages. 

There is a vast literature on Tantras, published and 
unpublished There are Buddhist Tantras, Hindu Trantras and 
Jaina Tantras. There is a philosophical or spiritual side in 
some of the Tantras which has not been much studied except by 
Arthur Avalon, B Bhattacharya and a few others. In the 
popular mind Tantras have been associated with the worship of 
Sakti ( Goddess Kali ), with mudras, mantras, mandalas, the five 
makaias, the Daksinamarga and the VSma-marga, and magic 
practices for acquiring supernatural powers All that can and 
will be attempted here is to trace briefly the origin of Saktism 
and Tantra and point out some of the ways in which lanlia has 
entered into Hindu ritual directly and indirectly through the 

The Arnarakosa states that tank a means ' principal matter 
or part ', ' siddhanta ' ( i. e. doctrine or ilastra ), a loom or para- 
phernalia But it does not state that tantra means a certain 
peculiar class of works. Therefore, the inference is not altogether 
unjustifiable that in its time works bearing the peculiar character 
of what are called Tantras were either not composed or had not 
at least attained great vogue. In $g. X. 71. 9 the word ' tantra ' 
occurs and appears to mean a loom ' These ignorant 1660 men 
do not move about lower down ( in this world ) nor in a higher 

™ 5*™^ asra sv^^t: II =r. x 71 9. Hfqoi explams f^rfj. # t fifi t „„. 

1032 Histoty of Dkai maiusti a I Seo. VI, Oh. XXVI 

world, being neither (learned) brahmanas nor some-extracting 
priests , these resort to speech ( of a vile kind ) and with that vile 
speech they engage in handling ploughs and looms' The 
A.tharvaveda (X 1 42 ) ( ' tantram-eko yurati viiupe abhya- 
kramam vayatah san-mayukham') employs the word tantra in 
tho same sense and so does the Tai Br.. II 5. 5. 3 in a closely 
similar passage Panim ( V, 2 70 ) derives the word ' tantraka' 
( a cloth that is recently taken away from a loom ) from ' (antra '. 
The 5p. Sr employs the word 1661 tantra in the sense of 'procedure 
containing many paTts '. The San. Sr. applies the word tantra 
to what being once done serves the purpose of many other actions. 
The Mahabhasya on Panini IV. 2 60 and Vartika ' sarvasader- 
dvigosca lah ' cites ' saivatantrah ' and ' dvitantrah ' as examples 
meaning ' one who has studied all the tantras ' or ' one who haB 
studied two tantias", tantra probably meaning 'siddhanta'. In 
Yaj. I. 228 ('tantram va vaisva devikam') the word tantra is 
employed in tho sense m which the commentary on the San. Sr. 
takes it The 15th adhikarana of Kautilya's Arthasistra bears 
the title 'Tantrayukti' (vide J. O. E , Madras, vol. 4, 1930, 
p. 8/3 ff ) meaning the main canons or propositions or principles 
of exposition cf a sastra. Caraka (Siddhisthana, chap 12.40-45 ) 
also speaks of '36 tantra^ya yuktayah' and Susruta (Uttara- 
tantra, chap. 65 ) name3 32 tantrayuktis In Brhaspati and 
KatySyana and in the Bhagavata the word tantra is employed 
in the sense of 'doctrine' or 'sastra'. Sahara in his bkasyaon 
Jaimini XI. 1. 1 remarks that when any thing or act, once done, 
becomes useful in several 1662 matters, that is called 'tantra'. 
Sankaracarya in several passages of his bhasya on tho Vedanta- 
sutras speaks of the Sankhya system as slnkhya-tantra and of 
the Purvamlmamsa as 'prathama-tantra'. ,66i In the Kalika- 

lfici ^f^r wif%i*i iinrnifiiiw-^ nimvm tnu<i<ti4»uwn'n' • sm^ 

I 15 1, on uh<ch Ihccora. says ' zrj^^^m^f^^l mZZZl*(m TOTRrivr^rT ' 
'str^BflT <!?!•' 511 %fi I 1G lays 'ttc«£<£i1 ~*Z?X3$- 

1C62. sjiranr gwT=|r ^ Krarart ^r ^Rm < 5i<rei5 ^r ^tph y^iS'"'' 
'BK war ii -jipvfa q by sunra p ?w. ^IVIl^ XI. 1 2 p. l 19, jj^p oa "3 l * 
1S7. sn^T^ 3 *rera; ar5^f ; iR=i!?5r?r^ i q from :„r*ippt by vim** P 5 < 
<-v=i ^tnanraa hz&k -&m\ v*. i »n*na I 3 8 litre the irarcra is called 

ZH. U^IT I ' 5PH'-> WW OB 51 XI 4 i 

1CS3 Oni ^ II 2 1 t jo Sankara-bhasyi ..a,:. ' a««ft w^r3=wRa*f 

hiiw *a&i wiswl^frr . H^n?^rai^n.<h*nt 4 Ti ^o. *, alco .mt 

( Conin.'icd en nixt page ) 

Meaning of tantra zn early works 1033 

purana (87. 130) the works of "Dianas and Brhaspati on Kajanlti 
( the science of statecraft ) are called tantras and in 92. 2 the 
Yisnudnarmottara-purana is called tantra. In all these cases 
the peculiar meaning attached to the word tantra- in medieval 
times does not occur. 

It is difficult to determine the exact 1664 time when the word 
tantra came to be employed in the sense in which it is used in the 
so-called tantra literature nor is it possible to decide what people 
first introduced tantra principles and practices or where they 
first arose M. M. Haraprasad Shastri was inclined to hold that 
the principles and practices of tantra came to India from out- 
side and he relies mainly on a verse in the Kubjikamatatantra 166S 

( Continued from last page ) 
on V. S. II I I, and II. 4 9 ( where a half verse from ■Hks^chllT'hl 29 ' wn«*J- 
^fllf% 4|u||i|i wpra' tra ' is cited as belonging to d«-=»-rt< . The ^K'-M^ilR'h l 
itself calls ^rpsf system • Tantra ' in verse 70 ' tena ca bahudha krtam 
tantram '. On % ^ III, 3. 53 the ijftTmU l H ifl is referred to as ' um?t a*t > 
m the vmrcj. 

1664. Vide Dr. B. Bhattacharya's Intro to Buddhist Esoterism 
(p. 43), which work will be referred to hereafter as B, E 

1663 I.H Q. Vol. IX p. 358 f n '^Bj ^ ^ arfEfemr* *3as I 
4idlm«a.-<a-=Ui 5^ ^rensten It '. Vide H. P. Sastn's Cat. of Palm-leaf mss. 
in Nepal Durbar Library (Calcutta, 1905), Preface p. LXXIX, for the verse 
in Kubjikamata. the ms. of which is written in late Gupta characters (i. e. 
about 7th century A. D.). Dr. B. Bhattacharya appears to hold the same 
opinion (p 43 of the work cited ,n the preceding note). Arthur Avalon in 
MahanirvSnatantra (3rd ed. of 1953 p. S60) holds that tantra was brought 

?£ ™ i. fr ,T • Chaldea ° r S akad «Pa. In ' Modern Review ' for !934 pp 
150-156 Prof. K, H. Choudhun tries to prove that Indian tSntricism has its 
origin ,n the Bon religion of Tibet. He relies on the Tibetan tradition of 
Asanga na , lng mtroduced T5ntriclsm m In(ha ^ 

5? ?2T£\ T OI70i BBddhism - Lama Taranath *» *» * 

ifins u ■ ' accotd " 1 S to some) and completed his history in 

"„.": •■ »• «»»» about twelve hundred years after Asanga. Prof 

3^i?Si3^ B,, * h " * ■*«""*>■»■ C* SadSnt 
a,a No - "'. an't-lWl^m^fliag ttfim). But this sentence is dropped 

Cill?"' °L the e! S ht ««. on which the edition is based Prof 

vSTo/ U p^ry hat ^. SUrU ' S P0SiU ° n '^^tra-isneTthe; 
(« i) and : tt. , * Wr0Dg - ^"^jaakt. in Nirukta 

mai:V e ^L P ;Xn ^ SVet5 'T tataUPamSad ^ * «*. XS40 
of gum. vide the T - S ," rU Cl6ar - Asforthe ^urSnika position 

bhivaa (« I %9Tu P r a rr, (q "° t : d * ^ 171S beI ° w > *»* D«* 
'TO^to^A ~* Gurar -brahma ■ &c in the same note) and the verse 

^TvfS'^SSr^" "^ ^ ** **™* *^ ! " ' *£ 

H. D. 130 

1034 History of Dharmaiastra I See. VI, Oh. XXVI 

which says 'go thou to the country of Bharata for exercising 
dominance on all sides and bring about new creation in various 
ways in pltlias, upapithas and Icsetias'. With all respect to that 
great scholar it has to be said that the passage does not affirm 
that tantra principles were then unknowe in India and were first 
introduced in Bharata after that verse was uttered. That 
passage could very well have been uttered even when tantra 
practices had already taken hold of people's minds in India and 
the referenoe to plthas and ksetras ( in the verse ) clearly indi- 
cates that what is meant is only a record of an existing fact, 
just as the Puranas speak in a prophetio vein about what is past. 
It is possible that a few mystic practices of Ktilacm a or Vamacara 
owe their origin to foreign elements or sources But the one 
verse on which M. M. H. F Shastri relied is far too inadequate 
for pi ovtng this. The Budrayamala ( ed. by Jivananda, 1892 ) 
contains a panegyric of the Atharvaveda ( 17th patala, verse 4), 
saying that all gods, all beings ( on land, in water and an- ), all 
sages, Kamavidya and Mahavidya dwell in it; verses 10-17 
dwell upon the mysterious Kundalinl, verses 31 ff dilate upon 
Yogio practices and six calaas in the body, verses 51-53 mention 
Kamarupa, Jalandhara, Purnagiri, Tfddiyana, and a few others 
as Kalika plthas. Bagchi (in 'Studies in Tantra' pp 45-55) 
adduces some evidence of foreign elements in the tantrik 
doctrines. The Rudrayamala 1666 ( 17tb Patala, verses 119-125 ) 
states that Mahavidya appeared to sage Vasistha and asked him 
to go to Cinadesa and Buddha, who is said to have taught 
Vasistha the Kaula path, Yoga practices for the attainment 
of siddhis ( extraordinary powers) and directed him to make use 
of five makaias (madya&c.) in his sadhana for becoming a 
perfect Yogin. All this shows that plthas flourished in India 
when the Budrayamala was oomposed, that Tantrik praotioes 
had grown in China or Tibet and that Buddha was deemed to 
have taught those practices, which is a libel and a vile travesty 
of Buddha's noble teaching. 

•• ssli grett. gar ag iRq w*wcfl4t i =5T^pt ^fofflft ^ *re ws m"3ai3 n "3S 
•• 3ra: ss ^rflrissrer ■HJi^^O "^ »ra ii m*)HiEb^o"r i+iQiS«i+l wm^ < 

'"511% ra*IT reratSSPafi f3sw5» 31355*1! I %53=FSrT 3^*SS<ft ^,*l«l«ltf WI*PW 

ai^f ggi^SR^^ " S*n 3f ^rraiW joWW* =r*Ejr w n <v#mn<s T 17 th "J 33 
verses 131-123. 125, 135, 152-153. 157-158, 160-161, 

Mystic words and magic spells in Veda 1035 

Magic spalls are found in plenty in the Atharvaveda and 
some mystio words or syllables are used even in the Bgveda ; 
e. g. the word 'vasat' oeeura in Bg. VII. 99. 7, VII. 100. 7 and 
other verses and the word svahs 1667 occurs over a dozen times in 
the Bgveda ( e. g. in 1. 13. 12, V. 5, 11, VII. 2. 11 ). A sleep- 
inducing spell occurs in Bg. VII. 55. 5-8, M68 which verses occur 
also in the Atharvaveda 3V. 5. 6, 5, 1, 3 and which spell was 
probably employed by a purohita to put to sleep soma noble man 
complaining of sleeplessness at night. Some Western scholars 
have held that this hymn is a lover's charm for a clandestine 
meeting with his lady-love. But the whole hymn has hardly 
any words of love in it and the author is not able to accept that 
theory as proved. Bgveda X. 145 is a hymn to be employed 
against a co-wife, the first verse of which is ' I dig up this herb, 
which is a most powerful creeper, by which ( a woman ) injures 
her co-wife and by which she secures her husband ( to herself 
alone )' 

The Hjtgveda frequently mentions magicians who appear to 
have been mostly non-Aryans described as adeva (godless), 
anriadeia ( worshipping false gods ), sisnadeva ( lecherous, Bg, 
VH. 21. 5, X. 99. 3 ). For reasons of space, it is not possible 
to go into great details. Tantrik works describe the six cruel 
acts which will be dealt with later on. In the Vedic times it was 
supposed that some wicked people could by charms and incanta- 
tions bring about the death of men and animals or make them 
ill Two long hymns ( VH. 104 and X 87 both containing 25 
verses ) are enough to show how the Bgveda people were afraid 
of black magic. Both hymns are full of the words ' Yatudhana ' 
(one who employs black magic) and 'raksas' (devil or evil 
spirit ), the word yatu being the same as ' jadu' ( employed in 
Marathi and other regional Indian languages) There were 
female evil spirits also called ' pisaci ' ( Bg. 1. 133. 5 « O Indra ! 
destroy ^ the reddish very powerful pisaci and kill all evil 
spirits)*. A few verses from the Bgveda may be translated 

1667. IntheTantrasthe word -.svaha ' in mantras is indicated by 
wehawordas'wifaof Agni'. Vide Tantrik Texts, vol 7, where ^wr is 
calle< « ^ S vni«u, STO*PT=J*n and f|s, also 5in<{Ud«=s VI. 62-63 . " 

1036 History of Dharma&astra [See. VI, Oh. XXVI 

here. ' May I ( Vasistha) die this very day if I be a practitioner 
of black magic or if I have scorched the life of any person; may 
he, who falsely called me a practitioner of black magic, lose his 
ten sons; may Indra kill with a terrible weapon him who called 
me yatudhana, though I am not so and who, being himself a 
raksas, declares himself to be pure ; may he, being most wretched, 
fall below all beings (Eg. VH. 104 15-16); O Marutslmay 
you spread in different places among the people, and wish to 
seize the devils and pound to dust the devils (raksasah) who 
assuming the form of birds fly about at night and who, when 
the sacrifice is shining, produce deadly obstacles ( ibid, verse 18 ); 
O Indra 1 kill the male practitioner of black magic and also the 
female ( magician ) that destroys with wiles ; may the { devils ) 
worshippers of foolish deities perish with their necks out off; 
and may they not be able to see the sun rising ( Bg. VIE 104. 
24 ); O Agni, split the skin of the yStudhana, may thy destruc- 
tive bolt kill him by its heat ; O Jatavedas 1 shatter his joints, 
may some carnivorous beast longing for flesh seek ( devour ) the 
broken (yatudhana), O Agni I shatter the yatudhgnas by your 
heat, and the raksas by your glow and destroy the worshippers 
of foolish gods ( muradevan ) and, shining towards those that 
feed on the lives of men ( aautrpah ), shatter them ' ( Rg. X 87. 5 
and 14 ) 

In the J.p. Gr. (III. 9. 5-8) it is said that the plant used by 
the co-wife is called Patha and the hymn (ftg. X 145) is 
employed for securing domination over the husband and^ for 
harming a co-wife Bg I 191 is a charm against various 
poisons In the Atharvaveda there are numerous hymns styled 
' satrunasana ' (destructive of enemies) e g. II. 12-34, HE. 6, 
IV. 3 and 40, V 8, VI. 6, 65-67 and 134 Atharva II. 11 is 
styled * Krtya-dusana ' ( counteracting black magio ). A few 
of the typical verses may be cited ws9 here. ' Employ magic 
spells against him, who hates us and whom we hate; attain 
( i. e. dominate ) him who is superior and surpass him who is 
(our) equal'; ' O Soma ) strike in the mouth with your thunder- 
bolt him who speaks evil of us that speak what is good and may 
he, being crushed, run away'. The SukranitisSra (ed. byG. 
Oppert, 1882) provides that the Tantras a T e the ITpaveda of the 

1669. nffiaaffc=g*^Hra;tra:'r*riT3 ,!I i • an^ shnpii *ri jR*^ 

arorqfa ii awl vi 6 2; f9^ft«n^m^<m srfUn: sftSfcraMjRran. swtrsro- 

Some spdlsfrom the Atkarvaveda 1037 

Atharvaveda. Atharva III. 35 and VX 130 are spells respectively 

employed by a man and a woman to soften the heart of the 

person loved; Atharva H. 30 and 31 are charms for driving 

away or destroying worms that cause diseases and V". 36 is a 

charm against pisacas ( goblins ) 167 ° The sound 'phat' occurs 

in "Vaj. S. In the A\p. Sr. Sutra phat is employed in offering 

Soma stalk3 in abhicaia (employment of spells for a malevolent 

purpose ). Phat is a sound frequently emplayed in the worship 

of Devi in Tantra works. But no direct connection or line of 

evolution from the Atharvaveda to the Tantras can be traced. 

The Tattvasangraha of Santaraksita (705-762 A. D.) connects 

even Buddha with magic practices. It says 'all wise men 

declare that it is dharma from which results worldly prosperity 

and the highest beatitude. Seen results such as intelligence, 

health, rulership are produced by properly observing the rules 

about; mantras, yoga and the like declared by him ( i. e. lsn by 

Buddha)'. But one cannot place implicit reliance on any 

writer's statement made more than a thousand years after the 

event or person referred to in it. There are, however, stories in 

the Pali sacred books about the cultivation of magic powers 

among Buddha's own disciples, e. g. the story of Bharadvaja 1672 

who rose in the air for a bowl carved out of very fragrant 

1670 For the sound ' phat * in Durga-puja, vide p. 161 n. 416; gtrj^ 
531 »lf[*f tatOTf "K^snuipr cstr «<IHW mt I sfFST. ^ VII. 3. on which the com. 
H^hK explains 'gtlftanWcR *J%^T 3HH4H 3HUNld ^4-dlQ-tWH^U J 31^ 

1671 ^iggg^nnira^at j5-&*reret ^ i ^t *nf ^^ra ai^ -wS^ R-^ig ah u 

P - 9 ^~^ M ri - - tP ° pl1 ° f ?n * ER raH> comments 'jfcr HH4&-toldi4i H5=r- 
<a«m<;ii<<«<£ra R35t I ^pt; HHtra- I at l t&l^H g^MUdritQuRilg ; 1 1. The 
first verse a ppears to have been based on the ^tfe^ 11.1-2' sjsmft *f$ 
^i«s<.«mi«: 1 1t«S»g?^ *RlRri%: * i$x: I '. The word 3pgij*i has been 
various ly inte rpreted by the commentators of KanSda's sutra, but gene 
^*W™™ ' wordly happiness or prosperity ■; compare t^g's 

^*"? v ^^rat3 ! Pft?n3?^figi GX&vA §* ?rowlS^ii • 

chap. IV. 263 (G.O S ). Some take it to mean ^ in contradistinction 
to P! VF&t ( which means jjfcgr or a^g^ ). 

/n ^I 3 , T hestoryo£Pundo,aBIl5r a dv aJa. a disciple of the Blessed One 
cwp- 18 " 5 " 1 theair> tak,ag °> e bowl and going thrice round the 
nnTRffiJ* * ' n the ^ ,S narrate <* ^ Cullavagga (S B. E Vol. XX 
ttattawi J^w** l herethat Buddha rebuked his disciple, ordered 
that bowl to be broken and reduced to powder. 

1038 History of DJiarmaiSstra [ See. VI, Ch. XXVI 

sandalwood. Further, there is a story of miraouloua powers 
possessed by all the members of the family of a layman called 
Mendaka ( viz. himself, his wife, son and daughter-in law ) in 
Mahavagga VI. 34. 1 ff. ( S. B, E. vol. XVII. pp 121 ff ) Here 
again we have to remember that there is nothing in the Tipitaka 
or any early Buddhist document to prove that Buddha or his 
first disciples had anything to do with nmdras, mantras and 
, manifalas and that neither Yuan Chwang nor I-tsing refers to 
any Tantras, though both of them.refer to the Buddhist mona- 
steries as centres of Buddhist culture ( vide Dr. De in N. I A. 
vol.1 pp. 1 ff ). In the introduction to Sadhanamala (vol.11. 
LXVIII. ) Dr. Bhattaoharya relies upon the words ' Sugato- 
padistam' and 'Sugataib' occurring on pp. 334-335 of the 
Sadhanamala for holding that Buddha himself must have pro- 
mulgated some mantras. There are two weighty objections viz. 
' Sugataih ' does not always mean Buddha, but means also 
' followers of Buddha ' and secondly, ju3t as most Hindu Tantras 
are dialogues between Siva and Parvatl, so later Buddhist 
writers might have easily said that they are quoting the Buddha ; 
the same objection applies to Kamalasila's remarks quoted by 
Dr. Bhattaoharya, as Kamalaslla and his teacher flourished 
about 1200 years after Buddha. 

The question whether Buddhist Tantras were prior to Hindu 
Tantras or vice veisa is difficult to decide It appears probable 
that both arose nearly about the same time. Vide ' The Saktas ' 
by E. A Payne pp. 72-74 for discussion of views In the 
Sadhanamala (a Vajrayana work consisting of 312 small works 
composed according to Dr. Bhattaoharya from the 3rd century 
A D to 12th century AD.) four pithas (chief centres) of 
Vajrayana 1673 are mentioned viz. Kamakhya, Sirihatta (or 
Srlhatta ), Purnagiri and Uddiyana The first two are respec- 

1673. It appears that in some Tantra works five Pithas are named 
(according to H P Sastn's Cat. of Nepal Palm-leaf and selected paper mss. 
in the Nepal Durbar Library. Calcutta, 1903, p LXXX) viz Odiyana(in 
Onssa, says H P Sastri), Jala (in Jalandar), Purna Matanga In SrTsaila 
and Kamakhya'in Assam The very fact that five pithas are named in the 
work supposed to be delivered by Siva shows beyond doubt that before the 
work Tantrism had spread in all parts of India The Sadhanamala (vol n 
pp. 453 and 455) mentions Uddiyana. Purnagiri, Kamakhya and Sirihatta, 
the Kulacudamamtantra (Tantrik texts. Vol. IV) in6thpatala verses 3-7) 
refers to five pithas viz. Uddiyana, Kamarupa. Kamakhya, Jalandhara ana 
( Cotttntned on next $a&e ) 

Pithas of Va}> ayana 1039 

tively identified with Kamakhya or Kamarapa ( three miles from. 
GauJfctati } and modern Sylhet. The exact situation of the other 
two is a controversial matter. M M. H. P. Shastri identified 
Uddiyana ( which is moat frequently mentioned as a pltha ) with 
Orissa. His son Dr B Bhattacharya think3 it most probable 
that Vajrayana Tantricism arose in Uddiyana ( p. 46 of Intro, 
to B. E. ). Dr. Bagchi in ' Studies in the Tantras ' pp. 37-40 
furnishes good grounds for holding that Uddiyana was near 
Swat valley in N. W. India and Grousset ' In the footsteps of 
Buddha' pp. 109-110 holds the same view. The Barhaspatya- 
sutra (ed. by E. W. Thomas) names eight Saktaksetras (HI. 
123-124 ). In his Intro, to Sadhanamala ( vol. U. p. LXXVHI ) 
Dr Bhattacharya holds that the Hindu tantras were introduced 
on the model of the Buddhist tantras. But Winternitz (in 
' History of Indian Literature ', Eng. tr., vol. II. p. 401 ) states 
that this view of Dr. Bhattacharya is contrary to the facts and 
the present writer agrees with this view. 

_ Though Dr. Bhattacharya admits that Buddhism and 
Jainism exploited Hindu gods in the earlier period, he asserts 
(on p. 147 of his Intro, to B E.) that 'it is possible to declare 
without fear of contradiction that the Buddhists were the first 
to introduce the Tantras in their religion and that the Hindus 
borrowed them from the Buddhists in later times'. It is no 
honour to ancient Hindus to he called the pioneers in the practice 
of black magic. But scholars have to seek truth irrespective 
of the question of honour or dishonour. Very weighty arguments 
are advanced by Valleg Poussin ( in E. R. E. vol XII. p 193 ) 
Winternite and Payne (on ' Saktas p 73 ) for the opposite view 
ana the present author agrees with them. Hundreds of works 
were translated from Sanskrit into Tibetan and Chinese. The 

Sf^ht M Ti nghaSbe6n ali 0Ile Wfrom India to Tibet 
and China .Vide a paper on « China's debt to India' by Prof 

» X tt^T V ^ ab1 ^ <*«*■*. vol. II. for S£S 

?DB7h?M0 *',? 8tat9d tbat24 Hindu seholais to 

tteOhinS 789 ° ame t0 Ghina . bB ^es 13 from Kashmir and that 
the ^Chinese scholars that went to India for study from 365-790 
^tt«»b«4 187 of which the names of 105 cJn be a^certataed. 

( Continued from last page ) 

cvn.30 ^s^js^ fc ^s^ D — - 

1040 History of Dliarmaiaslra { Sec. VI, Oh. XXVI 

There is hardly any evidence of the translations of Chinese 
or Tibetan works into Sanskrit. Besides, the three great Chinese 
travellers never refer to the study of Buddhist Tantras in India. 
Watters on * Yuan Chwang's Travels in India ' vol. I p. 360 
narrates a story from the pilgrim's life that when he left 
Ayodhya in a boat and proceeded east down the Ganges, thugs 
that looted the boat decided to sacrifice him to Durga but that 
the Chinese pilgrim was saved by a hurricane which put the 
thugs in terror, who released him and treated him with 
reverence Vide also 'In the Footsteps of Buddha" by Rene 
Grousset pp 133-135 for this incident. We see that there is 
evidence of the prevalence of Tantrik and Sakta worship in 
India long before the 7th century A. D. There is hardly any 
evidence of any Buddhist Tantrik work before 650 A D. except 
perhaps the Guhyasamajatantra and MaSjusrimulakalpa, both 
of which contain late elements. In this way, presumption and 
chronology are both against "borrowing by Hinduism from 
Buddhist Tibetan or Chinese Tantrik works Vide ' Tibet past 
and present' by Sir Charles Ball (1924) pp 33,35, 39, Sardar 
X. M. Panikkar's work 'India and China* (1957) p. 70, 'Intro- 
duction of the alphabet in Tibet' by M M Dr Satischandra who 
holds that it was borrowed from Magadha in 7th Century A. D., 
that show that a written script ba3ed on an Indian alphabet as 
prevalent in Kashmir was first introduced about 640 A. D. , that 
the Tantrik Buddhist Padmasambbava was summoned from 
TJddiyana by a Tibetan king Ti-son De-tson ( 749-786 A. D ) on 
the recommendation of Santaraksita Bodhisattva and was 
induced to settle in Tibet Bunjiu Hanjio's 'Catalogue of 
Tripitaka' (Oxford, 1883 ), appendix II. p. 445 No 155 shows that 
Amogbavajra translated many works between 746 and 771 A. D.> 
died in 774 A D. and that it was under his influence that Tantra 
doctrines gained currency in China. It is clear from the works 
of Bana as detailed later od that worship of Candika with wine 
and flesh was prevalent in India long before 600 A. D , that 
Srlparvata was famed for its tantrik siddhis, that Sivasamhitas 
existed, that japa of mantras a orore of times in a cemetery wa3 
supposed to confer siddhts, that he 14th of the dark half of a month 
was deemed the proper tithi for japa and black magic. Therefore, 
it is most likely that Sakta or Tantrik doctrines were taken to 
China and Tibet from India and not vice versa Prof P. V" 
Bapat in' 2500 years of Buddhism' (pp. 360-376) follows (at 
p 363 ) Dr. B. Bhattaoharya and trie3 to prove that Tibetan 
Tantrism is earlier than Hindu Tantrism, but his arguments 

Time of entry of Buddhism m Tibet 1041 

like those of Dr. Bhattacharya do not carry conviction at all.. 
Dr. A. S. Alfcekar in his paper on Sanskrit Literature in Tibet 
(ABORt. vol. 35 pp. 54-66) shows how Buddhism entered into 
Tibet in the raign of Strong-Tsan-Gampo ( 637-693 A. D. ), that 
about 750 A D ;Padmasambhava from Orissa and Vairoeana 
from Kashmir were pioneers and how about 4500 works were 
translated into Tibetan. 

. Even Dr. Bhattaeharya admits that Buddhist Tantras in 
outward appearance resemble in a marked degree Hindu Tantras 
(p 47 of Intro to B E.), but he contends that in the subject 
matter, the philosophical doctrines and religious principles there 
is little similarity. As Buddhism did not believe in Hindu 
gods they do not speak about Sakti'or Saktism. But just as in 
Hindu Tantras there is the mala principle Siva and the female 
principle of Devi, the Buddhists postulate Prajjna (which is 
feminine) and TTpaya (masculine) as two principles and invest 
them with the same roles as those of Siva and Devi but reversed 
in character. They bad to graft on the idea of gtinyata. the ideas 
underlying the concepts of Siva and Devi or Sakti. The subject 
matter is very similar as regards the goal and means (Yoga &o) 
and the procedure of mantra, guru, mandala &c. i3 the same. 
The most important and early works of Buddhist Tantrio cult, 
the Frajnopaya-viniscayasiddhi and Jnanasiddhi are not 
earlier than the 8th century A. D. , when Saktism and Tantrism 
had both been long established in India. 

The word ' Sakta ' means one who is a worshipper or devotee 
of * Sakti ' ( cosmic power or energy ). It appears that long before 
the 8fch century A. D. this cult had spread in almost all parts 
of India, particularly in Bengal and Assam. Sakti under 
different names (suohas Tripura, Lohita, Sdasika, Kamesvarl) 
was conceived to be the primordial principle of all activity in 
the universe and is generally worshipped under the name of 
Devi. The Devlmabatmya is one of the chief works of the 
Saktas and has been described above on pp. 155-156. The chief 
characteristics of the Sakta cult aTe the doctrine that God or 
Deity is one and is to be conceived as the mother and also the 
destroyer*'* and that there is a special form of ceremonial 

fti:.:" ", J 3 ?" "* thB dhyZ " as ° l DevI as K511 1S ^ follows : SRpssi Hinjfori 
H. D. 131 

1043 History of DJiarmaiastra [ Sec. VI, Ch. XXVI 

worship which sometimes assumed debased and revolting forms. 
Devi has been eulogised in other Puranas also as in Vsmana 
(18-19), Devl-bhagavata (III. 27), Brahmanda ( that contains 
the Lalitamahatmya in 44 chapters), Matsya ( 13. 24-54, where 
103 names of Devi and 108 places of her worship are set out ), 
Kurma (I. IS). In the last Purana (Kurma 1. 12) Devi is 
called MahamahisamardinI (98), Anahata, KundalinI (128), 
Durga, Katyayani, Oandl, Bhadrakali ( 143 and 148 ) and it is 
stated that the sastras opposed* 675 to the Veda and Smrti that are 
popular among people such as Kapala, Bhalrava, Yamala, 
Varna, iLrhata were propagated by Devi for deluding the world and 
were based on ignorance. Vide also Brahmapurana (181. 48-52) 
for names of Devi and for the proposition that Devi when 
worshipped with offerings of wine, flesh and other edibles 
becomes pleased and grants men's desires. Bhadrakali is com- 
paratively an anoient name. In the San. Gr. ( SBE voL XXIX 
p. 86 ) it is provided that an offering is to be made to Sri at the 
head of the bed on which the householder sleeps and at the foot 
of the bed to Bhadra-kall, while Manu provides that, in the 
daily bahharana, bah ( offering ) is to be offered to Bhadrakali 
in the south-west. 

The Tantras"and Sakta works have much in common, the 
main point of difference being that in the Sakta cult Devi ( or 
Sakti) is worshipped as the highest, while Tantras (which 
include also Buddhist and Jaina works) are not restricted to the 
worship of Devi or Sakti, but may be agnostic, Vedantio or 
Sankhya in their philosophical outlook. Dr. B. Bhattacharya 
(in Intro to Guhyasamajatantra p XXXIV and in Intro, to 
Sadhanamala voL II. p. XIX) states that, for a work to be called 
a real Tantra, there must be the element of Sakti in it. But this 
is plainly rather an over-statement. The Vayupurana enume- 
rates the Sakta among six daiianas ( philosophic points of view) 
as in note lilSa . 

Even the Bgveda speaks of the Saktis of the great gods 
of the Vedic pantheon. But the Sakti or Saktis are of the God 

1675. w sirens es^ Hressiwi^Eirfit a i ai^gia^si^ Sat 

mf^ 3 ■ S& L 12, 261-262. These verses are quoted by ^^a^tr in *£ld<re 
I pp. 785-786 (under «tf«HJcM )• 

1675 a nm 9rt Start •» #* gs. m*i* ' *ip«*it* *w» ***• 

The word ' sakti ' in the Bgveda 1043 

aimself and not a separate creative principle and sometimes 
Sakti is meant as part of the poet, priest or sacrificer ( as in 
Rg.1.31. 18, 1.83.3, IV. 32. 8, X. 35. 5). The word 'Sakti' 
occurs in the Rgveda about a dozen times in the singular as 
well as in the plural, five times with Indra, 1S76 once with Asvins 
( Rg. H. 39. 7 ), twice with pitrs (I 109. 3, VI. 75. 9 ) and once 
with gods in general (X. 88. 10, who are said to have created 
Agni with their powers). Sometimes, the word ' Maya * i3 used 
with regard to Indra instead of the word Sakti. ' O Indra I I 
long for your great friendship and powers ( saktih )...understand 
that you are our great protector; I proclaim your ancient and 

recent deeds, O Indra endowed with powers (Saktivah)l ; 

' Indra assuming 1677 many forms by his powers ( mayabhih ) 
repairs ( to many sacrifices ), ten hundred horses are yoked to 
his chariot '. In these passages there is no question of worship- 
ping sakti or fcaktis of the god praised. The more frequent word, 
however, is 'Sad* ('saclbhih' occurring 36 times and 'sacya' 
13 times). The word ' Saclpati * (lord of Sari or power) occurs 
sixteen times in the Bgveda and has been applied in all places 
to Indra, except once in 5g.VH. 67.5 (where it is applied to 
Asvins ). It cannot be said that in the Rgveda « Sad ' is the wife 
of Indra ( as it is said in later mythology), since the plural is 
more frequent^ than Saoi in the singular and since Asvins also 
are called 'Saclpati'. once. Similarly, the word 'Sacivah' 
occurs eleven times, in nine of which it is addressed to Indra 
but it is once applied to Agni ( Rg. 1H. 21. 4) and once to Soma 
( Rg. IX. 87. 9 ). The ideas associated with the words ' Sakti ' 
and ' Saci ' are those of creation, protection, valour, and bounty. 
In Rg. I. 56. 4 India's power is called 'Devi tavist' but the word 

SS ??«£? "FT in * hat VeMa TheM is a SHblime as™* 
( Bft X. J25) of the power of Vak (speech), wherein Vak is said 

to associate with Rudras, Adityas, Vasus, all gods and is 

V**. *. VII. SO. 10. X. 88. !0 Wfc^W, ^W^^^ 

1044 History of DharmaiMra [Sec. VI, Oh, XXVI 

declared to support Mitra and Varuna, Indra and Agni, the 
Asvins, Soma, Tvastr, Pusan and Bhaga. Vak is said to stretch 
the bow for Eudra in order that the destructive enemy of brahma 
(prayer or God Brahma) may be killed, that Vak stands occupy- 
ing all worlds and that her body touches heaven, that it is 
beyond heaven and the earth, that Vak stands so vast by its 
greatness'. Vak becomes the principle of all energy. According 
to the Nighantu (I. 11), mena, gnah. and sad are three of the 
57 words meaning 'Vak'. In Tai. S. V. 1. 7. a the metres are 
called 'gnas'. Bg. 1. 164. 41 is an enigmatic description of Vak 
explained in Nirukta XI. 40. It should be noticed that, just as 
Devi or Sakti is associated with Siva in later literature, so are 
IndranI, VarunanI, Agnayl, EodasI associated with Indra, 
Varuna, Agni and Maruts respectively as wives. 'I invoke 
IndranI, 1673 VarunanI and Agnayl for my welfare and for drink- 
ing Soma " , ' May the women, the wives of gods, partake of the 
offering, viz. IndranI, Agnayl, the brilliant ( wife) of the Asvins, 
Eodasi; may VarunanI listen (to our laud) ; may the goddesses 
partake ( of offerings ) at the time (appropriate) for women'. 
It must be said, however, that these goddesses ( devli ) play a 
very subordinate part in the Bgveda. Mb direct connection can 
be traced between these Vedic goddesses and the later concep- 
tion of Devi or Sakti. IndranI is invoked for protection in Eg. 
I. 22. 12, n. 32. 8, V. 46. 8, X. 86. 11-12. In Eg V. 46. 8 IndranI 
and three others are called Devapatnls and 'gnas'. In Bg. I. 
61. 8 it is said that the gnas, the wives of gods, wove, when Indra 
Btruck the demon Ahi, a song of worship. The word ' gna ' 
occurs 20 times in the Eg. m the nominative, objective, instru- 
mental and locative and is an Indo-European word for wife 
(Greek has it). Vide Nir III. 21 where ' mena ' and ' gna ' 
occur. In the Kenopanisad TJma Haimavatl (daughter of 
Himavat ) tells of Brahma to the gods Agni, Vayu and Indra 
(III. 12). In the Svetasvataropanisad it is said 'they (brahma- 
vadins) endowed with meditation and Yoga saw Sakti (power) 
abiding as non-different from God and conceal ed ( from com- 

167a ?sgton3<r w% swrnft ircr^i 3rcrr?i HPrffa^ • 3? I. 22. 12 : 

a. nm, — *"1— Jt. ... » 1 n n ^ . ■ *rr _i_m if l -SV £ I UN FT 3 


SL4kmTli 3? V 46. S ^ is said to be the wife of Asv.ns in Rg. X. 
S^rSTS^Ui— Rg!> U 6. 8 ,n ftro XII 46 and holds **ft » rt- 
«,fe of *e m Eg- V. 56. 8 the Maruts are said to have ■ Rodas. on their 
S^ft taS V fa 4 the Maruts are saxd to have a beautiful wife , .* 
T£i R°aafl .Idled devl and is said to be.mixed up with Maruts In 
Rg I. 167 4 and VI. 66.6 RodasI is connected with Maruts. 

Brahma a?id saktis 1045 

prehension ) by its own attributes ( or by sattva, rajas and tamag).' 
The same Upanisad (in VI. 8) speaks of Brahma as possessing 
the highest Sakti 1 " 9 in various forms and this text is quoted by 
Sankaracarya on Vedantasutra II. 1. 24. In the bhasifa on 
Vedantasutra II. 1. 30 and in the sutra itself Brahma is said 
to be endowed with all powers. Vide also Svetasva. IV. 1. The 
Narayanopanisad contains an invocation of Durga-devi 16s0 
'I approach as a refuge the blazing goddess Durga, brilliant like 
fire, luminous owing to tapas, that is resorted to for. (yielding) 
the rewards of religious actions ; O goddess possessed of excellent 
might! adoration to your power'. Raghavabhatta 1681 avers 
that Tantra cult is based on Sruti as can be seen from the 
Upanisads called Ramapurvottara-tapanlya and Nrsimhapur- 
vottara-tapaniya. Similarly, Bhaskararaya in hi3 commentary 
Setubandha on Vamakesvaratantra mentions several Upa- 
nisads as treating in detail of the bhakti of Mahatripura-sundari 
and interprets Bg. V. 47. 4 ' catvari Im ' as referring to Kadividya. 
But all these Upanisads seem to be purposely composed to bolster 
up the tanira s that had come to be looked down upon and they 

U79 ^ Jty rprcfriawat aTOFi%is??[f% ^ a »1ia'igi^i %i«5= i. 3; 
<nm a rajRwa* ^ mw&& im^i^ i =*ti %rr»?=> vi. 8; ^farr ^ 
^5'!^ 3 ? i 1 - *• 30, on whlch <wtPt sty* 'm&nft *w°ft SikMWrti- 

VTrnfrntim^ lTOrpm3=g srftl: Bat this is enhrely different from the 
later Sakta doctrines Here Brahma is sam to be endowed with various 
SaU.s (n t one), wh.te S aku among Saktas ,s the female principle that 
Is supreme. It ,s po5sl bIe that such a vedanta doctrine of s'akti might have 
suggested the later all-engrossing power o£ Sait'i as the only d e ,iy or principle 

WMSW3IP.4. ^^ ^i^a-^R $ ^^...3^.^, 3^ % 

Adyar 1925 ara ? .1 ^^J**^ by Pandit A - MabadevasSstn,' 
«HT,#W^ft (the^-prr^ occurring on P p 6 !-73). to the^. 

1046 History of DharmaiUstra £ See. VI, Oh. XXVI 

are mostly mentioned by late medievel writers like Raghava- 
bhatta and BhaskararSrya. There are two great hymns 
addressed to Durga in the Mahabharata, ,682 viz. in Viiataparva 
(chap. 6) by Yudhistbira and the other in Bhismaparva (chap. 
23) by Axjuna, but they are discarded as apocryphal in the 
Poona critical edition. The Gangadhara stone Inscription of 
Visvavarman of 480 of the Malava era (424 A.D.) refers to Mates 
( Mother Goddesses ) and Tantra 1S83 The Br S. 57. 56 mentions 
the groups of Matrs. The Vrddba-Harlta-smrti recommends 
that the householder should not enter places of Saiva, Bauddha, 
Skanda and Sakta 1684 cults. The Visnupurana 1685 (one of the 
earliest among extant Puranas) speaks of the whole world as 
that of Visnu, who is the highest Brahma and is endowed with 

1682. In JRAS for 1906 pp. 335-362 B. C. Majumdar endeavours to 
show that the two hymns to Durga are late interpolations in the Maha- 
bharata, probably derived from practices of non-Aryan Sudras in Oriya- 
speaklng bill tribes of Sambalpur. Bat he forgets that apart from other 
sources KahdSsa (not later than about 400 A D.) speaks of Parvatl as 
Uma, Aparna, Durga, Gauri, Bhavani and Caudi in his several works 
and also that Kahdasa refers to the Ardhanarisvara form of Siva. In the 
last verse of the Sakuntala Kahdasa speaks of Siva as • pangata-skktib ' and 
thereby suggests that at least the germs of the later Sakti worship were not 
unknown in his times Therefore, the worship of Durga m her several 
aspects is older than 300 A D. by at least a century or more; vide pp. 
185-186 above 

1683. nFjort <g n afedtwu^ftgli^-THT as#r^3-iMt44=M'1i}ufar*«r- 

£fcfJsn>U in Gupta Inscription No 17 p. 72 The |[5cHf|ai 57 56 provides 
rules about images of Matrs 'mgiiui. *<f=4. ^irfl^na^TSaraif.' j "^ 
ilugiilHhregnoT (m I 226) mentions a large number of mfs including gn# 
and agrailril (in all over 180) Vide a recent work on 'the Cult of the 
Mother Goddesses' by E O. James (London, 1959), of wbich pp. 99-124 
deal with India , ' Matsyendranatha and his Yogini cult ' by Dr. Karambelkar 
in I H. Q. Vol XXXI (for 1935} pp 362-374, which show that Adinatha 
( Siva Himself ) was the guru of Matsyendranatha. who was himself guru of 
Goraksanatha. the former being called Luipa (in Tibet), one of the 84 
Siddhas , vide Cunningham's Archaeological Survey Report D£, for the 
temple of 64 Yoginis at Bheraghat and 'Tautrik cult in Epigraphs ' by Mr. 
B. P. Desai in J. O. K (Mad. ), Vol, 19 PP 285-288 

1684. tR^PHT*35Tnn**n*nF> *ri9fr5 sri^i isreuiat^ia xi 143 

1685. gawJiite v*4 smtHaw^sci iw8i*i«iw fiwft. jn%s«Pra^« 
^BSg v. ?. 60; sM whftt g fo sr **<refc&« sraai' gorPRtq^mro* anwr 
WJH^JIHIIRSSS. V 1 86 This verse occurs in ggrsaot 181 52 and tne 
prlSg tbteTverses which contain the names of Durga are the same 
in both. 

Names and worship of Durga 1047 

Sakti, enumerates some of the names of Durga as JLrya, 
Vedagarbha, Ambika, Bhadra, Bhadra-kSlI, Ksemada. Bhagyada 
and winds up by stating that when Durga is worshipped with 
offerings of wine, flesh, various kinds of foods, she, being pleased, 
would fulfil all desires of men. In the Kadambari of Banabhatta 
there is a long description of the temple of Candika at a few 
days' journey from TJjjayinI, where there was an old Dravida 
devotee, in which the following points deserve to be noted, viz. 
offerings of the heads of animals, lion as vaham, the slaughter 
of Mahisasura, the doctrines of Pasupatas written down on 
small books of palm leaves containing jugglery, tantra and 
mantras, Durga-stotra written on a piece of cloth, ruined temples 
of the Mates and description of the Dravida devotee as knowing 
thousands of wonderful stories about Srlparvata. Bana describes 
at length what queen VilasavatI, pining for a son, began doing 
to placate all Gods viz. sleeping in the shrines of Candika where 
guggulu was being incessantly burnt, taking auspicious baths 
on nights of dark 14th in public squares where magic circles 
had been drawn by great magicians, visiting temples of Mates, 
wearing amulets inside which were pieces of birch leaves on 
which mantras had been written with yellow pigment, and, 
when delivery was near, her bed was rendered holy with various 
herbs, roots and yantras (figures or diagrams). In the 
Harsaoarita (HI) there is a reference to magic circles and to 
human sacrifices in the description of the Saiva ascetic Bhairava- 
caryawhohadaUtheSaiva-samhitas by heart, who performed . 
the japa of a mahamantra called Mahakalahrdaya a crore of 
times m a cemetery and wanted the help of Puspabhuti ( an 
ancestor of Emperor Harsa ) for perfection in that mantra to be 
achieved by subduing a vetala and who ultimately attained to the 
position of Vidyadhara and rose into the starry firmament. In 
tte last Introductory verse of the Harsacarita the Emperor 

S^hSi / m8anS ° f PUIXS ' Called ^ &I Parvata in yielding 
«M» * *< ^natural powers, or fulfilment ) according to the 
wishes of all suppliants "« These descriptions from the works 
the 7 Ti & t 36hi f £ «*«*«*> show how even long Ee 

Iktl T?l A - D ' ^ wor3hip of ° andI with ** «* the 

^^£^ Vm * bmu:aa - of ma ^as, siddhis, mandalas 
^antra shad gripped the minds of all Indian peo ple, g£5 


1048 History of Dharmaiastra [ Sao. VI, Oh. XXVI 

and small, rich and poor. In the Malatlmudhava (Act V) 
we have a gruesome picture of human sacrifice to Camunda, 
In the same drama Saudaminl is described as observing the vows 
of a Kapalika on Srlparvata and as having secured supernatural 
powers by meanB of mantras. Srlparvata is mentioned as a holy 
place of Siva and Devi in Vanaparva 85. 19-20. The Vasava- 
datta of Subandhu (p. 87 of Hall's ed.) speaks of Srlparvata as 
' Sannihita-malhkarjunah. ' Later on a few passages from 
Sanskrit and Prakrit literature will be cited to show how the 
teaching of Tantrik practices led to great moral debasement and 
revolting orgies in the name of religion. 

The literature on Tantras was vast (vide 'Principles of 
Tantra' ed. by A. Avalon, part 1 pp. 390-392 for a long liBt of 
Tantras ). Both Hindu and Buddhist writers composed numerous 
works on Tantra and a very large number of subjects came to bo 
inoluded in Tantra works. Buddhist and Hindu Tantras are 
alike in some respects but they differ in the topics disoussed, 
philosophical doctrines and some religious principles and 
practices. Tantra works were intioduced into Tibet, Mongolia, 
China, Japan and South East Asia. Originals of many of the 
Sanskrit Tantrik works are now not available, but the trans- 
lations of some of them in Tibetan are available. 1687 It Js aid 
that even now if proper searoh is made, three hundred works on 
Tantra may be discovered ( vide Dr. B. Bhattaoharya in vol. X. 
of Sri Bamavarma Institute of Besearch at Cochin p. 81 ). 

It is diffioult to give a general definition of Tantras. The 
word ' Tantra ' is derived usually from ' Tan ' to spread and 
'trai* (to save). 'It spreads (dilates upon) many matters 
including the tattvas and mantras and affords protection; 

1687. The following works will convey some idea of Sakta doctrines 
and practices R. G. Bhandarkars's ' vaisnavism, Saivism &c. ' (In Collected 
Worts, Vol IV pp 203-210); 'Sakti and Sakta' by Sir John Woodroffo 
(1920), 'Serpent Power' by Arthur Avalon (Sir John Woodroffo), Mho 
Saktas'byE A. Payne (Oxford University Press, 1933) 'Sakti or divine 
power* by Dr. Sudhendu Kumar Das (Calcutta University, 1945) ; 'Doctrine 
of Sakti in Indian Literature' by Dr P. C Chakravarti (1940). Vide Prof. 
Bagchi's ■ Studies In the Tantras * pp 1-3 for the introduction of four 
Tantrik texts in Kambuja (Cambodia) about 800 A D, named • Siraschcda, 
Vinas'ikha, Sammoha and Nayottara and ' Inscriptions from Kambuja' by 
Dr R C Majumdar (Calcutta. 1953) pp. 362, 373-374 and JRAS for 1930 
pp. 163-65 for relics of Saktism in Moslem Malaya. 

Description and contents of Tantras M« 

„**. P-f ^ SkS aeSr^ny important pex- 
:rgeB of Buddha !nd took over in course of time , «Wn 
SS ! deities like Ganesa and Sarasvat, Tantras ,e — 
to comparatively later works into three groups, Visnukranta, 
EaSLta and AsvakrSnta and 64 Ttab-«- -Ji^ J 
each of the three groups (vide Tantrik Texts, vol. I. ed. by 

to L fictitious The same Tantra is put in two classes by certain 
works. TheEularnava-tantradn 6-1) speaks of five amnayas 
(East, West, South, North and urdhva) as the paths to Moksa. 
The Parasurama-kalpasutra 1683 I. 2 does the same. Besides, 
Tantrik worshippers are divided into three classes viz. Sam. 
Sakta and Vaisnava. Bagchi states (' Studies in Tantras' p. 3 ) 
that Tantrik literature is classified into Srotas ( which are three ) 
Pitha and Jmnaya. The Saundaryalaharl, ascribed hy some 
to the great Advaita teacher Sankaraoarya, refers to sixty-four 
Tantras (in verse 31 which begins 'oatussastya tantraih' 
which, it is said therein, were declared by God Sankara for 
deluding 1690 the world. Several Hindu and Buddhist Tantras 

1688, gsftgitsapfsfeaswsrcrfriiijcrmi shot ^ ^ *rht3 anrfSKt- 

1689. vrjRiqtRjn?i^sgng;:...vt5H^T vwi ^mnn*raiT gs: rjsgfvri^: 
■EBWI^uW^W^K'tpF't'" «w a<>«W «! 'H i? * 2 - There exist works that 
mention the mantras and dhyanas of the five amnayas. for example, D C. 
ms. No. 394 of 1882-83 does so (cat vol. XVI on Tantta mss, pp 339-340 ). 

1690 The evidence for attributing the work Saundaryalaharl to the 
great acirya is not strong In H F. Sastri's Cat. of Palm-leaf mss mNepa 
Durbar Library p. LXII there is an entry for ttRK^t^^Rent, a Tautri 
compilation by a Sankaraoarya of Gaudadesa, This would emphasize that 
caution is required in accepting works ascribed to SankaracHrya as genuine 
works of the great Advaita teacher. Vide D. X. Bose on ' Tantras, their 
philosophy and occult secrets ■ pp 29-30 for the names of 64 tantras men- 
tioned in the Varaht-tantra together with the verses therein and Saundarya- 
laharl (tr pp 117-120) for a list of 64 tantras and BagcbVs ' Studies in the 
Tantras' p 5 for the names of tantras considered authoritative in the 8th 
century i\.D. and even prior to it The a^Icfei °* ^rfH^atf states that there 
ate groups of ten, 13 and 64 Saiva tantras '^gtaigsi^iaffta -q^smw fbf{: i 
( Continued on next page ) 
H. r>. 133 

i03 ° History of Dharmaiastra [See. VI, Ch. XXVI 

have been published and we have now a fair idea of what the 
numerous Tantras must have been like. Some of the published 
Hindu Tantras are Kularnava, Tantraaara, ITityotsava, 
Parasuramakalpa-sutra, Paranandastitra, Prapancasara, Mantra- 
mahodadhi of Mahldhara, Mahanirvanatantra, Eudrayamala, 
Vamakesvaratantra, Saradatilaka (about 11th century A.D.). 
Besides, there are works like the Tantraloka and Malinlvijaya- 
vartika of Abhinava-gupfca of Kashmir TantriBm. They stand 
somewhat apart from the works enumerated above. Among the 
published Buddhist tantras are, Advayavajrasangraba, 
Aryamanjusrlmulakalpa, Guhayasamaja-tantra (probably 6th 
century A. D. ), Jfianasiddhi of Indrabhuti ( 717 A. D. ), Nispan- 
nayogavali of Abhayakaragupta (composed between the last 
quarter of 11th and first of 12th century A. D. >, Prajnopaya- 
viniscaya-siddhi of Anangavajra ( about 705 A. D. ), Sat-cakra- 
nirupana (1577 A, D.), SadhanamalS (containing 312 small 
works supposed to be from 3rd to 12th century A. D.). Of the 
Buddhist Tantras Aryamanjusrlmulakalpa and Guhyasamaja- 
tantra 16 ? 1 are the oldest according to Dr. B. Bhattacharya 
(Intro, p, XXXVIII. to Guhya-samajatantraJ, Most of the 
above works have been published by Arthur Avalon ( Sir. John 
Woodroffe) and in the Gaikwad Oriental Series. Some of the 
Hindu Tantras contain sublime philosophical views derived from 
the Upanisads and the Gita or from the Sinkhya and Yoga and 
the final goal according to them is Multli (liberation from the 

[Continued from last page) 
rami fSreJSira it 3t?rrc erns'flflrarcCH 1. 18 (Kashmir S. series, Vol. XXII p. 35). 
The ft&u QteiiwU (a part of mw^ ^n^^i ) names the 64 Tantras in verses 
13-22 of the first T??IW, but it includes eight Yamalas among Tantras, while 
Dr Bhattacharya {in ' Introduction to E B. p 52) tries to distinguish 
Agamas and Yamalas from Tantra and also in his Intro, to Sadbanamala 
Vol. II pp XXI-XXII. The mte Hritl3"fa of 3Hl><j |T|R (Tanink Tests, vol. 
XIV) enumerates numerous tantras including Yamalas in I. 2-14 and names 
{I 92-93) eight gurus. 

1691. Dr. Bhattacharya in Intro, to Guhyasamxja p. XXXIV holds that 
Asanga is probably the author of the Guhyasamsja and therefore that work 
belongs to the 3rd or 4th century A, D. One has only to read the Maha - 
yanasutralahkara of Asanga ed. by Sylvam Levi and compare its refined and 
correct Sanskrit with the rather harbarou3 Sanskrit of the Guhyasamija to 
come to the conclusion that the latter is not Asanga's work. There is no 
evidence to prove that Guhyasamija belongs to the 3rd or 4tb ^entury 
A D. It is probably two or more centuries later than that ; Bagchi ( ' Studies 
in Tantras' p. 41) is against identifying Asanga, the author of Sadbana No. 
159, with the great teacher of Yogacara., 

Hindu and Buddhist tantras 1051 

oycle of births and deaths ) for all man but to ba secured by- 
following the path laid down by the Tantras. As the number of 
published Hindu Tantras is considerable, reference will be made 
mainly to a few viz, Kularnava, Paranandasutra, Frapancasara, 
Mahanirvanatantra, Vamakesvaratantra (Anan. ed.)» Sakti- 
sangamatantra, Saradatilaka and in the case of the Buddhist 
tantras to Aryamanjusrlmula-kalpa, Guhyasamajatantra, 
Prajnopayavinisoayasiddhi, Jflanasiddhi, Sadhanamala, Sekodde- 
satlka. The purpose of most Buddhist Tantras is to indicate 
a short path for attaining Buddha-hood through Toga practices 
and they introduce the element of Sakti for Yogic practices and 
for securing miraculous powers ( called siddhts). In the History 
of Dharmasastra not much need be said about Buddhist Tantras 
except for comparison and stress will have to be laid on the 
Hindu Tantras alone. The philosophical aspects of Tantrik 
culture may be studied in the Parasuramakalpasutra, the 
VSmakesvara-tantra, TantrarSja, the works on Kashmir Saivism, 
works of Bhaakararaya, Bhavanopanisad. This last is a late 
work dignified with the title of Upanisad, as it deals with 
bhaiana and summarises the Vasanapatala of Tantrarajatantra 
N ( vide Intro, to the latter p, 3 ). There are also Vaisnava Tantras 
like the Gautamlya-tantra ( D. O. ms. No. 1120 of 1886-1892 ) 
and Kramadlpika of Kesava (who was a successor of Nimbarka) 
with the commentary of Govinda Vidyavinoda (published in the 
OhowkhambaS. series), which are not referred to in this work 
from considerations of space. Vide Agnipurana 39. 1-7 for the 
names of twenty-five Vaisnava Tantras dealing with the 

Kratt 11 * ° f Y1SnU image aQd ° tller matters and Mahesvara- 
The Hindu tantras which are supposed to have embodied dia- 
logues between Siva and Devi or Skanda or Bhairava and rarely 
others as m Dattatreyatantra (D.C. ms. No. 962 of 1887-91) 
£STS V^™ ^l^ th6y baSe ^^elves on the Vedas 

wS T;Si 13 ? nd P , uianas ' that there ia an easier and <***<>£ 

way to toe final goal of moksa and they of ten quote Vedio 
Ihm• e n; ( ^S ,^eXa ? Pl9 • intheK ^mav a , Siva says to Dev! «I 
handh J^l^ aU ° f VedaS ^Agamae with the churning 
tco^u UheKuladha^a,^ that the Kaulasastras are autho- 

**«. u. «,. *. ^u, „ £s aImoat the 3ame .^.Jg, 
(Continued <m next jbagt) 

1052 History of Dharmasastm [Sea VI, Ch. XXVI 

ritative hko Vedio texts and should not be nullifiad by ratiocina- 
tion.' The sarno Tantra furthor a33orfc3 ' ona who ha3 studied the 
four Vodas but is ignorant of Kuladharma is inferior to a 
candala, whilo a candala who knows Kuladharmas is superior 
to a brahmana. If all dharmas such a3 sacrifices, pilgrimages 
and vratas aro put on ono side and Kuladharma on another side, 
Kaula(dharma) is superior. ' "■'■* It is, therefore necessary to 
understand what is meant by Kula or Kauladharma. The 
Guhya-samaja 1691 states that Guhy a moans the three viz. body, 
speech and mind and 'samaja' means 'coming together', that 
Kula may comprehend five matters or three or 101 and that 
Guhya(a3 defined) 13 tnkula' God Sankara 1695 declared five 
tattvas, viz. wine, flesh, fish, mudra ( hand and finger poses or 
the woman helper of a yogin ) and sexual intercourse, that are 
acts that become tho means for the attainment of the position 
of a aha and that the mantra of Sakti does not confer perfection 
unless one follows tho practices of Kula ; therefore a person 

[Continued f tout last page) 
5?t«tnwjt°F^ ' TOwsgrra spa to^w uiT^ijin^ii ?rST'(p. 7): 'gsaranSr 

5^4 tg»^« ^tensfornpTrar. wm m*- f3*m ganfa ir. 139-1 ji ^tn*r- 
i^gnjasr is inss 74.15, Jig ..v% is Rs i- 30 6 - m?%-'&n is Rg. ix. 1 li 
Sfk...a^}RCJsRff IX. 67.33, %u!ftrnt ">'" «e IX.SS. 43. Most of the 
Vedic references are cleverly chosen to suggest sweet wine and flesh. 

1693. ipKtr. wmi *mr isnfHbrcn^i 1 tpBsr. a3vnf«j sra ^cJteraRRi t^» 

fp=t U II and 67 Vide sgtFnWFSf IV 43 for almost the same words. 

1694. ra^vf n flmiig i^ra: ssiP a ^ t^ iv^i surra flte^ sihfi n4&-#\f%~ 

t n WtK< ll aid! ■H+ l iai I8th qajj p. 152, tTSPB f^ISci 4fa ^TOFHIfflcr 5c5^'— 

52 *ra§t5 sjHb Hr^ij y#a-«<K» > ibid. p. 153 

1695. iffoaitHc wI ffr ttarawii%?rmr =5 1 *?r *mf erar H^rast^g 5 ^ ^r 1 
iptn%<i5ajranWt^irjfrari^5i^immPrTrcpTi 57: xvms are of three kinds 
tig, 5fKandfqp*r. Vide sRfiHwna^r, qnsren»3 vi. 21, ngn^^ori- " a ° d 
55, iv. 18-19, ^rarjrsrfSrnfa vii. 186. ^srrare ft^rr %ft ^Rbh»^V i firtjrq 1 ' 1 
3 *n iq&riM H<a wrer^s^iwrspBt^t *r*«wr a«trireprg?rH|fFtS^^»5trar35iT- 
ftm^rtr itser* JTCfififa^u mfrnfcrpT v. 21-22. ssm « voca tive of sural applied 
to ?tr%. the spouse of flrr The qfojisicfrfSWhr states =gf3§grr gsj^sRa* 8*1 
<ra m=t ) K^i ii "s^ik hpi 5^i(?cr 3»igmWr *reft*ra»=tu irar nra •^^" S ?^i" 

*l33R*r inn;^<^ tl%tl IV 24-28, besides, «Hi aNtflHufo H- 101-105 are 

morestnkmg : w*«ncr wrofta 5if% mifommt*. i -i^i spfftt 3 it s?n tli*" 
^ragr. 1 9U?csif%*a5Jrs^ t^arapja 1 .. .511% fw*rffi <£3nn iiRmfl *^a«ii «• 

Five tattvas in the worship of &akti 1053 

should be devoted to the Kula practices whereby he would attain 
tothesadhana of Sakti; wine, flesh, fish, mudra and sexual 
intercourse— these are declared to be the five tattvas in the 
procedure of the worship of Sakti. In another place the 
Mahanirvana 1696 says that the individual soul, prakrti, space, 
time, akasa, 8arth, water, fire and Yayu- these are called ' Kula ' 
and that way of life whereby one looks upon all these as bi ahma 
without distinction is called Kulacara, that confers the four 
goals viz. dharma, artha, kama and moksa. The Saktisangama- 
tantra states that Kula means the upasakas (worshippers) 1697 
of Kali. The Kularnava states ' Kula means gotra and that 
springs from Sakti and Siva ; that man is called Kaulika who 
knows that moksa is secured from that (i. e. Sakti and Siva). 
Siva is -called 'Akula' and Sakti is called 'Kula', those who 
contemplate on Kula and Akula are the wise kaulikas. " Various 
other definitions are given in Guhyasamaja ( 1st patala p. 6 ), 
in the Preface p. VIII of the Saktisangama tantra, Tarakhanda 
But the same Tantra clinches the matter by declaring that 
" Sakti is known as Kula ; her worship and the like are described ; 
that should be known as ' Kulacara', which is difficult of attain- 
ment even for gods. Worship, done with these alone viz. wine, 
flesh, fish, mudra and sexual intercourse, is known as Kulacara." 
The Parananda-sutra 1698 provides that the highest self is one, 

1696 ^ $*•• ^fifirs =3 fgajraPRiftiN =? i f §r ^ ^ Hi ^ *r ^affttifinS'pnr i 

VII 97-98. In VII. ifflMlO .t identifies the five ^ ^, ^ ^ ^ 
and „*, Wlt h the five elements v«. fcr (wft)| ^ ^ ^ a J^ 

S2S.^» W» snstfSHrti ^fTOET|pr°, araw, 36th qas, verses 

iSlJf??*, 1 ,^ 8 * 47 . Th \WTO*nifiS (ma D. C No 994 of 

^man^^J™^^' 1 ' W*™s possOrfy so oaUed became 
(wblehuVSSL™, mP ° rtaDt part,n itorit *™ ««U, practised 

1054 History of Dharmaiastra [ Seo. VI, Gh. XXVI 

that there are seven Lords ( Isvara ) viz. Brahma, Visnu, Swa 
Surya, Ganesa, Sakti and Bhairava, that individual souls are 
countless, that there are three mar gas (paths) viz. Daksina, Varna 
and Uttara, each succeeding one being superior to each preceding 
one, that Daksina-marga ie the one declared in the Veda, smrtis 
and puranas, that the Varna (way) is declared by the Veda and 
Agamas, while the third (Uttara) is the one declared by the 
words of the Veda and of the Guru and that the Guruvakya is 
that of one's guru who is himself Jloan-mukta and who gives 
instruction as to a mantra. That sutra further provides that 
the VamacSra is of two kinds, madhyama (middling) and uttama 
(best), that uttama is the one which is concerned with wine, 
sexual intercourse and handpo3es, while madhyama is one where 
all five, wine, flesh, fish, mudra and maithuna are resorted to. 
It should be noticed that the Tantras themselves designate the 
use of five makaras in worship as Yamacara and not their 
orthodox partisans of Yoga, as Heinrioh Zimmer alleges in ' The 
art of Indian Asia' vol I. p 130 Paranandasutra 1699 prescribes 
that the disciple has to undergo dlksa ( consecration ) from a 
qualified guru, who instructs the disciple as to the mantra, who 
holds a mouthful of water in his own mouth and passes it into the 
mouth of the disciple that accepts the mantra while he gulps down 
the water. This procedure applies if the guru is a brahmana, but 
if the gUTU is a ksatriya he should recite the mantra in the 
right ear of the disciple. The Tantraraja-tantra provides that 
the guru should wait for 1, %, 3, 4 or 5 years according as the 
intending disciple belongs to the four varnas or to a mixed 
caste, 3hould test his qualities and devotion and then com- 
municate to him the mantra; otherwise, both guru and disciple 
would come to grief ( Tantrik Texts, vol VHI. II. 37-38 ) Most 
works on Tantra provide that the knowledge conveyed by the 
guru and worship with five makaias must be kept secret and 
if made public falling in hell is the result. Vide Parasurama- 
kalpasutra L 12 and Saktisangama-tantra » M After undergoing 
dik«a and receiving the mantra the disciple has to follow the orders 

1699. Harare 3<patf iH** ai%3w*3STi%5fe*' "»=} argftsrr jj^sfen^T 

1700. an^^^^^^^^^J^n^^^-^^!!^^ 5 ! 

Duty of disciple towards tantrik guru 1055 

of the guru till the former has a vision of the deity. 1701 Guru 
is higher than all other men, mantra ia higher than guru, the 
deity is higher than the mantra and the highest self is higher 
than the devata. In order to attain siddhis the guru is to be 
served by disciples with devotion iu all ways. There is only 
one way viz. bhakti (devotion) for those ( disciples ) that long 
for worldly pleasures, heaven or moksa, as the Sruti sayB * there 
is no other way '. JTvan-mukti 1702 means "to have a vision of 
the Deity worshipped' and ' one who is liberated, though living, 
is not tainted by his acts, whether meritorious or otherwise '. 
This doctrine closely follows what is said in some of the 
TJpanisads about the man who has realised bi ahma that ' he 
shakes off punya and papa and having cast aside the body he 
reaches the world of brahma ; he does not Teturn i. e. he never 
again undergoes samsara'. One should strive for that stage. 
Therefore one who has obtained correct knowledge should become 
a bhakta (devotee). All these, viz. one in distress, the seeker 
after knowledge, one who seeks some desired object and one who 
has obtained correct knowledge, are noble, but the man, who has 
knowledge about God, when he becomes a devotee, reaches the 
world of the Highest Self, as the Vedio words say ' one who 
knows brahma reaches the Highest '. With all this sublime 
philosophy as the background the Paranandasutra frankly 
provides that the guru, after completing the worship up to the 
offering of a handful of flowers and having offered into fire some 
food, should make a collection of makaras, should again come 
to the place for worshipping the Deity and offer food into fire 
should handover to the neophyte a bowl for drinking wine' 

r!!?™ **? **P» ™ *™^ »m**» w^^Wfemsfcn *tf%i^. 

>t^r ^. tpsn ^ra g^,., M K RF<C pp 6 _7 sutras 35, 38. 59 The 
Th,s half verse also occurs in sini tf. 31. 18 "«awir<l . 

1056 History of Dliarmaiastra I Sec. VI, Cb, XXVI; 

mudra, materials for dinner with condiments and a courtezan 
and should instruot the neophyte, that has accepted the three 
makaras (madya, mudra and maithuna), as regards the kaula 
practices. 1703 Then the Parananda-sutra devotes two pageB 
(16-17) to the kauladharmas taught to the neophyte, from 
which a few^ striking passages may he cited. " A young 1 ™ 
courtezan is Sakti incarnate, is brahma ; women are gods ant 
the very life-breath and are ornaments (of the world); they 
should not be censured nor angered"; 'after worshipping the 
gods and gurus in the way laid down by the Veda and the 
Tantras a man does not incur sin if he drinks wine while 
remembering god or has sexual intercourse with a courtezan. 
He who partakes of wine and the rest merely for pleasing himself 
falls into a terrible hell. He who giving up the ordinances 
of sastra acts as he pleases does not attain siddhi in this world, 
nor heaven nor the Highest goal ( moksa )■ A worshipper should 
drink wine only up till his eyes do not begin to roll and up till 
his mind does not become unsteady; to drink beyond that stage 
is bestial '. The Paranandasutra ( pp. 70-71 ) describes the 
procedure of a festival (Utsavavidhi) among Tantrikas The 
mantra is ' Isvaratman, tava dSsoham ', which may be given to 
even a candala or may be accepted from a oandala. It is further 
provided that the followers of Vama-marga may employ the 
following mantras about the three makaras, that ( the best among) 

1703 gs. gWraFT' tlW^ felW f5tr 5®. nfitoWIK JliSsT !Rirc31- 

gcOf^r gqjfwrqi- w w u-q gen %^ai *RT»rew33m«rs$ >*iRi«ii<ni3wrg 
t wfa T ii N fa l 1RT5P? PP. 15-16. sutras 56 and 63 

anrrrR stg€a isftoBritwi'i ?\ai =ak^iK: i^tpm^rm tilia> *ri<^» gfti 

MKM^ ° pp. 16-17 sutras 64, 65, 74-76, 80-81 Extravagant praise is 
bestowed on women in several tantras such as in Saktisafigama-tantra, 
Kalikhanda 3 142-144 and Tarakhanda 13. 43-50 and in M^uWcSlRuhrX. 88 
The half verse ' firqlr . HS3°raE' occurs in ?tRfi^Hcl^, dKIW« 23^ 10 The 
verse v. 5ira° » W HJla r 16. 23 For srpRT. q*I compare gaiujafpa VII. 
97-98. The ggiufc states that every woman is born in the kula of the great 
Mother and so one should not beat a woman even with a flower even if she 
be gnilty of a hundred misdeeds, one should not mind the faults of women 
and should make known only their good points (XI. 64-65). Vide also 
^jRcfif^lX. 66-69 

tiakla, mantras for 'makaras' W57 

Vamaoaras should resort to. They are : ' I take this holy naotar, 
which is a medicine (antidote) for samsara, which is a means 
of cutting off the snares by which the pasu ( in man ) la bound 
and which is declared by Bhairava" (this when taking the first 
i. e. wine ) ; ' I take this mudra which is ' ucchista ' of the Lord 
(i. e. which has been first offered to God), which destroys the 
torments of the heart, which produces joy and which 1705 is 
enriohed with other food materials' (this when taking^ mudra); 
* I take this divine young woman who has drunk wine, that 
always makes the heart full of bliss and that brings about my 
sadhana' (when taking one of the women that are brought 
together ). 

The Hindu Tantra works present two sides, one philosophical 

and spiritual, the other popular, practical and more or less 

magical, whioh relies on mantras, mudras, mandalas, nyasas, 

cakras and yantras as physical means to realize one's identity 

with the Supreme Power or Energy by concentration and as 

conferring extraordinary powers on the devotee. This may be 

illustrated by reference to two typical tantras, the Saradatilaka 

and the Mahanirvana-tantra. The Mahanirvana-tantra, though 

it speaks of the five makaras as means of upasana and though 

it states that when the great Tantra is understood, the Vedas, 

Puranas and sastras are hardly 1706 of any use, puts forward the 

striking conception in IV. 34-47 that Paramesvara 19 one and to 

be described as sat, at and Unanda, that He is one without a 

second, is beyond the gunas and is to be known from the Vedanta 

texts. It further on says that the best mantra is ' om sac- 

oidekam brahma' (III. 14), that those who perform the upasana 

of the Highest Brahma do not require other means of worship 

(sadhana); by sticking to this mantra man becomes brahma. 

In the 4th ohap. however, the Mahaparinirvana starts by saying 

that Durga is the highest prakrti of Paramatma, she has various 

names such as Kali, Bhuvanesvarl, Bagala, Bhairavi, Chhin- 

namastaka, that she is SarasvatI, LaksmI and Sakti, that she 

assumes various forms for securing the purpose of her devotees 

and for the destruction of demons. In the Kaliyuga perfection 

cannot be attained without following hula practices, whioh lead 

1705. Mudra has not here the sense of ■ hand and finger poses * but 
one of the meanings that vM be noted under mudra later 

^i , £ R 5,n! * **«* «**«• **« awn***,* ««**** 

H. D. 133 

1058 History of DharmaiUatr a [ See. VI, Oh. XXVI 

to the knowledge of brahma and the man who posseases know- 
ledge of brahma is a liberated soul, though living (ho is 
Jivanmvkta). Then there is high praise (IV. 10 ff) of Devi who 
is spoken of as the primordial Sakti ( adya paramS sakti ) and 
all gods including Siva himself derive their powerB from this 
Highest Sakti. A rather astounding statement is made in im 
the words ' as there was partaking of wine and the rest in Satya, 
Treta and Dvapara yugaa, one should do the same in Kah-yuga, 
but in accordance with the Icuta way, and that Kali does not 
affect those who give to the truthful Yogin the five tattvas 
(wine &o.) sanctified according to the kula way'. Then a 
mantra of ton syllables is declared ' hrlm srlm krlm parame- 
svari 1708 svaha', by merely listening to which a man becomes 
jwanmulda. Then by various combinations of the mystic 
syllables with Paramesvarl and Ealika twelve mantras are 
produced ( V. 18 ). But the mantras do not confer siddhi unless 
the kulaeara way is followed viz. the five tattvas 'madya* &c. are 
offered (V. 32-23). Then a Gayatrl mantra is set out (V. 62-63} 
as ' adyayai vidmahe Paramosvaryai dhlmahi I tan-nah Kali 
pracodayat II *, which is to be muttered thrice daily. The Sankhya 
tattvas, Prakrti, Mahat, Ahankara &o. are welded on to the 
worship of Sakti and the Vodic mantra ' Hamsah sucisad ' ( #g 

IV. 40. 5 ) with the Tantrik blja Hrlm ( V. 197 ). The Tantra 
gives directions for the sanctification of flesh ( V. 208-208, 
where Bg. I 22. 20 ' tadvisnoh paramam padam ' is employed), 
of fisb(V. 209-210) where the mantra 'Tryambakam* ($g. 
VIH. 59. 1-2) is employed, of mudra (V. 211-212 where the 
mantras ' Tad Visnoh paramam ' and ' tad-viprSso ' #g. 1. 22. 20- 
21, are employed) to be offered to Devi. The Mahanirvanatantra 

... ^.ww dwiff ssftfaans? =sr *nf»fa i ^ ?^ wra^w * is arc ^^ *© ' 
jj^^a,^,, IV. 56 and 60. It may be slated here that in the two editions of 
the jT§tf5twi°r there is a difference of a few verses here and there 

1708 In the a»s works the letters of the bijas in mantras are often 
indicated in a roundabout or mystic way. One example about the npifjER- 
sftet -gx may be set out here. niuRH&TOreisV Srwr sgmft? S«rc (aglEnjF* 

V. 10) . here ? is mo!*!, X »s aW, f « *&*&, ^fta^Jg is swgejK and this 
gives the blja rfl*, ^f and qfr are descnbed in f^frfteRRn" (I- I«-<» 
in a similar way. »fr and afj are respectively the sfas of nnrr (<» ^™" 
and of a*ft. Vide*!^^ (TSntnk Texts Vol I. 5-22, PP '26-3+ far 
^^pp 35-45 for *n^nfW '• «• '<" ^ ^ !•'"» ° l tbe "^* 
from a* to W } Every blja mantra must have the b,udu on >t, as « Hrim, 
srlm, Krim to. ' vfrrirt fl* *fcmmtai*' l%&™ p so on f^rnffcRwn'm?- 

Character of Mahanirviwtanira W59 

(18th century ) being composed after Saktism had come into great 

ridicule and obloquy is rather sober. 1 ' 09 It says that women 

of good birth should simply smell wine and not drink it, while 

householder sadhakas should drink only as much as is contained 

in five cups, since by drinking too much men of good family 

incur the loss of siddfo, and should drink only so long as the 

wine quaffed does not make their eyes roll or does not make 

their mind confused. As to the last tattva (maithuna) the 

sadhaka was to confine himself to the woman he chooses as his 

Sakti (VI. 14) and if his wife is alive he is not to touch another 

woman with a vicious intent, otherwise he would go to hell. 1710 

In keeping with its desire to present respectability along with 

tantrik practices, the Mahanirvana devotes chapter VIII. to the 

duties of uirrias and asramas, the duties of the king, the duties 

of servants in general, provides 1711 that persons of all varnaB 

are to marry within the varna and dine with persons of the same 

varna, except when engaged in Bhairavi cakra and Tattva-cakra 

(VIII. 150 ), when men of all varnas are like the best brahmanas, 

and no consideration of the castes of the participants arises nor 

any question about ucehista. It prescribes that no one has the 

adhikara to engage in the performance of Tattvacakra unless 

he is a sBdhaka endowed with knowledge of bralvma. In that 

cafcra the tattva3 (wine and the others) should be collected and 

placed in front of the Devi, the mantra ' Hamsah * ( Bg. IV. 40. 5 ) 

should be recited over all tattvas and the tattvas should be 

offered to the Highest Self with the verse ' Brahmarpanam 

hrahma havir* ( Bhagvadglta IV. 24= Mahanirvana Vm. 314) 

"° 9 - sgStw gp ^frn twRSrarrewioiqi tfreOTrt ^snsrf rrm& 
t*pj. i arawpr ng€a T gm-w tctcii *r§riMiit° vi. m The cup should 

be of gold or silver or of glass ot of cocoauut shell but should not be mora 
t han five talakas in capacity and not less than three 'qw^rS V gj Trt 1 

1 <*t l Jignjfloi VI. 187-188. For similar provisions about MHUM . compare 
t i UriHritRu^ VIII 55-36. ' 

<pwJ.ii ngn^^ota vm. 40. 

1 "j - *n&Wi"3*5*?witi i&*tHm-.» w^itoT^w to?: s«ra WB « 

«~^£ "9-180. 197 The verse q% ^r4 ..J^Srsafso 
VIII. 134-176 and VIII. 204-219 respectively 

1060 History of Marmafastra [Sec. VI, Gh. XXVI 

and all the sadhakas should engage in drinking and eating. 1713 
Chap. IX enumerates and describes ten samskaias from 
garbhadhana to marriage for members of the three varnas and 
nine for sudras ( omitting upanayana ), wherein Vedio mantras 
are prescribed as m the Dharmasutras and smrtis. One interest- 
ing item is what is called Saiva marriage, whioh is of two kinds, 
one entered into according to the rules of cakra and the other 
lasting for life. It is further provided that in Saiva marriage 1713 
no question of varna or age arises and that if a man has children 
from a wife married in the biahma form and also children of a 
Saiva marriage, it is only the former that take as heirs and the 
latter are entitled only to food and raiment (IX 261-264). 
Chapters X, XI, XII of the MahSnirvlna deal respectively with 
iraddJias, prayaicittas for sins and vyavahciia. 

It is necessary now to turn to the Saradatilaka whioh belongs 
to about the 11th century A. D. That work is divided into 25 
patalas and contains over 4500 verses It presents in the begin- 
ning a somewhat abstruse and involved philosophy. It says 
that Siva is both mrguna and saguna, the former being different 
from Prakrti, the latter being associated with Prakrti. Then it 
describes the order of evolution and manifestation as follows :— 
From the Saguna Paramesvara described as " Sac-eidananda- 
vibhava ' Sakti 1714 proceeds; from the latter arises nada (para) 
and from nada arises hndu (para) which is divided into three 
Viz. bindu (apara), nSda ( apara ) and bija; the first is indentiflad 
with Siva, blja being Sakti and n5da being the coming together 
of the two ( Siva and Sakti ). Sakti creates the worlds, she is 
Sabda-bhalima (L 56) and is called parasakti (I. 52) and para- 
devata (1. 57 ). She flashes like lightning in the adhSra-oakra. 1715 

1713. <mt srrs*w nati «*=$ TwrnaJU 2igrf. *ro& w<* iSswiwra- 
wfcsismll Hflf?raiV VIII 216 wgis often used in the sense of H?^ . vide 
gOTfeXII.18, WKl ftHftia VI 16M63 *<** and *3 are both derived 
from the same root ' titan * to think The HlgT-Hg is 3?r Wi^iS'ri ^sT 

1713 ^Jhafg=5tRt^ jfctdft 1 ferit I »bid. IX. 279 

1714 Raghavabbatta, the very learned commentator of the Sarada- 
tilaka, who composed his commentary in Banaras in Vikrama year 1550 
(1494 A. D. y explains that in the Sankhya system Sakti is called Pralrtl. in 
Vedanta Maya and in Slvatantras Sakti 

IMS. Viter*?m$m™ («.»* Texts, vol. II ed by Ar««jrA«to-j 
verses 4-49. VII 11-16 for cakras aad Serpent 
Power " (by A Avalon. ed. of 1953 ) which contains an English transition 
( Continued on next page ) 

Kun4alin* i0 ^ 

Sakti assumes the form of Kundalini in the human body. From 
Sambhu in the form of btndu arise in order Sadasiva, Isa. Rudra. 
Visnu, Brahma; from the avyakta bmda arise m order the 
mahat-tattva, ahankara and the other tattvas mentioned m the 
Sankhya system. Sakti is all-pervading and yet more subtle 
than the subtlest, she is the Kundalini coiled like a serpent and 
manifests herself in the form of the fifty letters of the Sanskrit 
alphabet (from* a' to 'ksa'). 

Before proceeding further some explanation of the six cakras 
which form an important constituent subject of several tantras 
is needed. There are said to be six cakras (centres) in the 
human body viz. 5-dhara or MuladhSra (at the base of the spine), 
Svadhisthana ( near the generative organ ), Manipura ( near the 
navel), Anahata (near the heart ), Visuddha ( near throat), and 
ijfia (between the brows). Besides these, there is Brahma- 
randhra figured as the pericarp of the thousand-petalled lotus 

( Continued from last £age ) 
of t ^thfiw i in which plate I shows the positions ol the six cakras also 
called lotuses ($adma), plates II to VII facing pp. 356, 365, 370, 382, 392, 
414 illustrate the six chakras from Muladhara to Ajna together with their 
colours, numbers of petals, letters, the devatas in each and other details 
These are drawings used hy the Yogis. Plate VIII facing p 430 illustrates 
' sahairara' '. Vide C, W, Leadbeater's work on 'the chakras' (Adyar, 
1927), in which the author claims that the illustrations of the cakras 
represent them as they actually appear to those who can see them and on 
p. 56 he furnishes a table of the colours of the lotus petals as observed by 
Leadbeater and his friends, and as described in q^-tichl^uui, i$H-t<f^dl and 
'U»t3",^l"| . The Rudrayamala ( 17th Patala, verse 10 ) speaks of KundalT as 
' Atharvavedacakrastha Kundali paradevata ', verses 21-24 speak of Kundalini 
passing from Muladhara-cakra and reaching the crown of the head that has 
the thousand-petalled lotus, that when united with Siva he (sadhaka) drinks 
nectar there. Rudrayamala (27 58-70) dilates on the six cakras and the 
Sahasrara together with the dalas (petals) and letters assigned to each, 
A stern warning has to be given that none should try to experiment about 
the cakras by reading books or try to rouse the Kundalini except under 
the guidance of a real Master in Yoga, as otherwise very dangerous con- 
sequences would follow. Even as regards wrong methods of Pranayama 
and Dharana, the Vayupurana (cbap XI 37-60) states that Yoga practices 
by ignorant men result in dullness of intelligence, deafness, dumbness, 
blindness, loss of memory, premature old age and disease and it specifies 
certain remedies to cure these defects. The present author knew a 
person who practised pranayama continuously for long periods becoming 
Monedeaf, though otherwise he was strong and muscular, and an expert in 
ear diseases declared on examination that there was no possibility of his 
Mcovery by the methods of modern medical science. 

1063 History of DkarmaSaslra ISec. VT.Ch.XXVi 

within the crown of the head. The cakras aie often indentified 
with the nerve plexuses of modern physiology, hut the descrip- 
tions in Sanskrit works of the KundalinI and the cakraa are 
meant to refer not to the gross hody hut rather to what is situated 
in the subtle body that vanishes when a man dies. The idea 
of the relevant Sanskrit texts is that the KundalinI Sakti 
( ' Kundalin' means a serpent } is aBleep in the Maladhara-eakra 
coiled like a serpent and has to be roused by the practices of 
Yoga and deep meditation 171 * The Saradatilaka asks in an 
eloquent stanza the sadhaka to meditate upon the KundalinI 
which when roused passes from the Muladhara-cakra by means 
of the Susumna-nadI (which is in the centre of the spinal 
column J through all the six cakras, unites with Siva in the 
Sahasrara (thousand-petalled) cakra and then returns to 
Mluladhara. Each of the six cakras is said to have a certain 
number of petals viz. 4, 6, 10, 13, 16, 2 (50 in all) in order from 
Muladhara to Ajna (vide Rudrayamala, 17th Patala, verses 
55-56 ). The letters of the alphabet also are 50 ( from ' a ' to 
'ksa') and they are assigned in groups to the six cakras as 
follows : ha and ksa to -£;jna, 16 vowels to Visuddha in the 
throat, letters ka to tha (12 m all) to Anahata, letters Da to Pha 
(10) to Manipflra, ba tola (6 in all) to SvadhiBthana, letters 
vatosa(4)to Muladhara. Some tantras state the colour of 
each of the Bix cakras and identify them with the five elements 
and the mind. These speculations of the Yoga and Tantras are 

1716. %5Jbrnracr xi l. 43 is smri* t%-pri»frnfi% a3?fr a !g ?P_gg^ 

ilKtm n $ avnsisw WWW«W vfcst ?mr©U ; that nectar flows over tgmtf&it 
when it reaches -m&n is stated in verse 47 of the same ' sqjt5|HFn W 
rm$i jn^imcjnjmTmvn^i sura. q^aqmgHsavcrwri'g^n^TOtw^J'i 

fl^in^n »fttii ^ .a«Hssa «8a'W^Q'<<nii? l'iggi w^rnr ^rss iaf gwt 

*rRsRfo«g«33Kll ?n^I» 25 65. vido ibid. Z5, 78 for the qofs assigned to the 
six ^BS J|j5 and &%% in (verso 65) mean the Jjjjnm=5PB and ■g&JXnmfiiW 
means goarapft. Vide x^^f^mm verso 53 also, for the stream of nectar 
flowing over gpsratfr in «3Wn«KT Vide Hfjtfnjfcffer IV 13-25, STprprnF^ 
(24 45-54 ),TOni3ta5ro*5r V. U3-U5, for the number of petals <n cakras. 
their colours, the letters assigned to each and their identification with me 
five elements and mind and ^Njfejfl verso 'ufr J£5r«m -wm< T»Wf 
»Bfa<ninfTOTOU» for identifying the five elements and too mind with tM 
s« cakras. In • Sarasvatibhavana Studies ' Vol II. pp 83-92 Fan<W 
Gopmatb Kavlraja describes thesyetem of cakras accordin e to Gorakjanitna 
The 77m (36. 6-168) sets out 1008 names of gptlfgrfV, all of which begin 
with the letter Sf>. 

Theory of Cakras and Upanisads 1063 

developments of the ancient Upanisad theories briefly noticed 
below. 1717 

Letters form words and words form mantras, that are the 
power incarnate of Sakti. Then the Saradatilaka describes 
asana, mandapa, kunda, mandala, pithas { on which images of 
gods are to be placed), diksa (initiation), pranapratistha 
(vivifying images), production of sacrificial fire. The Sarada- 
tilaka (1.109 and V. 81-91), the Varivasyarahasya (11.80), 
the Parasuramakalpasutra ( I. 4, ' Sat-trimsat tattvani visvam ' ) 
and other Tantrik and Agamic works enumerate 36 tattvas 
(including those of the sankhya system). From chap. "VII. to 
XXTTT mantras of different deities, their formation, use and 
results, abhisekas and mudras are described. Yantras are dealt 
with in chap. XXIV and Yoga in chap. XXV. It must be said 
to the credit of the Saradatilaka that it treats of only mantras 
and mudras and hardly anywhere treats of the other makaras. 
The Saradatilaka has been profusely quoted as an authoritative 
Tantra by medieval Dharmasastra writers like Govindsnanda, 
Raghunandana, EamalakaTa, Nllakantha, Mitramisra and 
orthers. In J. G J. El vol. HI. pp 97-108 M. M. Gopinath 
Kaviiaja contributes a learned paper on nada, bindu and kala 
and takes great pains to elucidate these and hopes that his 
exposition will make the meaning of these words clear ( p. 103 ). 
But the author feels grave doubts whether most readers will find* 
the meanings clear. 

Many tankas speak of the five makaras as the means of 
worshipping Devi, as e nabling a man to possess m iraculous 

anfl \'"" -ffZu* 11 tIm6S of the Upanisads the heart a hkened to a lotu 

hear ton^f ,7 6 *" ^^ "* ° De NEdiS < arte " es » -ins) of* a 
heart one of them penetrates the crown of the head , moving upwards bv l7. 
«au (who .s e m ancl P ated) reaches .mmortahty - '^^S^L^ 

verse (^^^j.s 5^ VI x compare „.*>„ m , 

statement: compare ^ = m 3 j^^sIX iS—T a S,milat 

<VI.49> S pe ak s of ter nS S\S'S^ r a e n e I^T "* ** «*"« 
SSrya and Agni S-^na^vT „, tbe tbree Ida &0 represent Soma, 

1064 History of Dharmaiastra I Sec. VI, Ch, XXVI 

powers and as leading to final liberation. The Kularnava states 
' the great Bhairava has prescribed that in the Kaula system 
Siddhi (perfection) results from those very substances by 
( resorting to ) which ( ordinarily ) men incur sin '. That means 
that the Kaula system eradicates poison by poison or, to employ 
modern terminology, its principles are like those of 
Homeopathy. 1718 

The Tantras seem to be not unaware that in prescribing the 
five makaras as leading to mukti (final liberation) they were 
playing with fire. The Kularnava itself remarks ( II. 117-119 
and 122 ) 'If by merely drinking wine a man were to attain 
siddhi (miraculous powers, perfection), then all wretched 
drunkards may attain siddhi. If, by merely eating meat a holy 
goal were to be secured then all meat-eaters in the world would 
be holy men. If by mere intercourse with a woman (called 
sdktt ) moksa was to result, then all men in the world may attain 
liberation. To follow the path (of Kula) is indeed more 
unattainable than walking on the edge of a sword, than clinging 
to a tiger's neck, than holding a serpent ( in one's hand)' The 
Kularnava prefaces the preceding dicta by the words 'Many, 
who are devoid of traditional knowledge and who profane ( the 
sastra ) by false ideas, imagine that the Kaulika doctrine is this 
and that, relying on their ( poor ) intellect ' ( II. 116 ) 

The Devlbhagavata provides (XT. 1. 25) that so much of 
tantra as is not opposed to the Veda is undoubtedly authorita- 
tive (vedavirodhi cet tantram tat pramanam na samsayah), hut 
what is opposed to Veda is not authoritative. 

There appears to have been great rivalry between the Hindu 
and Buddhist tantras The Saktisangama-tantra, one of the 
most popular and most exhaustive works on tantra, states that 
Devi manifests herself for the destruction of Bauddha and other 
heretical sects, for the removal of the confusing admixture of 

1718 %bt iar 5<^ itii%£R<t ^Sqfai i sfpfftcj^sfa =^rf9 war hsrh'JT i 

gj - g i ufa V. 48, vide qiMfflQ (Buddhist tantra) I IS ' tf&m vn I fTErr. 
thgmiti^ldl*<i 5 1 V&& I^K 3ft at $t*H Ra^rf II ' and compare H5fnm>» 
(Buddhist) V. p. 23 verses 24-25 ' fcHl34 r *m\i =5 ^S^iF WlflrtpMK 1 
SRIWRC iI' nJh -T 33f^cr*mra l >l' (both works in 'Two vajrayana texts,' 
G O S) Bagohl in 'Studies in tantras' (pp 36-37) shows that according 
to some Tantrik works the words si^rf^fr, ^, infjiSnft ba ve esoteric 
meanings and not the ordinary meanings But in the context in which they 
are employed in the two vajrayana texts, it is rather difficult to hold that 
they are employed in any esoteric or symbolic sense, 

Purpose of Hindu Tantras 1065- 

different cults, fop the establishment of the (true) Quit, for the 
protection of what the brahmanas stand for and for the perfect 
attainment of mantra-sastra. 1719 The Bauddha tantras, on the 
other hand, were not slow to retaliate. 

It would not be entirely out of place if a few words were 
devoted to the Bauddha Tantras, particularly of the Vajrayana. 
It has already been shown above ( pp. 943-44 note 1516 ) that 
all Buddhists, whether of the hinayana or mahctyana type, were" 
required to observe strict rules and regulations such as those of 
pancasilas and of taking refuge with Buddha, Dharma and 
Sangha and of dasasllas (for monks). The goal of nirvana 
(particularly under Mahayana doctrines) could be reached only 
after a very long time or after several births. As luxuries viz. 
flesh, fish, wine and women had been banned, the general mass J 
of the people and probably monks also were tired of the strict 
mode of life and long waiting for the goal. Buddhist Tantras 
like the Guhyasamaja (that belongs to the Vajrayana sohool ) 
provided an easy process by which liberation and even Buddha- 
hood could be secured in a short time and even in 1720 one life 
and averred that Bodhisattvas and Buddhas attained the aeat- 
of dkarma by enjoying all objects of pleasure as they 1721 pleased. 
The word Vajra means both ' diamond' and * thunderbolt'. The 
tost meaning appears to have been principally meant in the 
babyanmBja but the 2nd meaning also must have been some- 
times intended. Vajra denotes anything which is hard like a 
aiamond.^ In the Guhyasamajatantra the word Vajra, either 
singly or m compounds, occurs hundreds of times. Kaya (body) 

to 81 ^TS^f £ tta(mind) •" ^d'trivajra' (Guhya,' 
PP. 31,35,36,43). Nu merous other things "» are called 'vajra', 

**^Wi ftmnittferti TO^t^rnnS mm^mmwi ^mmm 

^•.um >«i surer g^r*^ *IKnmn and also ngttn^o V. 16. 

22S12F_SS^^:tt 55Rt 7th ^ p. 27. 

um application oi the word • vajra • to many things. j t may 
( Continued on ncxtiaga ) 

1066 History of Dharma&Mra [See. VI, Oh. XXVI 

auoh as the sunya (the Absolute of the Madhyamaka school) and 
ako VrjBana (consciousness ), which is the sole reality according 
to the Yogacfea school, and the Mahasukha (Blis3> added by the 
Scktaa. It also means the male organ in the mysiio languagt 
of Saktas. Though the original Buddhist rules insisted on 
ahimBS, Guhyasamaja permitted several kinds of flesh, suah ai 
that of elephants, horses, dogs and even human 1723 flesh. Early 
Buddhism insisted upon truthfulness and continence ( hrahma- 
carya); vajrayana, being an innovating revolt, allowed the 
killing of all animals, speaking untruth, intercourse with women 
(including even incest with the mother, sister 1 ' 21 and daughter) 
and appropriating.'wealth not donated by any one. This was 
called vajramarga (the path of vajra), which is said to have bean 
the dootrine of all Buddhas. 

The Prajnopaya ( 1. 20 ) describes the state reaohed by the 
Vajrayana method as follows. 'It is neither duality nor non- 
duality, it is full of peace, beneficent, present everywhere, to be 
realised by one's own self, steady (unchanging), undisturbed 
and full of PrajfiS ( wisdom ) and TJpaya (activity with compas- 

[Contmued from last page) 
be noted that the JBaaasiddhi II, 11 (Buddhist work) States '^flRgflir 
*Wt tRfr 5^ HftR i' i tWTW. ^TUl is called s*3i because it isssOTCWffJlsI) 

(G. Q S. pp. 23,37) This is somewhat like the doctrine of Brahma and 
Atman in theBhagavadglta II. 23-25 (sfct 15'cjPd mnft &o.). 5U*n%f% 0. 76 
explains: !« fa = a^ Hij i ch'WWIuH^ld «M?ri^rar spa 9W& > i e. iRf and sftftfipt 
(Enlightenment) are synonymous sj JJ$ siiejsr ?na i§ni sfffo W^WR' 

w i w^h ^iA a j li nn wiaaH " a^pt» 1.20; ngrnmiftar Iw^ft - 
gnfiSrfif x i -«!35ire<rtnwT<r fritter s^Riaw i wafcf irsmrsfcr sj>ot «nBn^r H "" 1 

JigftilTf » V. 22-23. 

5Vnri%% of fT^jii 1. 12-14 for similar verses, sirtSpisj mr qtrii^wr'^ 
5g«rr «ra 1 3J5xr •* era arei %*ft 'MStainftu 

1924. apfcr sezprpfa a^«ran M- 4\ «t < > < t « "cfi <t «^n?t W^JJ*?' 

51*93: « 5Sra°, 16th nag p 120 , ^ M^ ri HpUnH T5fc$ iGflWBW % \...m^mt- 

Ssftsr ^ju%g^ «raw! i sr Sr% figs! Tdfcr. jw«whi«i&i*» ssra 3t J^ 
P 20, '*re T g-$ fa dw 5T *r greferrapreno iSn? 3B$gat«W'i \*ft% ^amfWK" 

^IHi^rS? I 80 and 82 Vide Dr. Guenther's exposition of this passage and 
of a similar one from PrajSopSya. V. 23 in ■ Yuganaddha • pp. 106-109. 
Vide Dr. S. B Das-Gupta in 'Introduction to tsntrik Buddhism' p 1M. 

State reached by VajmySna method 10<fr 

sion) and it further provides (V. 22-23) that 'by those who 

hanker after liberation perfection ^ wisdom mu stb e sought 

(resorted to or adored) in all ways. This perfection of wisdom 

fa everywhere present assuming the form of woman Prama 

was linked up with an intense state of emotion called Sukha or 

Mahasukha (great bliss). "It being of the nature of endless 

bliss is designated mahasukha; it is benehcent all round, most 

eminent and conduces to complete enlightenment' (Prajnopaya. 

1.27) and 'this all Buddha knowledge which is by its nature 

to be experienced by one's inmost self is oalled Mahasukha 

(great bliss) Bince it is the most eminent of all pleasures 

( Jfianasiddhi VII 3 ). The word Prajna is feminine in gender 

and therefore some Vajrayana writers identified Prajna with 

woman; by erotic symbolism and far-fetched analogies the cult 

of woman was started. 

Dr.H. V. Guenther has published a book styled 'Yuga- 
naddha' propounding the Tantrik view of life based only on 
Buddhist Tantras and endeavours to prove in that work (of 
about 190 pages) that the Buddhist Tantrikas try to Testore 
life in its entirety, whioh is neither an indulgence in passions 
nor a rejection and escape, but a complete reconciliation to the 
hard facts of life, that the sexual aspeot of the Tantras is but the 
corrective against the one-sided intellectualism and rationalism 
of mere philosophy whioh is unable to cope with the problems 
of everyday life and that the symbol of Yuganaddha points to 
the unique harmony and interpenetration of masculinity and 
feminity, of blunt truth and symbolic truth, of intellect and 
humanity. It is not possible even to summarize this work or 
criticize it here. The core of the doctrine of the Vajrayana 
tantras is found in the passages quoted in notes 1720-21, 1723-24. 
The argument is: according to these Tantras perception of 
wholeness is the most joyous of all human experiences and man's 
experience will not be full but only partial if he has no experience 
of feminity i. e. of everything female. He may experience 
feminity through all female members of his family. Therefore, 
it is not to be wondered at, says Dr. Guenther, that 'this ex- 
perienca so often has an incestuous character'. Then he offers (on 
pp 106-112) a lengthy explanation of what he means which, the 
present author has to confess, is not quite clear to his moderate 
mental abilities. Dr. Guenther appears to be steeped in all the 
latest theories of modern psychologists like those of Breud and 
tries to expound-that Buddhist authors of the Sth century A. D. 
like Anangavajra and Indrabhutihad plumbed the depths of the 

1068 Hiatoru of DharmaiVstra I See. VI, Ch. XXVI 

psychical life on the linos of modern psycho-analysis. Granting 
for a moment all that Dr. Guonthor says about bi-sexuality, 
about sexual partnership being the boat expression for the moat 
intimate relation botwoon two oppositos, about woman being 
for the malo a matorial object and a goddoss, the present writer 
feols that one question appears to have been not satisfactorily 
answered or explained, viz. why did not the Buddhist Tantrikas 
simply exhort the gadhaka to understand the emotions, view- 
points and value of woman aa a mother, sister, wife, daughter 
or as a woman in general and why did thoy frequently and 
blatantly harp upon sexual intercourse of even an incestuous 
kind as a quick method of realizing the goal ? 

The Guhyasamaja-tantra puts forward a quick and short 
method for realising Buddhahood and for the attainment of 
miraculous powers (siddhis) through the processes of Yoga. 
-The siddhis are Baid to bo of two kmd3, Samanya ( ordinary, ins 
such as becoming invisible) and Uttama (highest i. e. attaining 
Buddhahood). Four means for securing ordinary siddhis are 
mentioned and they are called Vajrwcaluska. It is further 
provided that the best siddhi is acquired by the nectar of 
knowledge duo to the six angas 17M of Yoga (and by no other 
way) viz Fratyahara, Dhyana, PrSnSyama, Dharana, Anusmrti 
and Samadhi. It is worthy of note that the first three angas of 
yoga mentioned in the Yogasutra viz. yama, myama™ 3 and asana 
are omitted and a new one, Anusmrti, is added. Yama could 
not he included because to the Guhyasamaja it did not matter 
if the sadhaka ate flesh, or indulged in sexual intercourse or told 
lies, while in Yogasutra yamas are ahunaa. satya (truthfulness), 
asleya ( not appropriating anything that doe3 not belong to one), 
brahmacarya (sexual purity) and apangrcdia (non-aceeptanoe 
of gifts ). Niyamas could not be included because among the five 

1723. ajsaOTrnpr: flrais (?Hrg*fO wn*ii ^^^jM^S'iri 
fHt<uga3,w i a v stWHWH ^n 'gaffosrrr a <ftfc&>t mamK'-^^ t ^ m 
fear^grora^i wra^a 3#r t ugianpi'ga^^H Hmp^an^ m a 

1726. ^Tt^Slpn^^^^ntqSig!! ?RTt!Sf»f^^?T9ra5)a3^' 

Wlfl«q«tfi*»S«I&l SBKWCT PP 163. All these sir are defined on 
tip. 163-164. stsmjRt Is defined as 'i?»rt 3 fRPtpffT WT^Ht *MG$ ' *"*** 

1727. " For 7m and Phm vide note 1525 above and the eight angas ol m 
ara:^-i^^^^-wmm-3Wiw-mCT-wnW-?mi^SHnfrra i^wia? • 

Yawa and niyama there omitted by Bauddlia Tcmtras 1069 

niyamas are svadhyaya (Veda study) and ( Isvarapranidhana ) 
devotion to or surrender to God. Many Bauddhas reviled the 
Yeda and acknowledged no Supreme Deity. The Guhyasamaja 
introduced Yogio practices for quickly securing Buddhahood. 
The idea of allowing flesh and sexual intercourse seems to have 
been that the Togin is to be indifferent as to what he does so 
long as he ib striving for the goal of Buddhahood, for development 
of his psychic life and that he may disregard all social conven- 
tions and rules. 1728 Another innovation of the Vajrayana was 
the introduction of upasana of Sakti for liberation through Toga. 
The Guhya-aamaja provides that if even after making efforts for 
six months, the sadhaka has no realisation, he may repeat his 
efforts for three time3 more and if even after that he has no 
enlightenment he should resort to Hathayoga and then he would 
attain correct knowledge through Yoga. A further innovation 
was the theory of the five Dhyani-buddhas, 1729 emanating from 
the Bhagavan, who represent the five Skandhas or fundamental 
principles of which the whole creation is composed and each of 
whom was associated with a female Sakti. The teaching of the 
Guhyasamaja is that if psychical power and miraculous siddhis 
-are to be developed females must be associated with those who 
undertake Yogio exercises to achieve their ends. Thus the 
^prophecy of the founder of Buddhism pronounced, when yielding 
to the pressure and entreaties of his favourite disciple Ananda 
for allowing women to be members of the sangha and to be nuns, 
that on account of this innovation his system would stand fast 
only for five hundred years, though otherwise it would have lasted 
tor a thousand years, was literally fulfilled ( vide OuUavagga 

SS7. irr^ "« ^ ^ « *n?wft*. **** 

W RE » Tsfptr*I° p 23 v. 29. 

d XlX 3 a;d V w e ? r ; Bha « aohar ya's' Introduction to Guhyasamaja-tantta 
*Z£ , L - . ?"°' t0 B - E - ™- 3a ~ 33 ' 7 °- 8 °-81, 12!. 128-130 for the 

Bn^M Bhattacbarya observes ■ we bave already mentioned that 

fva Sn ^hr Sa t C f haUenget0and "P»^«ouo£ earlier B^aS 1 
S ^Z^ a rl 0{TS,ltrik , Buadhlatn to ChaUenee ^-AontyofCddha 
weT bl dd n 1 b ;Tdai a , UddhiSm - 1 , AU . kia,3S0£ W ° rldly «W~ 
Mcufa. food Al tLfthfr- \ ,l PeC 'f\ W ° e ' W ° men - fish ' meat «* 

1070 Histonj of Dliarma&aatra I Sec. VI, Ch. XXVI 

X 1. 6 in Vinaya Texts, vol. in. S. B. E. XX. p. 325 ). If wa 
accept 483 B. 0. as the date of Buddha's Parinirvana (as many 
scholars hold ) or 477 B.C. (as A. Fouoher holds) 500 years 
therefrom would bring us to the first century A. D. and it is clear 
that by a century or two after that time much of Buddha's 
teaching appears to hare been almost completely swamped by 
doctrines of MahSyana and Vajrayina Tantras. By a strange 
irony of fate Buddha's ' dharma-cakra-pravartana ' came to bs 
transformed into 'adharma-cakra-pravartana' by many of his 
so-called followers of the VajraySna. In the Maha-parmibbana- 
sutta V. 23 ( S. B. E. vol XI. p. 91 ) the Buddha was very strict 
and warned bhikkhu3 not to see bhikkhunls, not to talk to them 
if they could not avoid seeing them, and to be wide awake if a 
nun talked to them. Buddha severely rebuked one of his 
disciples for showing his miraculous powers (vide p. 1037 and 
n. 1672 above), but Guhyasamaja and other Buddhi3t tantras 
make provision for endowing the sadhaka with miraculous 
powers, such as causing rainfall in case of drought ( Guhya- 
samara p. 84), killing an enemy by magical rites over an 
effigy of the enemy (ifotf.p. 96). Besides, the Guhyasamaja 
knows the six cruel or terrible magic acts (called ' satkarm&ni), 
viz. Santi (rite for averting disease or black magio), vaslkarana 
(bewitching women and men and even gods), sta?nbham (stop- 
ping the movements or aotions of others), vidoe$a»a (oreating 
enmity between two friends or two persons who love each other ), 
uccaiana (making a person or enemy flee from the country, town 
er village), murana (killing or causing permanent injury to 
living beings). The Guhyasamaja mentions these six { putting 
* akarsana ' for ' vidvesana ') respectively at pp. 168, 165, 96, 87 
(Akarsana), 81, 130. Vide Sadhanamala pp. 368-369 for 
the same and for the shape of mandalas and times for each of 
the six cruel rites. Even the rather sober Saradatilaka-tantra 
mentions these six (23. 122), defines them (23. 123-125), 
provides that Eati.VanI (speech or SarasvatI), Rama, Jyestfia 
Durga and Kali are respectively the six deities of these six cruel 
acts and must be worshipped at the commencement, that sue 
periods of ten gliatikas from sunrise are respectively appropriate 
to these six and so also are certain seasons (23. 126-139). B . « 
most astounding that the Prapancasara (23.5) ascribed to tne 
great advaita teacher Sankaracarya describes at length a mantta 
called Trailokya-mohana for accomplishing the above six 
cruel actsi 

Tantras emplwsize importance of guru 1071 

Both Hindu and Buddhist Tantras 1730 lay great emphasis on 
the importance and qualifications of the guru. The Bauddha 
Tantras have the highest praise for the guru. The Jnanasiddfci 
( 13. 9-12 ) prescribes high qualifications and the Frajfiopayavini- 
soaya-siddhi (HI. 9-16 ) contains a grand eulogy of the guru, 
identifying him with Buddha and calling him omniscient and 
soon. The Advayasiddhi of Laksmlnkara (about 729 A. D.), 
who started the astounding doctrine that one should offer worship 
to one's own body wherein all gods reside, says that in the three 
worlds there is none higher than the acarya. In the Nityotsava 
of TJmananda-natha, pupil of Bhasurananda-natha (i. e. 
Bhaskararaya as he was called before he took dlksa ) the guru 
Bhaskararaya is praised in the following hyperbolical terms 1731 
* to whom no part of the earth was unseen ( owing to his yogic 
sight), there was no king who was not his slave, to whom no 
sastra was unknown; why use more words, whose form was 
the highest Sakti herself.' But the Jnana-siddhi and KulSroava 
(XHI. 128 ) warn against gurus who falsely pretend to know the 
truth and give instruction in dharm a from greed for money. 
The Kularnava ( ullasas XH and XITT ) are devoted to the quali- 
fioations and greatness of guru. The Saradatilaka also sets out 
the qualifications of the tantrika guru (II. 142-144) and of the 
disciple (m.l45-152).«« Tte g,^ among other matters 'must 
know the essence of all Agamas and the principles and meaning 
of all sastras, he must be one whose words come out true, who 
has a quiet mind, who has profoundly studied the Veda and its 
meaning, who follows the path of Toga and whose bearing is as 
beneficent as that of a deity." Among the many requirements 
about a disciple, 1 ^ one is that he must keep secret the mantra 
and puja imparted by his guru. The disciple places the gum's 
teet on his head and surrenders his body, wealth and even life to 

wS, ^Tt** *^^* ^i^' w **n?RW*r% ffc^- 

W4I 3* I Intro, to ^nmnrai vol. II. p LXIV-LXV. 

rS'^rr 1 "' ^ TO "ft** " ^"X^tory verse 4 of ftoflST D? 
B.Bbattacharya „ hls Intr0 . to the sgRwnla p ^^ C^SflJSi 

" f i« qi me wide universe remains unseen &a. ', 

¥fi~ History of Dharmaiastra [See. VI, Oh. XXVI 

us i^m. Tzb necessity of a guru for the acquisition of esotsrio 
jifxscgrj- is stressed by the Upanisads also. For, example the • 
3^zzxazh±Q mi says 'this knowledge cannot be obtained by 
j^xcajsfcs, is can be understood well only when expounded 
5? jactiEsr*; she Chandogya (IV. 9. 3 ) says 'Sir, I have heard 
rem. iner. Ifsa you that only knowledge that is learnt from a 
-8 ~ r i»onr I&ids io real good'. The Lingapurana 1735 and others 
isr^ss:^ 2 *s identical with Siva and the rewards of devotion 
;d Siva szz io she guru are the same. The Kularnava ( XL 46 ) 
arjr pn *»*res iz3i the order of the succession of gurus, the Sgamas, 
T-nT-ET s^rraaaa and practices -all these when learnt from the 
■ins cfa S^ 1 become fruitful and not otherwise. The Prapafiba- 
=£s -rrni^ 'the disciple should consider in his mind that 
'r-czzJza^cS and mantra are one and should repeat a hundred' 
S~-.j jas^actra that he received by the favour of the guru." 

2* TaSnta 3ystem requires for its understanding high 

and moral attainments and could be followed by 

fsrsrsd souls. It is claimed that Tantras provide a 

....^'^eaah, assists men of ordinary intellect and which 

T-r£U Tssaai and physical processes for the attainment of 
w_j^t- srser-suce, for the development of psychic forces and 
^-tTTiacE^waiument of liberation by such practices as the 
^^Son oi -siautras, mudras, nyasa, mandalas, cakras and 
r5?s ~'„ ^jj e -gsnget for the guru sometimes reached amongst 
yi3=^s. _" - extreme and disgusting lengths as the note 
TanEra* wri«»» *" 
below will indicate 736 

1734. awrf&»s»r " wnw^Biwn.9. 

1735. ^^«Sr * t ' T, * a ? :,TO ?SSk , !22 

*S * • **§ ~ ; in the giaatin^iH £n ' c hB 

*3H°3 ' .1 arg^r?! agn *fi3f- 

>ij# T " , s are the same as 

sKfsfc- . J(f - \ to both. The question 

3731 f "1 , » fie. The $iu<4li3rf ; n 

(V ?>S * Sim ■* «$ aw 

3 ' * *<*f flSUW 


%«?t 3*7 5"'**' 

I ? 3 History of Dharmaiastra I Sec. VI, Oh. XXVI 

the guru. The necessity of a guru for the acquisition of esoteric 
philosophy is stressed by the Upanisada also. Far, example the 
Kathopanisad 173 * says 'this knowledge cannot be obtained by 
ratiocination, it can be understood well only when expounded, 
by another'; the Chandogya (IV. 9. 3 ) says 'Sir, I have heard 
from men like you that only knowledge that is learnt from a 
teacher leads to real good'. The Lingapurana 1735 and others 
say that guru is identioal with Siva and the rewards of devotion 
to Siva and to the guru are the same. The Kularnava (XI. 46 ) 
emphasizes that the order of the succession of gurus, the Agamas, 
Smnaya, mantra and practices -all these when learnt from the 
lips of a guru become fruitful and not otherwise. The Frapafioa- 
sara provides 'the disoiple should consider in his mind that 
guru, devata and mantra are one and should repeat a hundred' 
times the mantra that he received by the favour of the guru.' 

The Vedanta system requires for its understanding high 
intellectual and moral attainments and could be followed by 
only a few gifted souIb. It is olaimed that Tantras provide a 
method which assists men of ordinary intellect and which 
utilizes visual and physical processes for the attainment of 
spiritual experience, for the development of psychio forces and 
for the quick attainment of liberation by such practices as the 
repetition of mantras, mudras, nyasa, mandalas, cakras and 
yantras. The respect for the guru sometimes reached amongst 
Tantrik writers to extreme and disgusting lengths as the note 
below will indicate. 1736 

1734. Ifcrr it«K"i HicKm^nr n°J ■*>*)«<( ssnrpr Set i «hs n. 9. 

1735 <& g^s *r flra: >fhfit*r: ftras h s^. *&: 1 *rar f^nreasn" Rot wt 
fen *m b^mi ftre- Rfl i aflfrHmg , *rac*rr =sr *re3r <kj5^i ^m^smt itftw- 
5ri%ra<ft ft w« fri^a ^ f r 1 85. 164-165; gs^grr a*fl > na&3''ft nf"**' 1 

E5^r t re 5i <3t 51^ sftffiW "* : " %€nn»nraXI 1. 49; in the u(a<i)i|l«4IH in the 
W ^|Ud!i it is said ' ngmjv^uu *Fg. mUHUmftH : SiPl^l HT%«*n33I5T»IJ* 

qrfaH'fa^ll' 43. 68-70 These verses from viPdhK^H are the same as 
M,^iufj XIII. 54 and 57 and several verses are common to both. The question 
as to who is the borrower is very difficult to decide. The $iK<?li5tc53i 
(V. 113-114) has 'sjrti3*(l3 t MWI'ta'<i ««*m< f&TTI WH*. «J«e-<i«gi S* 

a frtdirfWit ii fsrcr mjiHHd'a f^ 1?^ ^fer^ q, i setoff nff ^ ** <"" 

i^m f^rt n spiral* vi. iaa. 

1736 mPpW m sat »Jnff vt i4«i**<4Wi^ i Hg^rnr %^f?i wj"" 

(joil?} II q by HKIHirbttMlifa IV. p. 116. 

Perverse Tantrik practices and Sanskrit Literature 1073 

The teaching of Tantrika texts about the five makaras must 
have created a very unhealthy and dehased state among all 
classes, particularly the lower orders of Society. The centuries 
from the 7th to the 12th A. D. were the peak period of Tantrifc 
works and cults, both Hindu and Buddhist. In a certain cult of 
the Vajrayana the gurus wore a blue vesture. A story is narrated 
of a guru ( a monk) of the sammitiya sect who went dressed id a 
blue dress to a courtezan. He did not return to the monastery 
at night. When asked in the morning by his disciples why he 
put on a blue dress, he explained the great spiritual merit of the 
blue-coloured dress Since then his followers began to wear 
blue dress and in their book called "Nflapatadarsana' it is 
written 'the god Kamadeva (Eros) is a jewel, a courtezan is a 
jewel, wine is a jewel, I bow to these three jewels; other so-called 
jewels are three glass beads'. It should be remembered that for 
devout Buddhists, Buddha, Dharma and Sangha are three 
Ratnas ( jewels). The followers of the Nilapatadarsana deemed 
these last three to be as worthless as glass beads. Vide Bhiksu 
Rahula Sankrtyayana's paper ' On Vajrayana or Mantrayana ' in 
J. A. vol 225 (1934) p. 216 where this is narrated. False gurus 
must have gone about deluding people with rosy prospects of 
blisB and liberation by the easy method of drinking wine, 
eating flesh and free association with all sorts of women. The 
Indian literature of those centuries is full of condemnation and 
caricatures of the methods of Tantrik worship by means of wine, 
flesh and sexual laxity. A few instances may be cited here. In 
the prakrit play called Karpuiamafijarl of Rajasekhara ( about 
900 A. D. ), a character called Bhairavananda H37 who was 

1737. The original verses I. 22-24 are in Prakrit. Their Sanskrit 
equivalents are set ont here ^-mwl a?mori T f%nft srr^ STM ^ "ft f%nfa 
SJU«i4i< i *ni ftorft sUhi Tuiwt JiftS *g ^rrtr ijtSsiWfear. « t»§t ^"si ^Ksrai 
v$%m *ref uhj <fi*j% ^gnara ^ i prsrr *?rs* m4^"J =5 5pa?r ^^ w*t **&" 

'Pfct <)i>lc}tim4fficU ~^€t $($!: Bit a<cAil5&<H* i- " II is l^ite possible that 
the name ?U=<m.-^ is doubly suggestive The u,HI«K<jU?* mentions several 
Tantrik teachers whose names end in g)H^ snch as s^cjrw^ (pp 54, 73 ), 
W'i'^ (PP 54, 72, 76), ^m-W (pp 54, 73, 91), ^|h^ (p 44), 
TO5t*S (PP. 72. 91 the author of UKM«^d ), aireiHft* (P- 5 *). U<^"i 
(pp 54, 70, 72). Besides, several teachers have the word t^ as part of 
their names and are profusely quoted in the >ikh^^ , viz. aihH i s i *k<l 
(9 times), gsr?r^3 (17 times), «nl<rt<U^ (11 times) ; §R=r as an author is men- 
tioned once on p. 66 <U?l^lt piobably meant a hit at one or more of these 
( Continued on next page ) 
a. B. 135 

W* History of Dhdrma&wlra [ Sec. VI, Ch. XXVI 

supposed to possess wonderful powers is introduced and he says 
(while representing that he was somewhat tipsy) 'owing to the 
favour of our guru we know nothing ahout mantras or tantras 
or meditation. We drink wine, dally with women and yet, 
heing devoted to the Kula path, we reaoh moksa. A fierce 
strumpet is given diksa and made a lawful wife, wine is drunk 
and flesh is consumed, our food is got by begging for alms, our 
bed is a piece of hide. To whom would the Kauladharma not 
appear attractive ? Even gods headed by Visnu and Brahma 
declare that liberation is attained by meditation, Veda study 
and performance of Vodic sacrifices ; only one God, the husband 
of TJma, perceived that moksa (can be attained) by dalliance 
with women and by wine '. The Yasastilaka-campu ( composed 
in 959 A. D.) after referring to the Daksina and Vama paths of 
Saivagama quotes a verse of the great poet 1738 BhSsa " a person 
should drink wine, look at the face of the woman dear to him, 
wear a dress naturally charming and free from being odd; may 
the adorable Siva be long-lived, who (first) discovered such a 
path to moksa!" The Dasavatara-oarita of Ksemendra (3rd 
quarter of 11th century A. D. ) states in one verse what the 
Tantrik gurus and their followers did 'Gurus declare that 
liberation follows by the drinking of wine from the same goblet 
by various craftsmen such as washermen, weavers, workers in 
hides, kapahlcas, in the procedure of cakrapuja, and by dalliance 
with women without the least scruple and by always leading a 
life of festivities." m9 The Eaja-taranginI (middle of 12th 

( Continued from last page ) 
tantrik authors who favoured the makaras. Ace. to Intro, (p. XII) to 
HHI-W^ . the work was composed probably between 900 to 1200 A. D. 
The m^tw thcHttfl (I 40) provides that after ^ferr the guru is to give a 
name to the disciple ending in a jM^H ia. The n^ll^W (X. 182) also says 
the same thing. 

1738 <%*&n <g- jnforfSKrreira vtifa n <jniRnr i far sv fliq«id «* 
riferofhf men fsranrwrStitsre^Tsj ^p i 3^Hrg$iJTg3*ra *5i^ ^fa? 
»prcra *r ffarererror- " Tsirerera^pg: P 2S1 - Th,s ,s versc 7 ,n the *' !n * E5RT " 

Jf?*TT of irg* king ng-^R^^J q; put in the mouth of a wuRff This creates 
a puzzle. Either the Yasastilaka committed a mistake in naming the author 
or the verse is one from Bhasa's genuine dramas not yet found and bodily 
taken by the author of the jrerm&rar which, being a parody, was after all not 
a serious matter I incline to the latter view 

1739. =«nfn$mr ^^^-^rc-ftiMiia^wftifFTt^fima ' *** 
d^R^ w W U <r%t =**enrar not <*(*■ p- «* ° f wrwnwna 

M«m-» H wl11 be referred to a little later 

Mjatarafigini on Tantrik depravity ^75 

culous powers like «y) f^^JSi of the rule of 
the benefit of fee world ^j^™^ Kalhaiia mi iema rks 
a good king Yasaskara (939 -948 A. ^' . figuring as 

? a * ^^^^ofT^d t 8 ^SSSeXads for 

ESg tm thf eminent character ( attributed to > of their 

S£3? Sg Kalasa of Kashmir (1063-1089 A. D.) became 

a pS 5 Framadakantba, son of Amarakantha who was a good 

Sana, L Kalasa, who by nature was "J-^f*™* 

iLtaucted in evil practices by his guru Framadakantha and the 

attrnTadethe former ignore the distinction tomn women 

who are approachable and who are not. In this connection 

Kalhana bitterly « bewails « what oth er ™««^"^ 

this guru (of Kalasa) should be described by me, when, leaving 

aside all scruples, he committed incestuous intercourse with his 

own daughter." This establishes that in the 11th century A. D. 

1740 msm B^mx nBOmtsni*. i mfodm f*| *? JF??™^! 

Km. V. 66. ara^k «igned feom 855 A. D. to 883 A. D. Kallata s is a 

.teal name in Kashmir saivism. It may be noted that the Vajrayana cult 

o( Buddhism speaks of 84 ffl^q s that flourished from the 7th to the 9th 

century A. D, Vide Intro toE.B p. 34 and Bhiksu Rahula Sahfcrtyayana's 

paper on 'the origin of Vajrayana and the 84siddhas' in J A. vol 225 

(1934) pp 209-230 in which at pp. 220-225 there is a detailed list of the 

84 stidhas from Luipa to Bhalipa with their castes and status, place 

of origin and names of the contemporaries of some of them from the 

8th century A D. onwards. Hc^r^snsj is said to be the same as Lrapa ; 

vide I H. Q vol. XXXI pp. 362-375 for Dr. Karambelkar's paper on 

' Matsyendranstha and his Yoginl cult ' 

1741. ftre^iisa =sj Stflsift sj5f(#R«r?s[trt \ ^forc ■*Tf#3%fiGiti4 <i«<a,i3: " 

^sta.VI. 12. This shows that, there being equality of sexes among 
Tintrikas, women used to be made gurus in Tantrik rites Vide upumraoft 
p 179 for qualifications of a woman guru and p 540 for worship of the 
•wife of a guru and of a »oman as a guru in her own right The guru and 
his predecessors are to be worshipped by disciples as sacnficers When 
the latter praised the husbands of the women that had become gurus, 
they shook their heads m disagreement and thereby impliedly criticized 
the character of their husbands. Kalhana says that this did not happen in 
the reign of Yasaskara, who must have frowned upon the practices of 
t^ntricism and hence occasions for women being gurus did not arise. 

xrera VII, 278. 

1076 History of Dharmainatra { Seo. VI, Ch. XXVT 

in Kashmir there were Tsntrik gurus that literally carried out 
what the Guhyasamajatantra quoted in note 1724 apparently 
recommended to Buddhist Yogis In the drama called Mofca- 
parajaya hy Yasahpala under king Ajayadeva, successor of 
Kumarapala, among the dramatis personae is a Icaula who declares 
his doctrine to he eating flesh every day, drinking wjub without 
any qualms and allowing the mind free scope. 1743 Apararka 
quotes a verse which shows that, in the midst of numerous cults, 
it was difficult to he consistent: "A person may be at heart 
a Kaula (follower of the Kula doctrine), in outward appearance 
he may look a Saiva, and he may follow Vaidika rites in his 
usual practices. One should live grasping what is essential like 
the cocoanut nii fruit". It appears that great scholars and 
poets had a sneaking admiration for Tantrika worship. The 
great writer Vidyapati of Mithila appears to he aVaisnava 
from his devotional songs, hut wrote the Saivasarvasvasara (so 
he may he called a Saiva), and wrote also DurgabhaktitarangiDl 
(and thus appears to hare been a Sskta) and composed also a 
Tantrik 1745 work. The very first verse of Vidyapati's 'Purusa- 
parlksS* contains an invocation of Adi-Sakti.' Bengal and 
Assam were the strongholds of Sakta doctrines and even now 
Kali worship is still in vogue there, hut it was the great Bengal 

1743. In 3 ?ld-tM'UU-l4 (G. O. S.) p. 100 tbe 4ite says ' *srrasf nrangft 5 ? 

rendering of a Prakrit verse). The drama was written between 1172-1175 
A. D. 

1744. ©ra.«mK srflfr* alrajrsrft 3 Oizm. 1 sk^rstt fSsj «nlt*»«.iJ 

*ISt « sitoIt P- 10 I P ref er the naming of one the mss Doted £n the {cot n ° lCS ,' 
The printed text reads &ztM srfMrte - iJi^Hraft etc. The cocoanut froit 
presents three aspects, first there is tbe bard outside shell, then there is the 
soft and tasty kernel inside the hardshell and thirdly there is water in 
addition to the soft kernel. The - grftukd^ has '3113 WEST srit:^! *F&™ 

•ritfpn: "Wnrf §*** *Rtr. and this last is often quoted. The <tow#g" 
(X. 84-95 J reads 3P3H3rarr im£m. —vm. I wmWKl: mter r=PTCI*3 ™&™' ' 
The sect mark of both Saivas and &ktas is ****** <'^P ara "" 
of holy ashes on the forehead from one eye to the other. drawnj«rtrtoee 
togers other than tbe thumb and small finger). Vide ^am^^t 
IV. 10-11. ^faPRH XI. 15. 17-23. ^ 

1745 Vide a paper of D. C. Bbattacharya in J. G. J. H. I -J°^ 
pp. 241-247 on V.dyfpak work on Tantra The first verse £££$ 
Khauga ed. of 1888) is «^^J*^^^„V ^^^ 

Possible motives for debased Tantra practices 1077 

king Ballalasena who discarded Devfpurana as an authority in 
his encyclopaedic work on gifts called Danasagara. 17 * 6 

It is possible that the founders of the Tantrik or Sakta cult" 
of the five maJcaras threw defiance at the terrible aspect of God 
or the Highest Spirit, that rules the destinies of men and things 
and that made men sometimes suffer terribly even if they led 
lives of virtue, to do the worst for their disregard of conven- 
tional morality and social practices and hoped by their Yoga 
exercises to attain to high psychical powers and bliss. 1747 There 
is another possible motive also. Masses of common people were 
being drawn towards Buddhism. The founders of Hindu Tantrik 
cults wanted to retain them within the Hindu fold. As common 
people drank wine and ate meat, they were told that they would 
attain higher spiritual levels even while indulging in meat and 
drink provided they followed .Tantrik gurus and practices. 
The idea was that Sakti was all and was for all; bhoga (enjoy- 
ment) need not be given up, as man is part of Devi or Siva. 
Bhoga should be sublimated, that is all that is required in Kaula- 
sastra. The Tantrikas 5 » s substitute a yoga of enjoyment 
(bhoga) for the yoga of abstinence and asceticism. When 
indulging in the left-hand path practices the sadhaka is supposed 
or held to be destroying the egoistic elements of the soul. 

The Mahanirvanatantra and a few others endeavour to stem 
the tide of sexual immorality and promiscuity. For example, 
Kamesvara, the commentator of Parasuramakalpasutra, says 
that one that has not conquered his senses has no adhkat a for ' 
Kaulamarga (p.153). This is in direct conflict with what 
even the Mahanirvanatantra says that all men from brahmanas 
to the untouchables have adhikara for Kula practices. Modern 
apologists for Tantrism emphasize that the instructions embodied 
MW« hyaS8m ?a, the directions for the mode of life to be 

attatea r CTS f V ^T Da ' apply 0nly t0 tha Y °S fe who have 
attained some degree of yogic perfection. But the obvious 

wffi « «im»ra(ora<5E iv. 63. 

0. 2 sen'S; B - Bhat ' ach ^ ™" to Guh yaram5ia p . m for 

1° 78 Uwloi y of Dim masasti a [ Sec. VI, Ch. XXVI 

reply is ' who is to decido that a particular person had attained 
the minimum spiritual level except the man himself and, 
supposing that all the directions were meant for Yogis, why was 
it necessary to say In a blatant manner and language that a 
Yogi practising Vajrayana may engage in what common and 
less sophisticated people deem to be incest ? This is not the 
place to reply to all apologists for ancient and modieval Tantrik 
works. But a few must be dealt with because they are liable to 
create misunderstandings, if allowed to go uncritioized. In his 
Preface to 'Principles of Tantra' Part 2, Sir John Woodroffe 
states (p. IX. ) that the use of flesh, fish and wino was common 
in the Vedic age and that the MabSbhSrata and some PurSnas 
like the Kalika, Msrkandeya and Kurma refer to consumption 
of wine, meat and fish. This looks liko special pleading and is 
misleading. The question is: was sw« offered to tho gods in 
every day or periodic sacrifices as an offering in the Rgveda or 
any other Veda. In the Vodic ago wino may have been known 
and even drunk, hut what is matorial to recognize is that there 
is a difference made between Soma and sura. Vide Sat. l7W Br. 
" Soma is truth, prosperity, light and sura is untruth, misory 
and darkness " ( V. 1. 5. 38 ). While Soma is mentioned hundreds 
of times in the Rgveda, has the 9th mandala of the Rgveda 
specially reserved for its praises and was offered to gods, tho 
word sura occurs only six times in the Rgveda and it is nowhoro 
expressly stated that it was offered to any god as a religious 
offering; on the contrary, in a hymn to Varuna, sur3 is put for- 
ward aB leading to tho commission of sin just as anger and 
gambling do (Rg. VII. 86. 6 'nasa svo dakso Varuna dhrutih 
sa sura manyur-vibhldako acittih ). In his zeal for tho vindica- 
tion of Tantrism Arthur Avalon is injudicious onough to 
misinterpret simple words. In the Intro, to 'Principles of 
Tantra' p. VII he quotes flg. 1. 166, 7 "arcantyarkam madirasya 
pltaye " and translates " worshipping tho Sun before drinking 
madira (wine)." The word here is jiwhia (and not 'madira'), 
it is an adjective and means "oxhilarating". Tho word 
"Madira" novor occurs in the #g while "madira" as on adjec- 
tive, occurs at least sixteen times and qualifies Soma, Jndo, 
Amsu, Rasa orMadhu, generally expressed (andiaroly implied). 
There is no word for " before." Thai quartor meanB * tlioy ( Uio 
worshippers or Maruts) worship (Indra) who h worthy of praipo 
(and a friend of tho Maruts) in order that ho may comojor 

17-59. v&i '< s?[3$mi snftsapf <*&» a* s^rr 5ra<r» v.i.s. 28. 

MadirU and Sura in ancient times 1079 

drinking the exhilarating ( Soma ) ' The word madiia ( for wine ) 
hardly ever occurs in any genuine work of Yedic times. Its 
earliest occurrence is probably in the Mahabharata. Beference 
is also made by modern apologists to the offering of sura in the 
Saufcramam isti in honour of Indra. But the circumstances 
are peculiar. SautramanI is only one out of numerous sacrifices 
and the occasions for performing it were rare i. e. it was per- 
formed at the end of Eajasuya and also at the end of Agnicayana 
and when a priest who had drunk too much of soma vomited. 
The most important fact, however, is that the remnants of sura 
offered in SautramanI were not drunk by the priests engaged in 
it but a brahmana had to be hired for drinking the remnants 
and if no brahmana could be secured then the remnants were to 
be poured over an ant-hill (vide H. of Dh. vol. II. p. 1226 for 
details). The Eathakasamhita 1750 contains an interesting 
passage " Therefore -an elderly person and a youngster, the 
daughter-in-law and the father-in-Jaw, drink liquor and remain 
babbling together; thoughtlessness is sin; therefore a brahmana 
does not drink sura with the thought that * otherwise ( if I drink 
it) I may be tainted by sin' ; therefore this is for ksatriya; one 
should say to a brahmana that sura, if drank by a ksatriya, 
does not harm the latter." These passages show that not only 
the priests did not drink sura oven in SautramanI but that it 
had become difficult to hire a brahmana for drinking it by the 
time of the Ksthaka-samhita. The passage of the Vajasaneya 
Samhita 19. 5 relied on at p. VH (of Intro, to 'Principles of 
xantra* part II) also TeferB to Sautramam and to no other sacri- 
fice. The mantra is "Brahma ksatram pavate teja indriyam 
suraya somah suta asuto madaya" and means that "Soma 
whenmixed with sutS becomes a strong drink and leads to 
intoxication." The Chandogya V. 10. 9 (q ahove p 1578 n. 943 ) 
counts the drinker of sura among the five grave sinners. There- 
tore, there is hardly any analogy between the offering of wine 
m SautramanI and the teaching about offering wine to Devi as 
provided in the Tantras. Similarly, the reference to the 
Atharvaveda as containing magical rites does not help at all. 
bociety had advanced far beyond that stage and Manu SI. 63 
looked upon abhicara (i.e. performance of a magic rite like 
^yenayaga for killing a person) and miilakarma (i e.hringing 

1080 Historv of Dharmatuslra [Soc.VI,Ch.XXVi 

undor one's control a porson or a woman by horbs and mantras J 
as a sin, though a lossor ono ( an upapulaka). The roforonoe to 
tho Mahabharata ( Udyogaparva, 59. 5 ff ) is again misleading. 
Wino was drunk by pooplo in tbo Mahabharata times, but not 
as paTt of a religious ritual ns in the Tantras, Vido pp 964-966 
of H. of Dh. vol. 1H for a noto on 'intoxicating drinks.' Tho 
reference to Mfirkandoya and other purSnas is of no avail as 
evidonco, since at least tho present author holds that those parts 
of tho Puranas woro written and interpolated after Tantrik rites 
had taken a firm hold on some sections of tho Hindu society. 
Tho reference to sexual intercourse in tho Mahavrata nsl is most 
misleading. In tho Tantras like tho Kularnava and tho Guhya- 
samSja it is tho Badhaka himself who is to practise mmlhma as 
one of tho ways of securing marvellous powers and higher 
spiritual attainments. But in tho Mnlmvrata tho sexual inter- 
course is by strangers to tho sacrifice (and -not by tho yajamuna 
nor by any of tho priests), is a purely symbolical act and bears 
no analogy to a sadhaka himself engaging in maithuna as a 
rehgioUB rito to placate tho Dovl. Evon a lato reformist work 
like the MahSnirvana (VIII. 174-175) expressly says that thoso 
of the five tattvas which a sadhaka can securo, such as flesh and 
others, should have recited over them tho mantra 'am, hrlm, 
krom, svSha ' a hundred times, that he should refloct that every- 
thing is a product of bia/nna, should close his eyes, should offer 
those to Kali and should himself drink and eat thorn. As the 
Tantrik proscriptions of tho mahwas for attainment of mira- 
culous powers and of liberation had shocked people and hod 
brought the tantras into great disrepute, later Hindu Tantrik 
works like the Saktisangamatantra (between 1555-1607 A D.) 
began to offer symbolic interpretations. They " M say that the 

1751. Vide H of Db Vol II pp 1243-1245 for the Mahavrata, which 
is lbe last day but one in a sattra. 

1 752. Ba i j'h^'l %& 33T 3 J WTT "^ ' »3t* H^of %R nfiffar vft&ifaf ' 

trainr wiwa 5?r ^gKSar-n 5ififi*5T*, ! «w^. 32 - 13 ~ 15 ' v,dc "inf^n^ 5 ? 

VI 9-10 where products of grains of rice, barely or wheat with ghee oMned 
grain are called gifr. 1 ntf JTra^aa wsf 5n%TO 1 r3Fnr.l S3«W 5I%*S3' 
^Bs^^TO-n wmmma i riia *3* ^^rig^i ^s^fe^i ^f^"?f 
*fc*jR i •• #TniT3<rfiffi=r a »awi«uH*i<"iiH, ■ 5rRRSiF» < w®* 3 32 ' 25 "f ' 

Vide ■ Sakti and SSkta ■ pp. 339-340 where madya, mamsa, matsya and mai- 

thnna are interpreted esoterically for a 'drvyabhSva • following V°B'*' tfl0 ™ 

(chap. VI ) and from AgamasSra One verse from the former may be quoted 

( Continued on next page ) 

Symbolic interpretations of madya, maithuna &c 1081 

words 'madya, raudra, maithuna' &o. ate not used ia the 
Ordinary popular sense but in a special esoteric sense. T?or 
SmoS mudra has several senses, viz. a mixture of jaggery 
and ginger, or of salt and oil-cake or garlic and tamarmd frart, 
or wheat and masa beans, that madya (wine) is not what » 
prepared from maohavl ( spring flower ) but it springs from tbe 
joyful experience (or rasa) of Sakti, when effort is made to 
awaken the Kundalinl. It may be admitted that some Tantrik 
works and writers divide men into three classes, pasu (the-bestiai 
ones ),vlra( those that have made great progress on the path of 
spiritual discipline) and daiva (those who are godlike). As 
regards these three, the five makaras are assigned by some 
apologistic writers different meanings. D. IS. Bose in his work 
•Tantras, their philosophy and occult secrets' boldly asserts 
(p. 110 ) that the real significance of the five makaras has been 
deliberately perverted by vicious people and explains (p. Ill ) 
that madya is the nectarine stream issuing from the cavity of 
the brain where the soul resides, matsya means suppression of 
vital airs, mamsa means ' vow of silence,' ' maithuna ' means 
' meditation on the acts of creation and destruction. 

The Tantrikas clothe their practices in bombastic and high- 
sounding words. The five makaras are called panca-tattvas, 
kuladravyas or kulatattvas. Maithuna is generally referred to 
as paficamatattva, the woman with whom sexual intercourse is 
to be had or who wa3 at least to be associated with a male- in 
Tantra worship is called Sakti (vide Kularnava 'VII 39-43 and 
Mahanirvana VI. 18-20 ) or prakrti or lata and this special 
ritual is called ' Latasadhana ' (Mahanirvana I. 52). Wine is 
called tirthavari (holy water) or karana (VIII. 168 and VI. 17 ). 
The Mahanirvana-tantra, though a reformist work and in 
certain cases asking the king to punish drunkards (SI. 113-121 ), 

{Continued from last page) 

'•«ij«i\«m?i t^c groBFqt ?fe;T rfc i ^s^ «tch 5*£ *rabn u ft«hti&K ". Substi- 
tutional g^$ are also variously mentioned for tig, who is the lowest kind 
at the worshippers of Sakti. The S5THra#rVhr V. 113-125 suggests vanons 
substitutes \«. a digtur may employ honey in a capper vessel or cow's milk 
or the -water of cocoannt trait in a hell-metal vessel, that, in the absence of 
flesh, garlic and ginger may be used for flesh, milk of buffalo or sheep for 
fish, roasted fra'ts and roots for matthuna. It will be, however, noticed in 
the above and also later on that the explanations do not all completely 
asrec and therefore raise donbts about their veracity. 
B. C. 136 

1083 History of Dharmainslra [ Sea VI, Oh. XXVI 

waxes eloquent over wine and praises it as Tara in the form Ma 
of a fluid substance, as the saviour of individual souls, as the 
mother (or producer) of bhoga( enjoyment) and moksa (libera- 
tion ) and as the remover of misfortunes and diseases and after 
some further praise of wine winds up by saying that those men 
who drink wine according to the rules and with a well-controlled 
mind are gods on earth ( XI. 108 ). For the worship of Sakti the 
five tabbvas are absolutely necessary ( Mahanirvana-tantra V. 
21-24 quoted in note 1695 above and 1754 Kularaava V. 69 and 
76). Some tantras say that the meaning of tattva differs 
according as the person concerned is Tamasiba ( a pain kind of 
worshipper), Rajasifca (a vlra as he is called), sattvika (a divya, 
a person who is godlike ). Madya means according to various 
TSntrik Texts real wine as well as a substitute like ooooanut 
water or any other liquid; it also means that intoxioating know- 
ledge that comes of Yoga practices, whereby the worshipper 
becomes senseless as regards the external world. Mamsa is the 
act whereby the sadhaka surrenders himself and his action to 
lord Siva. Mdtsya (fish, of which the first part 'mat' means 
'mine') is that psychical state by which the worshipper sympa- 
thizes with the pleasure and pain of all beings. Mmtlmna is 
the union of the Sakti KundalinI ( the woman inside a man's 
body) in the Muladhara-oakra with the supreme Siva in the 
Sahasraracakra in the highest centre of the brain and is the 
stream of the sweet juice that drops from the Sahasrara. Prepara- 
tion of hemp (called wjaya or 'bhang ' ) is madya for some. The 
Mahanirvana says (VIII. 170 and 173) that «madhura-traya 
may be substituted for wine and for 'Maithuna' meditation on 
the feet of the (image of ) Devi and japa oi the desired mantra 
may be substituted. The Kaulavallnirnaya (III 111) boldly 
states that if a man, after partaking of vijaya (bhang) engages 
in meditation, he sees directly before him the form of the goddess 
as described in the Dhyanamantra. Some Tantras like tw 

1753. snsjwfr am tgtifhmvantft sntfr *5to»iHgi<jrf ifi**^ 
<F3i»r,ii sr^rt^rW xr. 105. 

1754. ^^f^W^I^^^^'^'^^^^l^S^ 

Esoteric meaning of ' madya * 1083 

KaulajnSnanirnaya and Bhaskararaya 175s in his commentary 

on Lalitasahasranama say that when Kundalinl is roused hy a 

yoginandit reaches the thoiisand-petalled cakra (Sahasr&ra) 

from which (that has on its pericarp the moon) drops nectar 

which is figuratively spoken of a3 madya (vide notes 1716, 1752 ). 

TheKularnava at first asserts (T. 105-107) 'Mukti does not 

result from the study of the Veda nor hy the study of sastras, it 

results from (correct) knowledge alone, that the asramas are 

not a means of moksa nor are the darsanas the means, nor all 

the sastra3, that it is knowledge alone that is the cause, that it 

is the knowledge imparted hy the teaching of the guru that 

confers mukh, all (other) vidyas are mockery.' Then in the 

Vedantic strain it affirms (1. 111-112) "two words (respectively) 

lead to hondage or liberation viz. ( this is ) ' mine ' or * nothing is 

mine'. A person falls in hondage hy the thought 'this is mine' 

and hecomes liberated hy realising ' nothing is mine * and that 

that is proper action that does not lead to hondage and that is 

real lore that leads to liberation." After these high thoughts the 

same Tantra (H. 22-23 and 29 ) proceeds to Kaula doctrine. * H 

a man is a yogin he does not (ordinarily) enjoy life, while one 

who enjoys life does not know yoga; hut the Kaula doctrine 

combines both yoga and bhoga and is superior to all (other 

doctrines) ; in the Kaula doctrine bhoga turns into yoga directly, 

what is sin (ace. to ordinary people) becomes meritorious, 

samara turns into moksa. Kaula knowledge enlightens him 

whom mind is purified by the mantras of Saiva worship, Durga 
worship &c. 

in. «?* Eul5r f ava a K> ears t° °e in two minds to ordinary men 
like the present writer. While in one breath as shown in note 

S2 ^ f?^ y Ia0Mnmeil < is *» drinking of wine and eating of 

2£™ ? 8 f - 0WerS * Eaula d00trine > ii: also onaeavours to 
give an esoteric meaning to the makams as follows (V. 107-112): 
Fluently reaching the brahmarandhra from the muladhara 
there arises the bliss of the union of the Kundalinl-Sakti with 

whoTL^VT °* a** *"" («*,Siva); the person 
wo is inte nt on tasting the nectar ooz ing from the lotus in the 

f^™ t^R^A. (Mr. ed. of 1935). Compare ^K 

1°84 History of Dharmaiaslra [Seo.'VT.Ch.XXVI 

orown of the head is said to drink sudhu (nectar, wine); other 
people drink mere wine When the adept 17S6 in Yoga cutting 
the beast ( ego ) doing good or evil actions with the sword of 
knowledge (of reality) makes his mind merge in the Highest, 
ho is said to be eater of pala (the Highest, flesh). The (Yogin) 
who restraining the several senses by bis mind concentrates 
them on the Self, becomes 'matsyasl', 1 ^ 7 others are only killers 
of living beings. The Sakti (the woman associated with a 
sadhaka) of a beastly man is unenlightened but that of the 
Kaulika is enlightened; he who honours (or resorts to) such a 
Sakti is really a worshipper of Sakti When a man is filled 
through and through with the bliss due to the union of the 
Highest Sakti with the Self (Siva), that is called Maithuna 
(copulation); all other men are merely licentious persons. 

The apologists for unpopular Tantrik practices offer explana. 
tions of the five ' makaras * more or less on the lines of the Kular- 
anava. For example, in his Introduction to the 'Principles of 
Tantra* (part II) Arthur Avalon (Sir John Woodroffe) gives 
(pp. OV1I-GVIII) an esoteric explanation of the word 'drinking' 
used in such a verse as that in the Paranandasutra, 'Having 
drunk again and again, having fallen upon the earth, then 
having got up and again drunk ( wine) there is no rebirth' 1KS 

1756. srp^r uK-HHtVK nt i^i gsr- gi- i f^^55^c?Rif%Kn'Kpr- 

&"qi!i'"IM& 5c3T idH<3f}H ? W|R SCI "ft c5*T l^f^ST IriHffl ST 1*3*133 II JJTOI 

TOis 5if%ii siagr "Bn^iiCT ~g i 5iffc tn Infoerea v ^aHhil ' W « «i<i*<<r«i3"- 
i& ^-H^l'i i ^^Piw i i sn# ^spr air. "Wi^ft «HFflwii; « guiufr v. 107-112 

The 4th tattva is ISudrS, but the latter word is often applied to the Sakti 
associated with a sadhaka. 

1757. 'Palas'i' means 'eater or enj oyer of Pala ' Pala means 'flesh', 
and pala stands for Para (Highest) 'as' 1 rand I are often interchangeable 
in Sanskrit and the root 'as"' may mean "to reach' as well as "to eat 
Matsyasi literally means 'eater of fish," but in the esoteric interpretation 
"matsya" stands for 'manas' (mind) plus 'sya' representing 'satnyama' 

- 1758. a&^ i frri i: I M^MH SgOT <n%3t «&"%*S I S"- &*& "***s _"^ wr '"^ 

tRofiaSi wmw&i- flrarsa^niftaiifn < n<iwta3 p " sntras8i-8a. 

the Intro to 'Principles of Tantra' (part II) p. C VIII. It reads the Kst 
half of the verse as Qism ffel S"t iften irterT irai& *&cl& But there is hardly 
any difference in the literal meaning Vide gaiuMdra VII. 10 ° ^ _° 
reads fast ^WT». iraPrafa-gflS > •aS***, commentator of «rtgnH-wra? 
( Continued on next page } 

Woodroffe's explanation of ' tome ' l68i> 

He explains' Being thus awakened KundalinI enters the great 
road to liberation (mukti), that is, the Sushumna nerve, and 
penetrating the centres one by one, ascends to the Sahasrara 
and there coming in blissful communion with the Lord of Lords, 
again descends down through the same passage to the Mula- 
dhara Ghakra. Nectar is said to flow from such communion. 
The sadhaka drinks it and becomes supremely happy. This is 
the wine called Kulamrta, which a sadhaka of the spiritual 
plane drinks ... In reference to a sadhaka of the spiritual 
(adhyatmika) class the Tantra says 'Pltva pltva... vidyate'. 
During the first Btage of Sat-cakra-sadhana the sadhaka cannot 
suppress his breath for a sufficiently long time at a stretch to 
enable him to practise concentration and meditation in each 
centre of Power. He cannot therefore detain KundalinI within 
the Sushumna longer than his" power of Kumbhaka permits. 
He must consequently come down upon the earth i. e. the 
Muladhara, which is the centre of the element earth, after 
having drank of the heavenly ambrosia. The sadhaka must 
practise this again and again and by constant practice, the 
cause of rebirth i. e. vasana ( desire ) is removed." This explana- 
tion soundsvery profound and highly psychical, but it is not at 
all convincing. Similarly, the present author wonders how many 
writars on Tantras and how many Tantrikas understood the 
theory of sublimation put forward in 'Tantras as a way of 
realization* (Cultural Heritage of India, Vol. IV. pp. 233-235) 
by way of explaining the insistence on five makaras. The first 
question is: why was it necessary to employ vulgar language to 
desoribe a state of profound bliss ? Supposing the explanation 
of madya offered by Woodroffe is accepted, what is the explana- 
tion about offering flesh and fish 1 One cannot easily get out 
ot matsyasl' and 'mamsasr the esoteric sense required by 
the apologist s. The Kularnava, the Par ananda-sutra and several 

{ Continued from last page ) 
qaole^ «CT...«ra^^ ian d takesitinahteralsense by citing a passage 

ta Lort ££Z^^ ,,,BiW "***«* ^e next verse ,n thU t * 1 ^n t ^ rat ^ "n-ftwroi a%* ^ ft&wvrt ** 

2S 2 i 2 : !, erses Z13 ~ 2H refer to the fiftb -taraT^wJ 

£*£ '"a" 1SS' *?°*?™> ^™»™ «■ Srlcatra and verse 
WrtJ « r^bngTs "Lnr ' ^ iS / eprehensible . *»t •» the pure- 
an (Sten ~-T ' . Tan{nt Texts > v °' VI. ) has the verse tfrsn iSten 

1086 ' History of Dliarmaiaslra I Sec. VI, Oh. XXVI 

other works almosb alwaya employ the words raadya, mamaa 
and fish in the ordinary sense. They rarely, if at all, drop the 
hint that wordB like matsya and mSmsa are being used in an 
esoteric sense and proceed to deal with realities of madya and 
flesh. The Kularnava quotes (IT. 126 ) the verse of Manu IX, 93 
(sura vai malam-annanam &c.), provides for the preparation of 
the three kinds of sura ( V. 15-21 ), and says { V. 30 ) that sura is 
the 12th kind among intoxioants and that there are eleven other 
kinds of intoxicants made from jack-fruit, grapes, dates, sugar- 
cane &c (V. 29 ). In XI. 22-35 the Kularnava dilates upon the 
etiquette to be observed in drinking wine as part of Eaula 
practice. It proceeds ( V. 44 ) to divide flesh into three olassas 
viz. of animals that fly in the sky ( birds), of acquatic animals 
and of those that move on the earth. The " M Svacchandatantra 
(a work of great authority in Kashmir Saivism) prescribes that 
various kinds of fish and meat and other food that can be licked 
and drunk should be poured in front of Siva (image) and one 
should not stint for money. Quotations from ParSnanda-sutra 
(notes 1698, 1703-4) make it perfectly clear that the words madya, 
marfiBa, and maithuna are employed therein in the ordinary 
sense. Paranandasufcra (on pp. 80-81, paragraphs 69-70 and 
pp 82-83 para. 76-80) describes such obscene details of the 
sadhaka's sexual intercourse that it is not possible to set them 
down here. The ordinary worship of Devi was elaborate enough, 
containing as it did 16 upacaras ( vide p. 164 note 420 above). 
Where was the necessity of bringing in wine, meat and 
maithuna as an absolutely necessary part of the worship of Pert ? 
The Kularnava and other tantras praise the Vedas, employ 
vedic mantras and quote 176 " Upamsad and GIta passages For 
example, Mahanirvana V. 197 ff employs Vedic mantras ( as noted 
on p. 1058) for sanctifying the five makaras, the three mantras 
« Apo hi stha ' Bg. X 9. 1-3 in Namakarana (tbid. IX. 150 ~;[°*>' 
'Tac-caksur' Eg. VH. 66. 16 in Niskramana (ibid. IX. 163), 
'Visnuryonim* Bg. X. 184. 1 in Garbhadhana ( xbtd 33-- 96), 
•Ayamteyonir'Rg.IH.29 10 in the worship of Agni (ifcA 
IX. 21) and the verse 'Kal lKaraU' ( Mundakopanisad L^*/ 

1759. Tsmmn&m* Stefim* *& <*' *^^tfS 

"^o' "SnTxiI.33 ctes the verse ^*to <^»JjS 

vl 23): vide miMIarn. 44-45 for aa pt,n B * vr tfrnw***- "«■ 

^n%i?r 9$ » — ^S*rf!t Tan: I 

Upanisad and GUa passages cited in Tanlras 1087 

in the worship of the seven tongues, of Agni. The Mahanirvana 
RSSmM) prescribes GltalV. 24 (brahmarpanambrahma 
hSL) as the mantra to be recited by the leader of the Tattva- 
Sin offering the five tatlvas and in sanctifying them In 
BpWaU this lip service to the Veda the tantras ignore the 
Sat moral dangers involved in their persistent teaching of five 
makaras and also pay no heed to the impressive advice of the 
Git5( HI 21) that whatever a great or honoured man does or 
holds as authoritative is followed by all common people. There 
are several late medieval works about the Kaula cult that speak 
of drinking wine, eating flesh and maithuna in the vulgar sense 
a9 means of Devi worship and yet assert that by doing so mukh 
(liberation) would be secured. Two verses from a ms ot 
a tantrik work called Kaularahasya (containing one hundred 
verses) will bring home to fee reader how common people 
understood the cult of the makaras.™ 1 

Prof Heinrich Zimmer in the ' Art of Indian Asia* (vol I 
pp. 129-130) observes 'such living forms are suggested to the 
Indian artist by a dynamic philosophy that is intrinsic to his 
religious and philosophical tradition, for the worship of the life- 
force pouring into the universe and maintaining it, mani- 
feBting itself no less in the gross matter of daily experience 
than in the divine beings of religious vision constitutes 
the very foundation of Indian religious life. According to 
this doctrine which was particularly influential in the great 
periods of Indian art, release from the bondage of our normal 
human imperfection can be gained not only through the world- 
negating methods of asceticism (yoga) but equally through 
a perfect realization of love and its sexual enjoyment (bhoga). 
According to this view which has been eloquently expressed in 
the so-called Tantric symbols and rituals of both the Hindu and 
Buddhist traditions, there is intrinsically no antagonism between 
yoga and hhoga. The role played by the guru, the spiritual 
guide and teacher in the stern masculine disciplines of yoga, is 

1761. faiTrT ant 53^ germ: nfl - dth *i " i-* 4 $ri**lu( i 3?reirar n?r fai^id 

Ry^a 1 ^WUim^-dm-eHrd t 3$f% ^ 5Rf> <3 *ra a<rt l « . A verses 4 and 7 of 
q &iUii'N , P C ms. No. 959 ot 1884-87 copied in^fcnj 1790, i. e in 1734 
A. D. Thistoajbe compared with the doctrine of the JflOTS^I quoted 
above { p. 1073 ) There is a ras. in the BOKI at Poona (D C. No 994 of 
1891-1S95) called Pj aH9 i K$Tmn i 3 f5, which describes thO ( sanctifications of 
five raaViras with Vedic mantras on the same lines as the H rf.i Twjt aM^ 
cited afcove, 

1088 History of Dharmafastra lSec.VI,Ch.XXYl 

taken over in the initiations of bhoga by the devout and sensual 
helpmate. The initiating woman plays the part of Sakti while 
the male initiate assumes that of Siva and both attain together 
to the realisation of the immanence within themselves of the 
oonsubsiantiality of the Goddess and the God.' It has already been 
stated (p. 1054 ) that Prof. Zimmer is wrong in thinking that 
the Tantrik rites were systematically disparaged as ' vamamarga ' 
by the Indian partisans of Yoga. He is also wrong (p. 130) 
when he says that ' throughout the first millenium A. D. they 
(Tantric rites) were a basic element of normal Indian expsri- 
ence.' There is really very little evidence to substantiate this 
claim. He makes thiB sweeping generalisation as an art critic 
and historian of Indian Art from the few tantric sculptures on 
the Purl and other temples in Orissa and some other plaoes in 
India. Vide the well-known work 'Bengal Lancer' by F. 
Yeats-Brown (London, Golancz, 1930) pp 330-237, where the 
superintendent of the temple of Jagannatha justifies the obsoens 
frescoes on the ground that until a man is master of his gross 
body he oannot see the Godhead and feels sure that future ages 
will look on Tantrik psychology with understanding. 

One or two very peculiar notions and practices of the 
Tantrikas may be briefly mentioned here. The offering of flesh, 
wine and mudra to the devatS with the recital of three 
bijas 'an, hrlm, krom' and the mantras 'om Ananda- 
bhairavSya namah' and 'om Anandabhairavyai namah 
was technically called 4uddhi i7la . The Mahanirvana and 
•Tantraraja-tantra state that to drink wine without iaddht m 

1762. ^jpg f§sir hotut %3ss f§<Twft(i fammt *ft*n^i ^iiijraw 

y^U W5Tf%^I<rt« VI. 13 Sir John Woodroffe offers the? rather amusing 
explanation that wine without food produces greater injury and that japa 
of mantra and the performance of other rites were believed by the sadhfttes 
to remove the onrse from wine and that the sadhaka meditates upon the 
onion of the Goddess and God Siva in the wine, the latt er b * 1 * *}**™ 

a devata wsrlratsmg *r*n wan%*ftfi.i sfissreft a«r g*** f 85 ** 1 .. 

Hg r fWmi " I v - 56-60. 

1763. Ttawspfe(lT aSJdefioos^as '^BOTBe^OThJmwWte^J 

W«rt«tmifr **fWW-' *» *P'V f I"" 6 TTrd honour "e 
qualities the ^mg (u» 28. Sl-Sfl) provides that a #* ^™* Bg 
beautiful wife of another ( or ■ his own wife or «^^ , > ~<*££« 
ornaments *hose body is suffused with erotic passion and whohasBe=° 

( Continued on next £age ) 

Meaning of ' Suddhi ' in Tantra wan hs 1089 

was like swallowing poison, that the person doing bo would 
suffer from diseases for a long time, would soon die prematurely 
and that wine was to be drunk even by one who has attained 
some perfection only up till the mind has reached an ecstatic 
state of absorption ( in thoughts of Devi ) and that if he drinks 
beyond that stage he at once becomes a sinner (vide also 
Kularnava VH. 97-98 for the last proposition ). 

A most revolting rite from the view-point of all unsophisti- 
cated people is what is called ' cakra-puja' ( worship in a circle ). 
An equal number of men and women without distinction of caate 
and even near blood relations secretly meet at night and sit in a 
circle (vide Kaulavallnirnaya "VTH. 76 ). The Goddess is repre- 
sented by a yantra ( diagram ). There is a leader of the cakra. 
The regulations were that only persons who had attained the 
status of Vh a ( defined above in n 1763 ) were to be admitted 1764 
and pasus (ordinary men with beastly passions not curbed) were 
to be excluded. What assurance was there that the leader of the 
cakra himself possessed the noble qualities mentioned in the 
verse quoted above and would choose only men possessed of 
similar qualities ? The women assembled cast their bodices in 
a receptacle and each of the assembled men secured a female 
companion for that night by lot i. e. by taking a bodice 
out of those contained in the receptacle. The practice of 

( Continued from last page) 
|i*™th wine 'aw ^ T fttsw , Tc S wwi fi m i ... ^Hddw#m ragre?g- 

TORTO I &c. The UinfjftW. I. 57 refers to the three categories of straps viz 

I^Srs^^htWlJ^fRp,! tfftn (tb.d. I 55) The Tantras contain con- 
fbet»g vie W5 on these three bhavas. The Kalivilasa-tantra says that men 
of 0l vya_tjpe ousted only in Satya-ynga and Tretlyuga, Vlra only in Treta 
and Dvapara and these two were non-existent in Kali and Paiu-bbava 
remained in Kali (VI. 10 and 21 }. 

nh«wc 7' d ? *^ H and S5Ua ' P,354< * ta *«*»' , « ' Outline, of the 
S^x ^ re ° f Ind,a ' P - 2 i 3 ' **rf*^* VIII. 204-219 s^. 

fi^J/rJ ^T" **"&" 5*5*^11 ^5IDfeXI. 79, 84. 85. In the s*t- 

«»ss isssssr not belne blamab,e was not a ^ cab,e *~ 

H.D 137 

1090 History of Dharmaiastra [Seo. VI, Ch. XXVI 

Srioakra must hare given rise to great obloquy and unpopu- 
larity for the Tantrikas. Therefore, tbe Kularnava 1765 advises 
that oakrapuja should be sub i osa. ' What happens at Srioakra, 
whether good or bad, should never be uttered (in publio); 
this is the order (of God); one should never give out infor- 
mation about what happens at Cakrapuja, '. The 18th century 
Mahanirvanatantra, which is reformist in character, Bfcatos that, 
since in the Kali age (in which people are weak and the 
influence of sinful age is very Btrong ), for tbe last tattra ( i. e. 
maithuna) one's own wife is alone to be the Sakti beoause in 
that case no fault oan be found or some substitute like red 
sandalwood paste may be employed. In the author's youth 
whispers floated about that in some towns in MaharSstra oakra- 
puja was praotised, that even great Pandits thought that their 
learning was due to the favour of Devi, that they, though very 
orthodox in other respects, took once a year in Devlpujaa 
thimbleful of wine as prasada. The learned AohyutarSya 1 '" 
Modak of Nasik composed at Nasifc a work called ' Avaidika- 
dhikkrti* (condemnation of non-vaidika practices) wherein ho 
severely handled the cult of the five makaras. 

Naturally common people, who could not appreciate or 
understand the abstruse and subtle philosophy of Sakti, Nada, 
Binduand so forth, seized with avidity upon the apparently 
easy path of worship of Sakti by the five makaras and tho 
mantras, bljas, cakras and the like taught by the Tantros and 
it has been seen above ( pp. 1.073-76 ) to what depthB some 
persons professing to be gurus, Saktas and TantrikaB descended 
in course of time. 

The path of the Tantras was in its higher lovel one of 
Upasana or Bliaktt, though it very often degenerated into magio 
and moral depravity. The deity worshipped viz. Paramesvarl 

* r^sT-m ««• •» offer, °c **■*»• <• c - th ? s,h) - Th0 , ( e , ™' 
cxplams '^Rtf WPWPH'. Women that could to . .11.. ««, -Mb** 
classes. ^T (one's own wife). «W*«n («^o[ another) and srarW* t* 
woman who is a T>osy«). 

1766 Vide for Acbyntaraya Modak ■ Taraporevala Comn.en.«M|»» 
volume' of the Deccan CoI.c E e Eesearch Institntc. pp 2U-220 The «* 
finished at Pancavatl in fe. 1736 Ph5l 8 una br. 8 ht half 10th (I. «. 
in 1815 A D ) 

Three aspects of Devi 1^91 

presented three aspects to ths upasafca 1767 (devotee) viz. gross 
(sthula), subtle (suksma) and para (highest). The first aspect 
is represented by the form, of Devi with hands, feet and other 
limbs, which is fit for worship with the hands and the eyes of 
the devotee; the second aspect consists of mantras, which are 
fit for apprehension with the organs of hearing and speech 
by those who have the good fortune to receive the mantras 
from a worthy guru. The third aspect ( para ) is one 
to be apprehended by the mind of the sadhaka and described as 
all-pervading consciousness and the like (in NityasodasikS 
VL 49-50 ). 

Some modern writers have been somewhat unjust to the whole 
Tantrik literature in labelling it all as black magic or as full 
of obscenities The present writer is not one of those who some* 
times hold that what is not understood is either false, absurd or 
non-existent. He is prepared to believe that the end and aim of 
a few of the higher minds among Tantrikas and of some of the 
works on Tantra was the attainment of high spiritual powers 
by Yoga practices, the Realization of the Supreme Tattva 
(Principle) variously designated as Brahma, Visnu, Siva or 
Devi, and Liberation (moksa ). He is aware that many of these 
claim to be based on Vedic traditions, teachings and practices 
and to have further developed the conceptions underlying Yedio 
teachings and ritual and that even the magic rites contained in 
several Tantrik works had their counterparts, though on a much 
smaller scale, in the Rgveda, the Atharvaveda, SamavidhSna 
Brahmana and other Vedic works. The present author, though 
he has carefully studied many of the Tantras and the Yogasutra 
Sf^f^ th9Wl5sya and ^mentaries thereon, has to 
2 f ?f kd no mystio e xP<*ience,but he is not pre- 
pared to deny that prophets, saints, poets and others might have 
mystic vjsions and experiences. Man's psychic powers are vast 

^ordea j21! J2 e ""n™*™" <» "8-160) contains a fi ne!y 

1092 History of Dkarmaiastra [ Seo. Vl, Oh. XXVl 

and unknown as propounded in Alexia Carroll's work * Man the 
unknown* and in 'Invisible influence' by Dr. Alexander 
Cannon ( 15th impression, Eider and Co., London, 1935 ). He 
knows that some of the Tantrik works made a distinction 
between the rules of ordinary sooial life and conventions 
( samaja-dharma ) and the peculiar forms of Tantrik worship, in 
which, while it lasts, no distinction is made on the ground of caste 
or sex (vide notes 1711 and 1713). It may further be conceded 
that the Tanfcra works placed women on a footing of equality 
with men, gave them an exalted position and that they endea- 
voured to provide a common platform (as shown in w. 1704 above) 
for differing and wrangling sects of Vaisnavas, Saivas and 
others by putting forward Devi as the object of worship for all; 
but they had not much success as is shown by the facts that 
Vaisnavas and Saivas still carried on their quarrels and that the 
Tantrik texts themselves fell into five classes, viz, Saiva, Sakta, 
Vaisnava, Saura and Ganapatya and that there are differing 
doctrines among the Tanfcrikas called Kadimafca, Hsdimata &c 

The matters that distinguish Tantrik works from other 
religious literature in Sanskrit are the 176s promise of the attain- 
ment of miraculous powers, the Eealization of the one Supreme 
Principle in a short time by meanB of the Tantrik sadhanU 
'method or procedure' (vide Intro, to 'Principles of Tanfcra' 
'p. XTv"), by their insistence on the worship of Devi with 
makaras alone as yielding the desired results (as in Maha- 
nirvana V. 24 'panoatattva-vihlnayam piyayam na phalod- 

1768 Sir John Woodroffe remarks (in the Introduction to his 'Princi- 
ples of Tantra • part 2, pp. XII-XIV) that the one top.o that appears to 
differentiate Tantras from other religious works is the constituent parts i ol iw 
ritual snch as the mantras, bljas, mudras. yantras, bhutasuddUi and thai 
,t is mainly by these items rather than by anything else that the fantriK 
character of a work is established Vide also ■ the Saktas • by E. A. PayW 
o 137 for a similar view Sir John Woodroffe, while reviewing Payne » 
work (.„ JRAS for 1935 at p. 387). himself agreed (hat what distingmsbcd 
the Sakta ritual is the mantra and sections and that part of ,t £* 
deals with the secret ritual, that, while there is ordinarily no M«* 
^enjoyment) where there to,*.. « th. Sakta doctrine a mar , » y £ « 
both yoga and M«* and that this is a distinct and I^» d «*-^*i 
of that doctrine Even the Buddhist Vajrayan, .Tantras ^purport to J« 
the attainment of bodhi (vide Guhyasamaja p. 154, ^"T^JsL , 3 
and H. p 42!) and ^^^ 1. 4 * 8 WW ****« *™ZW®™*1> 

Matters distinguishing Mantras from other works 1093 

bhavah') and on their peculiar ritual of mantaas, bljas 
(syllables meaningless to ordinary men), nyasas, mudras, 
cakras, yantras and similar things for attaining their goal 
The condemnation poured on Tantricism is principally due to 
their insistence on wine, meat and sexual unions as the best and 
the only means for the effective -worship of Devi, their theory 
that by merely repeating some mantra or mantras over wine, 
meat and other tattvas, by offering them to Devi and by medita- 
tion on her, one may drink wine or eat meat, when in the same 
breath they say emphatically that partaking of wine and meat is 
sinful without this ritual. This antagonizes those who are not 
kaulas and who hold that this persistent teaching is very 
dangerous for the common run of men and savours of hypocrisy. 

Some of the Tantras practically inculcated what appears to 
non-tantrikas unbridled licence. The Kaulavall-nirnaya (IV. 
15 ff) asserts: 'TheSaktas ha\e no higher means of happi- 
ness and liberation than the fifth tattva (i. e. maithuna); a 
ssdhaka becomes siddha only by the (practice) of the fifth 
tattva. If he resorts only to the first (i. e. wine ) he becomes 
only Bhairava, if only to the 2nd (meat) he becomeB Brahma, 
by the third (fish) he becomes a mahabhairava, by the 4th 
(mudra)he becomes foremost among sadhakaB. 1769 The same 
Tantra goes further and frankly says ' all women are fit for 
intercourse to a (Sakta) worshipper except the wives of his 
guru or of those Saktas who have attained to the status of Vira 
that for those who have reached the stage of adnata there is no 
prohibition nor is anything enjoined. To the pure everything 
is pure it is only the hankering that is blamable.' In this con- 
nection that work advances certain puerile and obscene argu- 
ments (m VIII. 223-225) about illicit or incestuous intercourse 
that cannot be set out here. That tantra does not stand alone 
m such statements. For example, the Kallvilasatantra (X 
<50-31) allows adulterous intercourse to a ■ Sakta ' devotee pro- 

221-22!^ f%L *^ST ^ "^ W* a^« *rat^n%^ vin. 
"*"*5 ^li^^l'Zl^lF^ ^' lb,d - xvn< x7 ° *fo« 

idSi History of jbharmaiSblra [Seo.'vT.Ch.XXVi 

Tided it is not carried to the last stage of emission and avers 
that, if he observes the condition in the proviso, he would 
become the master of supernatural powers in spite of adultery. 
It should be noted that the author of this work has unabashed 
hardihood to make Siva tell this to Parvatl. About wine that 
work remarks ' jtist as drinking of soma ,770 is prescribed for 
brahmanas is solemn Vedic sacrifices, similarly Wine should be 
drunk at proper times (or according to the practice of Kaulas), 
since it confers enjoyment as well as moksa ; drinking wine is 
blamable in the case of those who hanker after benefits or who 
are egoistic; but in the case of those that are free from egoism 
there is neither prohibition (of drinking) nor the enjoining of 
it. One who is free from the fetters of making distinctions 
Bhould practise drinking wine for the purpose of remembering 
the meaning of the mantras and for making his mind fixed (on 
worship ) but he who resorts to wine, and other tattvas merely 
for pleasure is sinful.' The teachings of works like the KaulS- 
vall-nirnaya about drinking wine and sexual intercourse with 
all sorts of women as the highest means of Sfakti worship by 
persons professing to bBadvaitmsled to great depravity and sexual 
immorality and orgies as indicated by the criticism in medi- 
eval works oited above (pp. 1073-76) that regarded Tantrte teach- 
ings as execrable, though some medieval Hindu works admitted 
into religious praotices nyasa, mudra, yantra and the like, which 
were deemed to be innocuous and which would be dssoribed in 
this work later on. The mere intention of doing good if certain 
conditions were fulfilled is not enough excuse, when it is most 
likely that the means proposed for attaining a high spiritual 
level and for liberation would have the opposite effect on most 
people. Taking all things into consideration, the present 
author is constrained to observe that medieval and recent 
writers who severely criticized Tantrik works were on the whole 
laTgely justified in their condemnation of Tantrik practices as 
enunciated in many Tantrik works and of the works themselves. 
For one man that attained super-normal powers, high spiritual 
level and great mystic experience there must have been tanto« 
of hypocrites, charlatans, and licentious men who deluded trustful 
and ignorant men and particularly women. ^___ 

VIII. 90-91. snjr&JKOTlS 3 WW ^*' fcPTRlftPra'*! "^ 

^*i fnta vi tparonr wonfh% w <ira^ n .b.d. vni. 7*. 

Puranas and T&ntrika practices 1095 

Only a few Puranas like the Davlpurana, the KslikS, the 

Devtaahatmya in the Markandeya provide for the employment 

of some of the condemned makaras (madya, mamsa, matsya) in 

the worship of the Great Goddess. From about the 6th or 7th 

century A D. Furanas began to incorporate the special ceremonial 

characteristics of the Sakfcas and Tanteikas. Apararka quotes 

a passage 1771 from the Devlpurana wherein the qualifications of 

a St kapatcai one who performs Devapratistha) are set ont, viz. 

he would be the best Sthapaka for establishing images of Devi 

and the Mates, who knows the vama (left or opposite) and the 

daks.m (right) path of worship, who has thoroughly mastered 

the veda relating to the Mates (the Mother Goddesses), who is 

clever in the interpretation of ParicaTatra works and is proficient 

in the Tantras of the Mates &o. The Kalika-purana devotes 

many chapters (54 ff) to the description of mantras, kavacas, 

mudrSs, nyasas &c The Bhagavatapurana also and Agni vni 

372 34 expressly say that the worship of gods and of Visnu also 

is either laidikt, tantnki or mtsra, the first and third being for 

the three higher varnas and the tanfaikl for sudras. The 

Bhagavatapurana refers to the worship of Kesava laid down in 

the Tantras for him who desires to cast out the knot ( bondage 

or grief) of the heart. It (Bhagavata) also mentions 1773 Vaidikl 

and Tanteiki dlksa (in XL 11. 37) and refers to the Tantrik 

method of the angas, upangas, ayudhas and decorations in the 

worship of the Lord of Laksml. 1 ™ Some of the Puranas and 

medieval nibandhas, however, fully utilized what Tantras had 

to say about mantras, japa, nyasa, mandala, cakra, yantra and 

wgl <j3"fat HnraCgw! ) g <* i TTgn^i^^rat wtianr'foircjt i &.c amfe p. 16, 
who then quotes Matsya 265. 1-5 for the qualifications o£ sthapaka in which 
there is no reference to mn, ^a, or a?=r. This and the quotations from 
the Bhagavata indicate that the Matsya was composed some centuries 
before the %f (g^ror and Hni4ri!j,<.w 

^1772. ft?5rsrrt5^"i ftofi ft<ni?3 f^Mt sra: i ^nDrnfri^^nlT^mi sft- 

H! 5^^< 3% 372 34. 

177S ■• * afl^^wfa f^'fltSrl: nwwsl ftrSrSpr^ !# HH?t%* =* 

^ M. 3 47 and «9. Here (fetf™ refers to the ^^ prescrSoMn 
such m ^ worls as ^j^^., (V 93 _ 105) and ^ en Qver 

T^LT, l3hketh0 ^^r 5 r pp. 129-133 and ^^ also is mentI oned 
as & roeans ot protection against evil. 

1096 History of Dttarmaiaslra tSoc, VI,Ch.XXYl 

similar matters. This will be illustrated later by somo examploe. 
Even for suoh a simple and common topic as the 16 upaosras 
of worship, the Varsakriya-kaumudI (p. 156} and EkadasI-taMva 
(p. 59) quota the Prapanasara-tantra (VI. 41-42). 

The Pur-anas and somo smitis proscribe short mantras 
of five, six, eight, twolvo, thirteen and more syllables aa 
very effioaoious for seonring all objoots, A fow of thorn 
are set out in the noto 177S below. Modhfitithi or Manu says that 
the word mantra primarily moans a part of the Veda comprising 
Rgveda, Yajurveda and Sfimaveda, troatod as suoh by those who 
have studied the Veda, and that expressions like "Agnayo 
Bvaha"" 7 * employed in rites like Vaisvadeva are oallod mantras 
in a secondary sense by way of praise. The vedio oonooption 
was that a mantra has great potency and that it muBt bo oorroctly 
repeated to secure the desired result, that a mantra dofootivo na 
to aocent or as to a letter or wrongly applied did not convoy tho 
meaning intended and that becoming a thunderbolt in tho form of 
a word or.words it destroys vm tho yajamam. Vedio mantras mo 

1775. Vido mmiRd'fi r - w ff for ro ' croncCil t0 ranntras of Cms or more 
letters. A pancalrsara mantra is sms f§rar<T (in fj^g^u I. 85); tho same 
becomes a mantra of six letters when 'on' is prefixed. Other mantras ol 
six letters are : a?} smr fimi> (m av^T^RS^ VI. 213 ), aft *mr <qvx ( *° W 
on m vol r. p. 227), «lr<I»miRTSm (vide nolo 219 abovo) and two mow on 
p. 434 under ■ Snda)c*aramantrn ' , ' KhaknoUnyn nnmnh • is a «»#*»» 
mantra of Adityn quoted from »lf3<nT3*mr >n §miSj tm II. p. 521 ) »»<"» 
Kalpatnru on vrata p 9 and 199 (in tho latter it is called status _« nucr 
Nimbasaptami, the description of which is taken from Bbavl sya, »»«^ 
parva.chap 215 and 21C). mantras of eight letters are. 3 «' I '« sn ^™I 
(m *TOJ!r*wr. lfi. 38-39. w^or 60 24, qxm3. 120, 7), « »ft JIB*!" 

Ctffre: I. P. 182 as tpwg): a mantra of hvclve >««™ ta "'jf.?™ 
ri^Tw.vSte 219 above), mantras of 10 letters are ^tewrowj 
tntf m* <» *ros. «. 59. 44 ) and tf nrR wnf* **«ft tf «^m *» 
■strop ix. 99 >. 

,««^<^.^u^on^in mCinDrJlm-scdition) 

1777 V,de n oi Db. vol. K. P. 347 and note 8 .0, where «*»«»£ 
*. Stva.-d.rE ,, ouotedand the story of the result oi wron* J-J-* 
ot the word •indrawn.!, 1 is bncliy set out from T»l. S. K.I. I* 
Sat, Br I. 0. 3. 8-10- 

Classification of Vedic mantoas 1097 

of four classes viz, rk ( which is metrical), yajus ( which has no 
restriction as to metre but which must he a sentence ), a sSman 
(which is sung) and mgada (ie. piaisa, meaning words that 
are addressed by one person to another calling upon the latter to 
do a certain act, e. g. the words ' srucah sammrddhi, proksanlr- 
asadaya'. Nigadas aie yajus in form but are distinguished 
from yajus by the fact that the former are loudly uttered, while 
a yajus is ordinarily recited in a low voice. 1778 The most sacred 
mantra is the Gayatri ( Sg. HE. 62. 10 'tat-savitur' &c). The 
Atharvaveda ( XIX. 71. 1 ) calls it Vedamata ( the mother of 
the Veda ). The Brahadaranyakopanisad ( V. 14 ) contains a 
grand eulogy of the Gayatri. 1779 Om. is a very sacred syllable, a 
symbol of h ah ma and may be called in the language of the 
Tantras a bija. There aT6 only a few syllables such as om, phat, 
vasat in the Vedic literature that on the face of them have 
no meaning but are like bija mantras in the Tantra sense. 
There is a Byamghanlu ( a dictionary of blja mantras) printed 
in 'Tantrik texts' Vol. I. pp. 38-29 (where monosyllabic bljas 
rach as Hrlm, grim, Krlm, Hum, phat, are set out and described 
in symbolic words indicated in note 1708 above. It is stated 
about a dozen times in the Aitareya Brahmana viz. it is the 
perfection of sacrifice when it is rupasamrddha ( perfect as to its 
form)i. e. when the rk verse pointedly refers to the sacrificial 
act that is being performed." 6 * The Nirukta (I. 15-16) starts 
a lengthy discussion on Kautsa's view that mantras have no 
sense (or are purposeless) There is a long discussion in the 
Purvamtoamsasutra (1.2. 31 ff) on the rame lines as in the 
JNirukta. Jaimini states that there is no difference in the 
meanings of words employed in the Veda and those employed 
by people and Sahara adds in bis bhasya (on P. M.S. I. 2 32) 

conl^l 133 ^ M -f 6 ? iQ SaCrffices only fOT the Purpose of 
conY^r^or_manif es ting the meaning.*™ It is difficul) . fe 

-r- sr^Tsj-^r- ana pp - 3oi - 3 ° 2 1 *• 

«ords of the A «. Br. ■ yat Larma Wjwataw rgabhivadatl . 
( Cijnhmtcd on next £nge ) 

13. B. 13S 

1098 a'scoj u of Dliarmaiaslra \ Sec. VI, Oh. XXVI 

define what a vodio mantra is and it is generally understood, as 
said by Sahara, that passages or verses are mantras that are 
reoognised as such by the learned "« The whole Veda is divided 
into five categories viz. Vidhi (hortatory passages as in 'Agni. 
hotram juhuyaV), mantias, namadlieya (names suoh as Udbhid 
in 'Udbhida yajeta* or 'Visvarft' as in 'Visvajita yajeta'), 
ntsedlta (prohibition as in 'nanrtam vadet') and atthavada 
(explanatory or laudatory passages as in ' Vayu is a deity that 
is swiftest'). The Nirukta (L 30 ) embodies the ancient view 
that the sages had an intuitive perception of Dharina and they 
transmitted the mantras by oral instruction to those that oame 
after them and that had no intuitive perception of Dharma. 
The mantras and stofras were supposed even in the Bg. to induce 
the gods to come to the sacrifices and to bestow on those who 
recited them protection, valiant sons, cattle, wealth, victory and 
all sorts of things (e.g. vide Jig. 1.102. 1-5,11. 24.15-16,11. 
25. 2, III 31. 14, IX. 20. 7, IX. 72. 9, X. 78. 8, X. 105. 1 ). It has 
been shown above p. 920 ( in notes 4167-4168 ) how the Puranas 
prescribed their own mantras for many religious acts but those 
mantras also are significant and